Tag: regionalism

  • Lagos wrong on regionalism

    Lagos wrong on regionalism

    Whether by reading its lips or by observing its body language, we now understand that Lagos State has become indifferent, if not entirely opposed, to the idea of recreating the Western Region as a political and economic zone. However, few knew how virulent the state’s opposition to regionalism was until last week when it publicised its position on the matter at the ongoing national conference. Ondo State is also quite contemptuous of regionalism which, in one of its obfuscatory masterpieces, the Olusegun Mimiko government described as either unessential or at any rate not the exclusive preserve of All Progressives Congress (APC) states. But where Ondo was evasive and tentative, Lagos was trenchant, adamant and conclusive. Since the idea of regionalism took root a few years ago, both Lagos and Ondo have pussyfooted dexterously. In fact both states have remained unfazed by the inspiration the Southwest’s embrace of regionalism has given to other regions, particularly the South-South.

    The Lagos position is mercilessly frank on regionalism. Hear the state: “We do not support, nor do we think it feasible, to return to creation of regions as governing sub-national units in Nigeria. We also do not recommend the creation of new states at this time or in the foreseeable future; viability and cost are two of the immediate reasons that militate against the creation of states. There are said to be six geopolitical zones in the country: this nomenclature is unknown to the Constitution and yet it continues to feature in national discourse. We do not recommend that the said zones as a feasible structure for government for Nigeria. It is folly to believe that the coincidence of geography dictates anything but convenience; we recommend that Nigeria should adhere to constitutional federalism which to date only prescribes states, and desist from the use of zones for planning or execution of constitutional authority.”

    Declaring that its opposition to regionalism goes beyond merely refusing to support it to doubting its feasibility, Lagos suggests that the creation of states during the Yakubu Gowon years ended the era of regionalism. It does not say why it thinks that that era could not be recreated or why the post-states creation era is cast in granite. Perhaps it believes that the issue of viability and cost that militate against the creation of more states also affect the recreation of regions. Viability is of course no deterrent to regionalism, for in fact all the defunct regions were viable. And if cost, what says that the regions must retain the present states structure within their boundaries? Lagos, it must be admitted, did not directly tie its opposition to regionalism to cost and viability; nor could it, for it can indeed be argued persuasively that regionalism may even lower the cost of running not only the regions but the country itself.

    It is shocking that Lagos describes anyone who thinks that “the coincidence of geography dictates anything but convenience” as foolish. The state has exercised its right to oppose regionalism, and cannot be described as foolish in doing so. Why must the state describe those who support the idea, who see substantially and creatively beyond geographical coincidence, as foolish? I am persuaded that those who think regionalism holds a lot of promise have given the idea much thought. Even if they were misguided – and I don’t think they are – they are certainly not foolish.  On the contrary, it is actually Lagos that has shown a surprising inability to understand the advantages of regionalism. The state has never been enthusiastic about regionalism, perhaps because it erroneously thinks the idea imposes certain obligations on the coastal state, compelling it, like Germany to the European Union, to bear a disproportionate burden for the region’s sustenance. Instead, it appears to prefer isolationism for reasons other than cost and viability, and meanwhile has only reluctantly participated in regionalist activities. Lagos, I believe, is short-sighted.

    I suspect that under Mr Fashola Lagos has begun to see and cultivate a distinct identity for itself different from the rest of the Yoruba people of the Southwest. The well-travelled governor probably envisions Lagos as a megacity, massive, multicultural and great by dint of its own attributes. He envisions a state that stands on its own, holds its own, and is not encumbered by others or beholden to others. If the governor and the elite of the state who carved the state’s opposition to regionalism had expanded their vistas a little beyond the unpopular revisionist view of Lagos held by some non-Lagosians, they will recall the unsuccessful battles leading Southwest elites fought before and during the First Republic to incorporate Lagos into the Western Region. While those elites acknowledged the avant-gardism of the city and its role as a cultural melting pot of limitless possibilities, they also saw it as an effervescent conglomeration of the Western Region’s politico-cultural liberalism. To them, Lagos was not just a secular city growing phenomenally, as the current Lagos government appears to think, it was a philosophical representation and manifestation of the civilizing attributes of the days of empire.

    While Ondo is a normless aberration in regionalist terms, Lagos, the navel of the Southwest, now seems to think its shared history with the region/zone is less important than its future goal as an individualistic and multicultural megacity. This is a misreading of what the state represents. Much of the present Lagos State was of course a part of the Western Region. Its nascent individualism, or if you like, aspiring multiculturalism, is not, therefore, mutually exclusive of its regionalist credentials. Given the fragmented nature of African politics, not to say the evolution or unraveling of Nigeria, Lagos needs the cultural and political sinews of the Southwest both to survive and to thrive in a harsh and unjust country. It is inconceivable that Kaduna and Kano, for instance, would opt out of regional arrangements in the north should the need arise; or Maiduguri deny its historicity as a northeastern avatar; or Enugu and Port Harcourt deny themselves as southeastern and South-South entities respectively. Lagos was once federal capital, and it seeks a special status. Does its place as a regional city make it ineligible for that special consideration?

    Cities and states need thinkers and statesmen in order to keep renewing themselves: the former to open up new theoretical vistas for their states, and the latter to forge the skills to trudge, navigate and give a practical feel to the new paths. Many Nigerian cities, apparently including Lagos, struggle to find men who can help them bridge the chasm between the past and the future, and in particular to help them formulate a great identity that incorporates the inspiring elements of the past and the ennobling virtues of the future. They have not always been successful.

    I do not know where Lagos got the idea that Nigeria has outgrown regionalism. This is not only a fallacy; it distorts history in ways that make the lessons of that troubling history intellectually inaccessible. Regionalism is of course not incompatible with federalism, seeing that it stands between confederation and unitary government. It doubtless suffered problems and experienced many setbacks in the past, but successive constitutional arrangements have suffered even worse setbacks. Lagos, like many others, inappropriately uses federalism in other parts of the world as a yardstick to condemn regionalism in Nigeria. But have they asked why the developmental synergies needed to grow the economy, create wealth and narrow the gap between the rich and the poor have proved difficult to forge in these parts? No one who has perused the regionalist programme of the Southwest states can fail to appreciate the tremendous social, economic and political lift it would bring to the zone. Why Lagos is unable to understand the great leap forward that regionalism could foster is hard to explain.

    It is impractical to expect that the many nations existing in Nigeria can be subjected to the kind of federalism practiced by, say, the United States, where an amalgam of people was grafted upon a new land, so to speak, or by Germany of essentially one nation whose homogeneity and enlightenment have made its federalism fairly easy to practice. Lagos is wrong to denounce regionalism, and wronger still to dissociate itself from the Southwest’s call for regionalism. The Lagos position is short-sighted and counterproductive, and it ignores the dangers of stripping itself naked and vulnerable in a country where social, political and economic fair play counts for nothing.

  • The harm in federal character, zoning and regionalism

    Section 14(3) of the 1999 Nigerian constitution says: “The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a  manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to  promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or in any of its agencies.”

    In full acknowledgement of the good intentions of the framers of the 1999 Constitution, as necessary to address the need for balancing the interests of the multiplicity of ethnicities in our country and the disparate levels of literacy and economic progression, I believe that with the increasing ethnic-based disturbances, continued balkanisation of the country by non-sustainable ethnicity-driven state creation, the acrimonious political discourse that is fuelled not by substance but ethnic or regional considerations, the citadel of incompetence and mediocrity that, for the most part, is the civil and public service today, given the related diminished standards, the time has come for re-consideration of the Federal Character requirements.

    The concept and practice of allocation of federal and state government positions, issues advocacy by zones or regions, political aspiration by zoning, undermine the principle of fair-play and unity that is, seemingly, the objectives of the requirement.  Specifically, mediocrity, continued ethnic rivalry and balkanisation, gerrymandering of political aspirations, regional factionalism, a system that seeks to put geo-political affiliation ahead of performance and qualifications, a polity that is perpetually heated up, are all products of the “fair-play” arrangements of the Federal Character, quota and zoning mechanisms.

    Federal Character requirements may superficially convey the impression that there is a balancing of geo-political representation at the federal Ievel and ethnic or tribal at the state level, but viewed unemotionally, it is a practice that is deleterious to a nation that seeks to be among the first twenty economically developed countries by the year 2020.  How does an allocation of federal government positions ensure that we have the best and the brightest in those positions?  What happens if a particular region lacks persons with the requisite skills, proficiency and expertise to fill its allocation?

    What about the subordinate personnel, from a different region, who has superior qualifications?  How does such allocation foster the competition amongst the regions and states that is necessary to boost literacy and economic levels which, ultimately, should result in the production of personnel who are able to compete with their peers on a national level, or on international level against those countries such as Belgium, that have to be pushed out of the top 20 economies by Nigeria’s economic ascendency.  Do we really want to continue to teach our children that you can study hard (or not) and then leave it to prayers, that when you seek to perform your civic duty, as a federal or state employee, that you have the luck of having geo-political zone balance in favour of your state of origin?

    If our mechanism for recruiting and promoting our current and future policy makers and implementers is already flawed, how can we expect the organs of government to function at a performance level that results in the delivery of the “benefits of democracy?”

    It is frightening when we realise that these individuals make and implement policies that impact all aspects of our daily lives. As Nigerians, we have never shied away from competition.  It is this need to be the best that we can be that is manifested by the professional, academic and entrepreneurial excellence of our citizens in more organised societies. It is also this pursuit of one-upmanship that also fuels the chaos that is our daily lives. Alas, this chaos cannot be constructively channeled, because we are depriving the brilliant performers of the opportunity to contribute to our nation’s socio-economic growth, thanks to Federal Character requirements.

    Contemporary times reflect a nation that has not learned from the horror of its 1966 civil war and is ever more divided along tribal, ethnic, regional and religious lines.  As a nation, we are seeing more events of loss of life caused by tribal or ethnic affiliation. We are subjected to daily bombardment by the news media of political events, activities and shenanigans with underpinnings of tribal, zonal and regional affiliations.  The run-up to the presidential election of 2010 was full of the strife associated with whether or not the presidential slot was zoned to the North and the reverberations of that period continues until now, with ramifications for the upcoming 2015 elections.  Similarly, the various state-level political party structures are caught up in fights as to where succession has been zoned to or the number of times a particular tribe has assumed an office. Has the relatively recent instance of the deportation of economically disadvantaged Anambra citizens from Lagos or the eviction of non-indigene civil service workers from some South Eastern states (supposedly based on the challenge of meeting the minimum wage increase) indicated that we are anywhere close to the promotion of national unity that is specified in Section 14(3) of the constitution?

    I am a firm believer that the tapestry of the Nigerian nation is stronger and prettier because of the diversity of our people. Together, we are better than we are apart.  However, we may never achieve the togetherness if we continue to institutionalize measures that divide us.

    The use of the Federal Character, zoning and quota mechanisms are artificial constructs that remove the fairness principle from how we live and work.  These are heinous mechanisms that put deserving people at a disadvantage to the detriment of our governance structure.  In our constant cry for visionary leaders, we must acknowledge that we will never find those stellar leaders if we continue to utilise a quota system that gives precedent to tribal, state or zonal affiliation, instead of personal attributes of excellence.

    It is my hope that in the forthcoming national discussions, that there is a robust and consequent review of the Federal Character or any such requirements that do not truly foster unity, fairness, meritocracy and nationalism. The iconic American civil rights leader, Dr. Martin Luther King said, in his “I have a Dream” speech (March on Washington, D.C., August 28, 1963), that he dreamt of a nation where his children “will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.”  Our aspiration as a nation should be similarly so, with judgment not on the basis of tribe, ethnicity, zone, but on character and the ability to contribute to nation building.

     

    • Azu Obiaya writes from Abuja

    onweazuka@gmail.com