Tag: Rule of law

  • ‘Democracy can’t thrive without rule of law’

    Democracy can only thrive when power is exercised within the law, a former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) General Secretary, Chief Emeka Obegolu, has said.

    He spoke at a lecture organised by the NBA, Eket branch, in honour of Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly Speaker Onofiok Luke.

    Obegolu said the rule of law was a hallmark of democracy, adding that there is a connection between democracy and good governance.

    The lecture’s theme was: Democracy in Nigeria 1999-2018: Lessons and challenges.

    Obegolu, represented by  the former Chairman, NBA Oji River branch, Mr. Nnamdi Innocent Ezeh, said democracy had become the most fashionable and enduring form of government in modern times.

    “Indeed, there is no other alternative to democracy. Democracy has thus become known to be the moral and legitimate way by which a society can be ruled.

    “In theory, there is an inextricable connection between democracy and good governance. This is so because democracy provides the template for a ‘free’ and egalitarian society built around strong institutions rather than men or group of men,” he said.

    Obegolu said the fight against corruption must also be in line with the rule of law.

    “Our politicians and society in general should work for and ensure the enthronement of obedience to the law, respect for the rule of law instead of respect for and fear of men.

    “Nigeria presently is chunning out more strong men and we are all fearing and obeying them and their dictates, instead of freely obeying the law and having respect for the rule of law.

    “Unless and until all the three arms of government are allowed to exercise their powers within their limits and those powers are duly respected by other arms, we are not there yet in the practice of democracy and its norms in Nigeria,” Obegolu said.

    The branch chairman, Udoh Imeh, said lawyers must contribute to the observance of the rule of law by those in power.

    “The Bar is the mouth piece of the people – on which ground we urge the Federal Government to make its presence felt in Eket, nay Akwa Ibom State.

    “We urge the Federal Road Safety Corp (FRSC) and National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) hierarchy to visit their offices in Eket and see the environment under which their officers operate. This is food for thought by all well-meaning Nigerians,” he said.

    He said the branch honoured the Speaker with a public lecture in recognition of his contributions to Akwa Ibom and the branch development.

    In a citation, the branch said Luke was born on March 16, 1978. A lawyer, her mother, Mrs Akpan Luke, is also a lawyer.

    In 2005, Onofiok obtained a bachelor’s degree in Law from the University of Uyo, and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 2010.

    He completed the mandatory National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) programme in 2008 when he served the country in Ebonyi State.

    An avid reader and lover of knowledge, the lawmaker later proceeded to the University of Calabar for a master’s degree in Telecommunications Law.

    He has also variously undertaken capacity development programmes at prestigious academic institutions within and outside the country.

    A former President of the Students Union Government of the University of Uyo, he is fondly remembered as the student leader who bore the voices of thousands of disadvantaged students.

    In 2009, Luke was nominated to the Nigeria Youth Parliament, where he was elected to serve for two years as the pioneer Speaker of the 109·member youth parliament.

    Luke was appointed Personal Assistant on Protocol Matters to Governor Godswill Akpabio in 2007. Upon his return from Law School in 2010, he practised briefly under  Francis Ekwere of Fortres and Shepherds.

    He had served as legislative aide to the late Ernest Enobong Ukochio, member, who represented Esit Eket/lbeno state constituency in the Akwa lbom State House of Assembly in 2003.

    Luke won the 2011 House of Assembly election to represent the people of Nsit Ubium constituency in the state House of Assembly.

    For three years, Luke served the state legislature as Chairman, House Committee on Appropriations and Finance and Deputy Chairman, Committee on Information.

    His innovative introduction of Participatory Budgeting while leading that committee remains one of the defining hallmarks of the fifth Akwa Ibom Assembly.

    Following his re-election in 2015, he was appointed Chairman, Ad hoc Committee on the Appraisal of Local Government, and later as Chairman House Committee on Education.

    Under his leadership as Speaker, the house gained renewed vibrancy in the areas of lawmaking, oversight, and representation. In one year under his watch, the House received and passed into law several life-touching bills.

    Luke is the first Speaker of the Akwa State House of Assembly to sponsor a private member bill. Five of his privately-sponsored bills have been passed into law since his first term.

    Some of them are the HIV/AIDS Control Agency Law, physically Challenged Persons Protection Law, Social Housing Sand Agency Law, Primary Healthcare Development Agency Law, and State Health Insurance Scheme Law.

    He is a member of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), National Vice-Chairman (South-South) of the Conference of  Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, 2010, Fellow of the Nigeria Leadership Initiative (NLI), and an Ambassador of the Olusegun Obasanjo Youth Development Initiative.

    He was conferred with a special 30th anniversary award by the Akwa Ibom State government for his role in youth development across Nigeria.

    In 2017, he was honoured by the Nigerian Medical Association for initiating healthcare delivery laws in the state.

    In February, he was honoured alongside prominent Nigerians as Nigeria’s Young Achiever of the Year by Asset Newspaper, Abuja.

    He has been guest lecturer, keynote speaker, a lead paper presenter and a panel discussant at various universities and reputable national and international fora where he has promoted ideas on youth and women development, human rights protection, good governance through fiscal responsibility, and democratisation of the legislative process. He is a devout Christian, God-fearing, and a compassionate leader.

    His marriage to Dr Uduak Luke is blessed with children.

  • ‘No rule of law without strong institutions’

    The government and its officials will not be accountable under the law if institutions are not strong, a lawyer and arbitrator, Bamidele Adeleye, has said.

    According to him, Nigeria lacks strong institutions, which he believed has hampered the strict observance of the rule of law.

    Adeleye, a member of the Chartered Institute of Trade Marks Agents in the United Kingdom (UK), the Intellectual Property Institute of Canada and American Bar Association said: “We are not there yet, but we will be there some day.”

    Adeleye, who is the Chief Executive Officer of Alexander Payne & Co, a publishing outfit, was of the view that there is an absence of rule of law in Nigeria.

    “We lack strong institutions. It is strong institutions that provide enabling environment for the rule of Law to flourish.

    “Where governments at various levels cherry-pick the judgments to obey and the ones to disobey, rule of law cannot flourish in such societies.

    “Our governments must obey judgments of courts regardless of whose ox is gored,” he said.

    Alexander Payne & Co, where Adeleye doubles as the Editor-in-Chief, publishes the Supreme Court Judgments on Lands (SCJL), Supreme Courts Judgments on Evidence (SCJE), Intellectual Property Law Reports (IPLR) and Nigerian Company Law Cases (NCLC).

    Adeleye said: “Alexander Payne’s law reports are unique and contain uncommon legal judgments of superior courts of records. They are specific and narrow down the researcher’s area of interest.

    “The SCJL and SCJE are exclusively on uncommon legal authorities of the Supreme Court judgments, while the NCLC and the IPLR are the first and only Nigerian law reports exclusively on Company Law and Intellectual Property.

    “The SCJE comprises seven volumes, from 1951 to 2011. The IPLR comprises six volumes, from 1917 to 2011. The SCJL comprises six volumes, from 1907 to 2013, while the NCLC comprises six volumes, from 1957 to 2016.”

    “The law reports also come with an audio format of about 56 hours recording affording lawyers the luxury of playing the CD either on their way to court or in the comfort of their homes or offices.

    “The law reports are useful to legal scholars and researches willing to expound and develop  their understanding and knowledge of the law. They are an easy reference and on-the-go law reports. The publications are simple, detailed and easy to understand,” he said.

  • Senate, IGP Idris and rule of law

    THE last two weeks have been galling for the National Assembly, Nigeria’s most critical symbol of democracy. Twice the Senate invited the Inspector General of Police, Ibrahim Idris, to answer questions on the ongoing killings in parts of the country and the Dino Melaye affair, particularly the apparent mistreatment of the Kogi West senator. But twice the IGP declined to honour the invitation, citing a number of extraneous excuses. Both the invitation and the shunning of the invitation have implications for Nigerian democracy.

    Mr Idris was first invited to interact with the Senate on April 26. Since he declined the invitation with a belated excuse issued verbally, the lawmakers rescheduled the invitation for May 2. Hoping perhaps to deflect the consequences of shunning the invitation, and expecting that he could whip up public sentiment in his favour and against a parliament to which many Nigerians had either become indifferent or revolted, the IGP caused to be issued on April 30 a public effrontery setting out why he ignored the lawmakers. The statement itself was a study in public affront.

    After setting out why he thought he acted within his powers to delegate his second-in-command to attend to the Senate’s queries, Mr Idris, through the Force public relations officer, Jimoh Moshood, threw down the gauntlet: “The Nigeria Police Force is a law abiding organization and holds the Senate and its leadership in high esteem. However the Force wishes to impress on the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria not to personalise or trivialise the criminal offenses (Criminal Conspiracy and Unlawful Possession of Prohibited Firearms and other sundry offenses) indicting Sen. Dino Melaye from confessions of two (2) suspected kidnappers and Armed Robbers namely: Kabiru Saidu a.k.a Osama and Nuhu Salisu a.k.a Small in Lokoja on the 19th of March, 2018. Considering all the above, the Senate should allow the rule of law and justice to prevail in this matter.”

    It is not clear how the IGP thought the police were a law-abiding organisation, having just declined the parliament’s invitation, not once but twice. Nor, going by his extremely intemperate observation about police duties and organisational structure, is it any clearer whether policemen as law enforcement agents actually understand the law. Worse, by impudently impressing it on the Senate not to “personalise or trivialise” the Sen Melaye affair, it seemed abundantly clear just what the police thought of the highest lawmaking body in Nigeria. It is doubtful indeed whether in penning their saucy rebuke of the Senate the police have either a deep or at least commonsensical understanding of the role of a parliament in a democracy.

    Like many Nigerians, the police have chosen unwisely and ignorantly to view the Senate as an institution to be coterminous with its generally unflattering reputation. Widely viewed as rapacious — a point ‘impressed’ on Nigerians by both ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo and former Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor, and now Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi — self-centred, combative and insolent, the Senate is believed by many Nigerians to be incapable of putting even one foot right. In addition, given the controversial manner in which the principal officers of the 8th Senate took office, many Nigerians generalise the Senate to be lacking in legitimacy. And finally, considering the unearthly earnings the senators have managed to appropriate for themselves in the midst of widespread poverty and infrastructural collapse, quite a significant number of Nigerians, it seems, will be happy to see the parliament sacked or defanged.

    Though they are capable of far worse behaviour, not to say abominable dereliction of duty, the police may themselves be cashing in on this public disenchantment with the parliament to justify their rudeness to the lawmaking body. But if anybody or organisation should disrespect the parliament, the police, by nature and duty, should be the last to engage in such abhorrence. What the attitude of the IGP and the imperious statement he issued have shown is that Nigeria is witnessing deep fissures in the body politic. Mr Idris could not have behaved so atrociously or author that very disrespectful April 30 statement without some support from higher quarters. It is possible the trip with the president to Bauchi had been planned before the Senate invitation reached him. But if he had respect for the parliament, he would have mentioned the summons to the president. And if the president knew the value of the parliament and rightly esteemed and situated the institution within the context of democracy and national stability, he would have ordered the IGP to honour the invitation. It is inconceivable that the IGP kept silent about the invitation, and that the president was himself unaware of the widely reported invitation to an officer who had once been egregiously insubordinate to him.

    But not only were there no indications that both the president and the IGP handled the matter deftly, there was no mention by the police boss that he showed any consideration whatsoever in the discharge of his duties or his attitude to the parliament. In any case, when the Senate sensibly extended the invitation by another one week, perhaps to give the IGP enough rope to hang himself, Mr Idris took off to Kaduna State to attend, as he suggested implausibly, to the worsening security situation in Birnin Gwari. It was clear he had no intention of honouring the Senate invitation, or at least not as soon as he received it. There is also no doubt that Mr Idris has very little understanding of the place of a parliament in a democracy, especially in Nigeria’s tottering democracy to which the Senate, despite its obvious and galling weaknesses, has been more responsive than the police has shown depth, imagination and ethicalness in law enforcement.

    Even if their invitation to Mr Idris was ‘personal’ and ‘trivial’, the Senate still reserves the right to ask to meet with the police over the evident mistreatment, if not persecution, the supposedly loathsome Sen Melaye had received at the hands of the police. It may not occur to the police and to those who still find it difficult to divorce the person from the issue, but the unprofessional manner the IGP has handled the Melaye affair, especially the widely held suspicion that the police were acting at the behest of the Kogi State governor with whom the senator was locked in political battle, required the attention of fellow lawmakers. Sen Melaye is still a senator, and the mistreatment and indignity he has suffered rub off on the image of the Senate. There was nothing in what the police presented to the public to suggest that adequate investigations had been done in the mater to warrant the brutal but figurative execution of the image and person of the senator. The Senate rightly showed concern, regardless of Sen Melaye’s foibles.

    More worryingly, it is strange that it has not occurred to those who defend the atrocious police approach to the affair that if a senator could be so manhandled on the basis of a shoddy and flimsy investigation, the rest of the country would be fair game for a law enforcement body more notorious for damning and implicating the innocent than exposing the guilty. The police handling of the Melaye affair, like the many negative portraitures of Nigerians by Nigerian leaders during their foreign trips, has done a lot of damage to the image of the country. If Nigerians lack the decency and common sense to treat one another fairly and decorously, they are merely exhibiting to the world just how poorly they esteem the human person.

    The IGP may lack the depth of understanding to handle the Senate invitation and the Melaye affair with the circumspection expected of his office, but the problem is even much worse than seems apparent. The executive, which should deter public appointees from insulting and affronting the parliament, has been unenthusiastic in playing the role of the best and most powerful defender of democracy. The reason is not far-fetched. The presidency and their supporters view the parliament with suspicion and fear bordering on disgust and disdain. Since the Senate has informally turned itself into probably the most potent opposition to the Buhari presidency, the government may be disinclined from taking any step to strengthen the parliament. This is short-sightedness at its worst. Past presidents took similar steps either to compromise the parliament or weaken it. Now, they probably regret their roles in fostering the parliament’s own failings, and exacerbating the existential crisis Nigerian democracy appears to be facing today.

    The Excess Crude Account (ECA) controversy in which about $500m was withdrawn without appropriation in February, a disturbing fact that came to public knowledge only last month, indicates just how gingerly democracy is perched on the edge of disaster or authoritarianism. But much more critically, it also indicates how superficially the executive branch appreciates the role of a parliament in a democracy, and how the parliament’s balancing role, even if led and inspired by intraparty and interparty opposition, is apt to be interpreted as disrespectful of the presidency or subversive of its agenda. Senate president Bukola Saraki, apart from the suspicion about where his loyalties lie, is considered as the personification of that hurtful opposition. But by being incapable of differentiating between the person and even image of Sen Saraki on the one hand, and the sanctity and independence of the parliament on the other hand, when in fact the parliament, more than the executive, is the truest representative of Nigerian democracy, the presidency creates the worrisome impression that at bottom it could not care less what happens to democracy. This summation is incontrovertible, for the Nigerian presidency under Muhammadu Buhari, has more or less given the impression it prefers to operate as a monarchy.

    By dealing with Sen Melaye as brutally as they have done, and by refusing to honour the Senate’s invitation, the police have disrespected the parliament and sneered at democracy. They may not like Senators Saraki and Melaye, and a vast majority of Nigerians may find the parliament greedy and grabbing, but they will be foolish to do the nauseous bidding of an executive branch that shows a proclivity for authoritarianism and finds merit in denuding the parliament of its power to check a government that alarmingly still justifies its unlawful ECA spending. It is in moments like these that the judicious wish Nigeria was running a parliamentary government, where a prime minister should think on his feet or be compelled to blanch at his own witlessness after making inane arguments.

    The Senate may already be feeling the pressures from the presidency and the colluding security agencies. Senators may even be groaning under their own failings and shortcomings. But they must not be discouraged from pressing on to the logical conclusion in tackling what is clearly budding fascism as exampled by the police. If the IGP could tell the Senate off with such brazen effrontery, asking them to eschew personal interest and triviality in the discharge of their duties, and if the police could lend themselves to the malevolent designs of a state government, there is no telling what they will do on some inauspicious tomorrow to a commoner. Now is the time to put a stop to the malady, for whether critics of the parliament like or not, democracy is clearly endangered.

  • INEC, Gov Bello and rule of law

    INEC, Gov Bello and rule of law

    LAST Friday, the cantankerous and inconspicuous Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello celebrated the transfer of his voter card from Abuja, the Federal Capital City, to Okene, his hometown in Kogi State. It had seemed impossible. He could neither be voted for nor voted for anyone during the state’s governorship poll late 2015. But by an abracadabra inspired and executed by a group of political and legal conspirators, Mr Bello, who was registered to vote only in Abuja, was elevated crudely and insanely into the office of governor of the state without a deputy. The issue of that bizarre transmutation came up before three courts — from the election tribunal to the Court of Appeal and eventually the Supreme Court. In a move that defied logic, morality and common sense, the courts paid no attention to the clear treason involved in the conspirators’ subversion of the constitution.

    To reset and right his electoral standing, Mr Bello childishly orchestrated a second voter card registration at the Government House in Lokoja last year, a move that was publicly celebrated by his aides. Responding to the affront, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) waded in, queried its staff who deployed in Government House to register the governor where no registration centre was approved, punished the offending staff who masterminded the charade by dismissing them, and announced to the public that but for the immunity enjoyed by the governor, he would have been dragged before a competent court to answer for his criminal breach of the Electoral Act. The governor swore he committed no offence, but no one believed him.

    But rather than wait for him to prove his innocence before the courts after his tenure in 2020, the electoral commission apparently restarted Mr Bello’s voter card transfer process, ignored his double registration offence, and last Friday issued him a temporary voter card to indicate that the card transfer process was completed. In addition to Mr Bello himself, INEC also has a case to answer. It must be established why the electoral commission would stand the law on its head and shamefully subvert the rule of law and their own integrity and independence. Were they pressured from higher quarters? What becomes of their registration staff who were dismissed? Does Nigeria have two sets of law, one for the poor and disadvantaged, and another for the rich and connected? INEC and Mr Bello’s godfathers can bet their last kobo that the last has not been heard of this shameful and provocative subversion of electoral law and the constitution.

     

  • Udom urges lawyers to defend rule of law

    Akwa Ibom State Governor Emmanuel Udom has urged lawyers to defend the rule of law.

    He spoke while opening the quarterly National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), which ended in Uyo, the state capital, at the weekend.

    He described the NBA as a critical institution, adding that lawyers had a key role to play in the society.

    “If not for lawyers, only God knows what those political hawks would have done to us. The NBA is the foremost organisation in defense of the rule of law in Nigeria today. Therefore, lawyers should rise up and defend the rule of law,” he said.

    According to Governor Udom, a situation where the Independent National Electoral Commission  (INEC)  declared someone  a winner in an election, only for a report from  a Divisional Police Officer (DPO)  to be the basis for annulling the election, was highly regrettable.

    Without the rule of law, he said, democracy would be dead in Nigeria, urging the NBA to strike out from the roll of lawyers names of those who left the profession immediately after their call to the Bar for other things apart from law practice.

    This, according to him, will discourage lawyers from leaving the profession for other vocational callings, such as full time politics.

    He also spoke on the nation’s restructuring, saying: “How do we expect democracy to stand without respect for our laws and a strong Federal structure? The NBA needs to get involved to raise national awareness on some of these things,” he said.

    Udom condemned the idea of laying pipes with billions of Naira to take crude oil to refineries while they can be conveniently built at the states where oil is drilled at minimal cost.

    He urged lawyers to ensure compliance with the local content provision in the laws to enhance human capital and economic development.

    The NBA President Abubakar Mahmoud (SAN) praised the state for promoting smooth operations of criminal justice administration and making justice dispensation easy.

    Mahmoud said his leadership has succeeded in elevating the NBA as a credible partner for national development, adding that the NBA had demonstrated keen interest in national affairs and supported the yearnings and aspirations of Nigerians.

    The NBA president said the association had, in the last few months, pursued the profession’s reform and tried to enhance the association’s governance framework.

    Akwa Ibom State Commissioner for Justice and Attorney-General,  Mr.  Uwemedimo Nwoko, called for increased attention to the plight of young lawyers.

    He expressed the hope that the Legal Profession Regulation Bill will propose a remuneration and welfare committee to stipulate a minimum wage for young lawyers in private law firms.

    “Every year nearly 5,000 lawyers enrol at the Supreme Court as Barristers and Solicitors. Straight they plunge into a most challenging professional practice without experience. More often than not, they are forced to confront realities that threaten their public and personal sense of nobility.

    “This must be seen for the danger it represents to the profession and collectively addressed as such,” Nwoko said.

    The NBA NEC reinstated the leadership of the Section on Legal Practice, which has Mrs. Mia Essien (SAN) as the chairman based on the recommendation of the Yusuf Ali led Committee.

    It also agreed to organise the Chief Gani Fawehinmi Human rights award this year together with a lecture on the World Human Rights Day on December 10.

    The NEC also agreed to resuscitate the NBA Human Rights Committee and get them with all the sections of the association involved in all the activities of the Bar so that they will be carried along in the affairs of the association.

    Mahmoud warned all those who want to succeed him to desist from campaigning outside the stipulated period, urging them to wait until the ban on campaigns is lifted. He said he was not interested in who wins the election, but in the continuity of his programmes.

    The NBA General Secretary Aare Isiaka Abiola Olagunju thanked the Governor and his Executive Council for hosting the NEC.

    He assured them that the NBA would not relent in efforts to defend the rights of every Nigerian and promote the rule of law.

    Governor Udom hosted the NEC members to a banquet at the Akwa Ibom Government House where guests were entertained.

    At the meeting were various Bar leaders, including former NBA President Onueze Okocha (SAN); former General Secretaries Mr. Lawal Raban (SAN); Ibrahim Eddy Mark, Mazi Afam Osigwe; the leader of Jos Bar, Mr. G. Offodile Okafor (SAN); Chief Arthur Obi-Okafor ( SAN); Prof. Ernest Ojukwu (SAN); Paul Usoro (SAN), Mr. Akaraiwe Ikeazor, among others.

     

  • Buhari, judiciary, intimidation and rule of law

    Buhari, judiciary, intimidation and rule of law

    IN his address to the All Nigeria Judges’ Conference last week in Abuja, President Muhammadu Buhari reflected on a number of issues, among which was the raid on some judges’ residences last year. He went on to anchor his reflections on the topic of judicial intimidation and rule of law. Arguing his case before the eminent judges, the president suggested that it would be wrong to think the raid indicated executive intimidation of the judiciary and a repudiation of the hallowed concept of the rule of law. It is not clear whether the president thought he made a good case, or whether he was able to prove his government’s altruism in raiding the residences of some judges. But at least, he made a case, even if it was tenuous and a little disagreeable.

    In his words: “Without the rule of law the government will degenerate into dictatorship or anarchy. The theme you have chosen this year keys in with our administration’s resolve to strengthen the three arms of government to effectively fulfil their constitutional obligations…My lords, earlier this year the judiciary came under investigation. Let me again assure the judicial community, this action taken by the executive was in no way a prelude to usurping the powers of the National Judicial Council (NJC) or aimed at intimidating the judiciary. Executive and legislative officials were also investigated. I am aware that the majority of judicial officers are learned and incorruptible and day-in-day-out acting in the best spirit of their oath of office.”

    The president doubtless sounded remorseful. But whether that apparent remorse was a reiteration of the ongoing rapprochement with various persons, interests and organs, or whether it was not quite as heartfelt as it appeared, is not yet known. The president is, however, dead set on pacifying many aggrieved persons and groups in the country, probably for the main aim of securing a second term in office. There is no other way to assess his curious outreach to aggrieved groups and persons after first insisting, for about two years, that he was right on virtually all issues, regardless of their controversiality and even illogicality, and everyone else was wrong. But if his statements truly reflect his new mindset, even if they do not justify his old mindset, then perhaps the country should be hopeful that after a tortuous journey of self-discovery engineered by its hesitant and sometimes uncritical president, the country might be set to embark on a more enthralling and lasting democratic journey.

    President Buhari must forgive his critics for doubting his bona fides. He had hardly assumed office in 2015 when he made the injurious statement that his main headache was the judiciary, suggesting that he came into office with a prejudiced mind against the third arm of government. Since then, it has taken a herculean battle to compel the president to be nuanced about how he dealt with judicial matters. Reluctant but still unfazed, it has also taken the president almost three years in office to embrace the constant amelioration a president would need to show in order to survive the cut and thrust of office, not to say find the deep ideological positions indispensable to societal transformation and renewal.

    But the president also made very interesting statements about the rule of law. The country should be grateful that he did, for it is necessary to hold him up to his words. He had said that without the rule of law, the country would ‘degenerate’ into ‘dictatorship or anarchy’. He is absolutely right. But it is hard to tell whether he believed his own statements. The peril of reading speeches written by others is that statements such as this, which is a veritable self-indictment, slip through the cracks and find their way into the public domain. President Buhari speaks of the rule of law when all it takes to controvert his assertion is to point him in the direction of two of the leading cases being prosecuted by his government, cases he apparently feels very emotional about. The Sambo Dasuki and Ibraheem el-Zakzaky cases stand as ringing rebuttal of the president’s fawning statements on the rule of law. It would be strange if the president does not see and feel the contradiction.

    If the president discussed and examined all the perspectives in his speech before the judges’ conference, nothing in all he said suggested that the process was carefully done. It was probably perfunctory, or at worst an insidious appeal to votes. Even if he gets the votes, assuming that was his goal, the president should be worried about what legacy of ideas and structures he would bequeath the country when he leaves office. He has a duty to dig far deeper than he has done, perhaps with the help of self-confident aides who have overcome the fear of standing before him and nullifying his dramas and jaded ideas.

  • Buhari’s implausible defence of rule of law

    Buhari’s implausible defence of rule of law

    On the same Tuesday the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami, was filing charges against a senator who accused the Inspector General of Police (IGP) of corruption, President Muhammadu Buhari was at a forum in Abuja also propounding interesting theories about the recession that convulsed the country for more than a year, a recession the authorities claimed the country was just overcoming. According to the president who spoke at the opening of the 22nd annual conference of the Association of National Accountants of Nigeria (ANAN), “…If our numerous resources were appropriately managed, corruption duly checked, patriotism deeply imbibed in everything we do, the spirit of rule of law was observed, and the citizen’s political freedom was ensured, Nigeria could not have been in recession.” Simply, incredibly great.

    The president was represented by the Accountant General of the Federation, Idris Ahmed. Had the president read the speech himself before the accountants, incredulous reporters would have watched his stresses and facial expression as he pronounces those uplifting phrases. It was natural of him to speak of appropriate application of resources, checking of corruption, and imbibing patriotism. But then he began to delve into strange territories, speaking of concepts and terms he hardly ever emphasised in all his past speeches: of observing the spirit of the rule of law, not just the letter, it seemed, and of, remarkably, ensuring the citizen’s political freedom. It is doubtful whether the president saw the speech before it was read on his behalf. Very doubtful.

    Had he seen the speech and read it, he would have winced that he is being credited with worrying himself over the rule of law, particularly of the spirit of it which is more delicate and more nuanced than the letter. He would have been aghast that he is being credited with professing concerns about the people’s political freedoms. His antecedents, particularly his silences on the controversial concepts, show that he sees both concepts as inconveniences in the battle against corruption, in fact, as obstacles to what he has described as an existential war of survival. As many of his aides have repeatedly said when asked why the president was indifferent to the niceties of the rule of law, “where was the rule of law when the corrupt were indulging their corruption?”

    It is safe to imagine that the president neither saw the speech attributed to him nor read it. But if he saw it and in the unlikely event that he read it, he was probably distracted. Of all the weaknesses the president is accused of, observing the rule of law and protecting the people’s constitutional freedoms are not among them. He is unlikely to enunciate these two concepts anytime soon, or perhaps for the duration of his tenure. He sneers at them, refuses to understand them, and will not be incommoded by them in his messianic, ‘salutary’ fights to sanitise the country. He should, however, pay attention to speeches read on his behalf in order not to be accused of mouthing words and ideas that contradict his person and belief.

  • Kashamu to Makarfi: adhere to the rule of law

    The senator representing Ogun East Senatorial District, Buruji Kashamu, has advised the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Caretaker Chairman, Ahmed Makarfi, to adhere to teh rule of law.

    Kashamu, in a letter to Makarfi yesterday, said it was wrong to hold the convention “despite the avalanche of disobedience of court orders during your planning of the last convention with the attending vicissitudes such illegal actions have created”.

    The senator said: “Could it be that, unknown to me, the PDP National caretaker committee has assumed appellate jurisdiction over Nigerian high courts? In fact, I wish to also think that you’re not deliberating working with your caretaker members to destroy the PDP in the Southwest and particularly Ogun State. Otherwise, one is left to wonder why ordinarily easy and righteous reconcillatory steps are difficult for you to take. Rather, you increasingly complicated the matters for no logical reasons other than extreme self interests and parochial repayments for support of your stand, or lack of same; during your National leadership tussle with Sheriff. Even if you’re to be egocentric, though that’s unfortunate; must it be this total as to disregard and seek to deliberately circumvent the rule of law and possibly destroy the party in the whole of the Southwest zone?”

    Kashamu went on: “ Mr Chairman of PDP National caretaker committee; I’m not against you!!! It’s your leadership which is suffocating the truth and legitimate rights of teeming party men in the SW and particularly Ogun state that makes me often to be advising you. These actions of yours could lead to chaos and breakdown of law and order in the SW if care is not taken and  luckily, by God’s providence, the injured parties chose to be law abiding by resorting to the courts instead of resorting to self help. Prior to the last convention, orders of court were served on you and the National caretaker committee to ensure that the authentic delegates from the Southwest as well as from Ogun State be allowed to participate. I appealed to you personally that you should obey the court orders to which you gave me your words to respect by being law abiding.

    “Also those interested in the enforcement of their rights via the court orders wrote you and further sent emissaries to you for adherence to law, but you chose to disobey these subsisting orders. Not satisfied with the avoidable contempt of court, your caretaker committee lied to the NEC and subsequently misdirected the said convention which was constituted in disenfranchised rights of authentic delegates into taking illegal decisions.”

  • Rule of law in policing

    Rule of law in policing

    The book Law on Prevention and Detection of Crimes by the Police in Nigeria is not a self-published one. The justification for the title of the book is the realisation that security is fundamental to the existence of Nigeria like any other country and security is intertwined with good governance and development. The author shares with Robert McNamara, a former United States of America Secretary of Defence, the idea that “The correlation, therefore, underscores the importance of security to a nation and the well-being of her people”.

    Although the book deals substantially with duties of the police to prevent and detect crime, its approach extends to analysis of other police functions that are ascribed to the force by section 4 of the Police Act. These are the apprehension of offenders, protection of life and property, preservation of law and  order, the  enforcement  of  laws  and  regulations with which they are duly  charged and the  performance  of  such  duties  within Nigeria as may be required of them or by the authority of the Act. The author observes that these latter functions overlap the preventive and detective functions of the force. He eminently shows throughout the book that the legislative framework and indeed the law on police crime prevention and detection is “not intended to be seen as creating strictures or constrictions in a compartmentalised manner, but includes enforcement of the criminal laws and the problems as well as the prospects that thereby emerge for purposes of assessing the future of policing in Nigeria”.

    The book contains thirty-two (32) preliminary pages and 304 pages of text including the appendices, bibliography and index. It is remarkable to observe that out of the 304 pages of text, there are 40 pages of very rich appendices and 15 pages of bibliography. A two-page preface giving a summary of the eight chapters in the book marks the beginning of the book.

    It is satisfying that in these days of increasing number of emergency authors of books, including law books, the author of this handy book is in all modesty very competent. The author’s balanced admixture personality of academic and practitioner of policing at a very high level gives utmost credibility to his competence to write the book under review.

    In the opening sentence of the preface, the author was quick at pointing out the necessity for the book when he stated as follows: “Enormous internal security problems currently beset Nigeria, and explanations are being sought for the role that the Nigeria Police Force plays in maintaining public safety, order and peace in the country”. Since law is the foundation of all changes in security matters, he reveals that his focus is the legal framework for the prevention and detection of crimes by the Nigeria Police Force in Nigeria. Accordingly, the objectives for writing the book are stated to include “identifying the constitutional role of the police, examining and evaluating the duties and powers of the police in crime prevention and detection in Nigeria”. At page 10 the author further seeks to undertake a critical evaluation of the legal framework for the prevention and detection of crimes by the Nigeria Police Force with a view to dissecting the extent to which extant legal framework that regulates policing impact on the competence of the Police Force to attain its mandate in relation to the perennial internal security challenges confronting the country.

    To achieve these set objectives, the author stated on the same page that doctrinaire research approach is adopted with the author bringing to use his enormously rich knowledge and experience in police studies and law. He seeks to test how applicable to Nigeria Packer’s twin theory of crime control and due process values in criminal justice. According to Packer, the criminal justice system is regulated by two conflicting values, which tend to illuminate the tendencies, patterns, processes and outcomes of the processes. In adumbrating the two theories, the author stated that the crime control value theory reflects an assembly plant conveyor belt that moves endless stream of cases unencumbered by legal technicalities or processes and the value system. The value system that underlies the crime control model is based on the proposition that the repression of crime is by far the most important function to be performed by the criminal process. Accordingly, crime control efficiency strategies, which place emphasis on high rate of apprehension and conviction of offenders, speedy dispensation of justice and efficient utilisation of limited resources, are encouraged and premium is placed on the concept of pre-trial finality. This presupposes that criminal cases should be dispensed with as quickly as possible at informal pre-trial level of the police, because, court processes are seen as wasteful, slow and capable of defeating the object of speedy repression of crime.

    On the other hand, the due process value model is described as an obstacle course that places formidable legal impediments at every stage of the criminal process. It subordinates the criminal justice process and actors to procedures that are fair, reliable, and fully protective of the legal and civil rights of the suspects and citizens against possible abuses of State power. The model assumes that errors pervade the criminal justice process and that confessions by persons in police custody may be unreliable to the extent that they could be induced by intervening variables such as physical or psychological pressures by the interrogating police officers and mental disorientation occasioned by the poor and inhuman custodial environment. The due process model accords pre-eminence to the judiciary, and the appeal process while totally rejecting the concept of pre-trial finality. It assumes that the main objective of the criminal process is to prevent miscarriages of justice by protecting the factually innocent and convicting the factually guilty.

    Generally, the layout, the choice of subjects discussed and how the discussion was carried on by the author, are quite apt to the title and aim of the book. The book is divided into eight chapters of interrelated and interwoven details. In chapter one, which is the introductory part of the book, the author lays a foundation on security dynamics in the country. He re-echoes the growing concern of the public about security threats and the need for crime control. With statistical evidence, he enumerated various offences that pose numerous security challenges in various facets of life in the country. While citing section 14(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (as amended) as placing prime security responsibility on the State and effect given to the realisation of the security and welfare of the people by the establishment of the Nigeria Police Force by sections 214-215 of the Constitution, the author bemoans the lack of alignment of law on policing functions with new sets of threats to the internal security profile of the country. In his words: “Unfortunately, in grappling with these challenges, it does appear that strategic policing stakeholders are yet to fully appreciate the importance of adapting the country’s policing laws to the dynamic nature of crimes. This, in itself, constitutes a major threat to internal security”.

    In further justifying the choice of the subject matter of the book, the author reviews some relevant local and foreign literature as well as theories. In dissecting the essence of policing and law enforcement in any society, the author engaged among others, Thomas Hobbes’ social contract theory and John Lock’s political theory that “no man can be subjected to the political power of another without his consent”, as well as Rousseau’s idea of a state of nature. Even more pungent and direct is the author’s use of Packer’s crime control value theory and due process value theory.

    For a clearer exposition of the use of some words including ‘security’, ‘insecurity’, ‘police’, ‘policing’, ‘crime prevention’, ‘crime detection’, ‘intelligence’ and ‘intelligence-led policing’, which though are commonly employed in day-to-day ordinary usage, they are treated as technical terms and legalese and are so defined by the author. Of particular interest is the author’s analysis of the four perspectives of scholars’ definitions of the “police” as ‘symbols of law’, ‘epitome of State power’, ‘socio-political order agents’ and ‘risk managers’. While not agreeing with all of them in toto, the author argues that “the legal, ideological, sociological, and political frameworks which guide police operations in Nigeria are not only faulty, but also combine to create a policing system that engenders miscarriages of justice within the Nigeria policing space”.

    Chapter two explores the historical roots of the modern Nigeria Police Force and historical antecedents to police development in the country. It periodises the historical evolution of the Force into pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial era. In such centralised pre-colonial societies as the emirates in the North, Yoruba kingdoms and Benin Kingdom, the author reiterated, that pre-colonial police system was formalised, whereas, in the non-centralised societies, policing arrangements were not quite formalised in many cases. To him, on the eve of British contact with pre-colonial Nigeria and imposition of colonial rule, there was low crime-profile, relative peace and security in virtually all the societies. His explanation is that it is the result of the effectiveness, confidence and trust in the traditional police system. While the community-centrenedness of the police system partially accounted for the relative tranquility, the author was restrictive in identifying such other factors as the value system of the age and low level of heterogeneity of the societies.A close nexus is shown to exist between imperialist ideology of British rule in the country and the transplanted Forces at the disposal of the colonial government and which metamorphorsed into the modern Nigeria Police Force. According to the author, colonial ideology and objective with exploitative, coercive and oppressive strategies reflected in some aspects of the applicable laws, and remained the bane of the Force for a long time. Colonial police, though of British origin with supposedly a history of advancement in policing culture and people-oriented approach, its philosophy, goals, operation and organisation served British hegemonial interest, and created a gulf between themselves and the people. Inevitably, the local police forces of the period were seen as agents of the colonial government. Little wonder therefore that after independence, the police found it difficult to extricate itself from colonial approach to policing which was British and ought to possess the standards of the British Police who are generally acclaimed to be a role model for the world, but was uncivil, disrespectful to human rights and protective of the powers that be. In a sense, part of the hangover is the historical colonial coercive orientation of the police. Without any fear of contradiction, however, the author’s research findings reveal that the role which the police play in the country cannot be anchored exclusively on consensus-functionalist theory or conflict theory, but as he rightly stated, police duty is a double-edged sword protective and oppressive to maintain social order.

     

    It is against this background that the author discuses in chapter three the constitutional role assigned to the police. This is identified to include prevention and detection of crimes which are critical in ensuring the security and welfare of the people. To achieve this purpose, the command of the Nigeria Police Force is put under the Inspector-General of Police. It is shown in the chapter that by the tenor of section 215(3) and (4) of the Constitution, a bundle of expectations, from the Nigeria Police Force, are created. In a most professional manner, sometimes diagrammatically presented, the author elucidated the constitutional provisions on supervisory, operational and administrative system of the Nigeria Police Force. He shows how, within the constitutional framework, different structures are established. The significance of these structures, are shown to be useful in determining the nature of control and the authorities that have control over the force. In a rather dogged and relentless manner, but with the benefit of experiences in some foreign jurisdictions, the author canvassed an argument for a monolithic, federal-controlled Nigeria Police Force. Basing his view on historical evidence and what he calls lack of sufficient maturity by many political actors, he emphasised the futility, for now, of the clamour for State Police Forces which may be mere instruments of oppression in the hands of some overbearing Governors. The author’s escape from the protagonists of state police lies, however, in his rather middle course position that while state police is not an anathema, constitutional permission to establish such forces can be contemplated in due course. He suggests that, for now, all stakeholders should unite to properly fund the Nigeria Police Force and rid the Force of corruption and other vices and abuses in order to achieve effective policing.

    Chapters four and five are devoted to examination of legislative framework of prevention and detection of crimes. In opening discussion in chapter four, the overlapping nature of crime prevention and detection is given as a reason for discussing the two police functions conjunctively. This style is further justified on ground that the various relevant legislation do not make distinct and separate provisions on crime prevention from crimes detection.  The  author specifically and copiously cited a plethora of legislative instruments including the Constitution, Police Act with Police Regulation, Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015, Administration of Criminal Justice Law (ACJL) 2007 of Lagos state, the Criminal Procedure Laws of States without equivalent of ACJL, Criminal Code Law of Lagos State 2011, Criminal Code Laws of other States in the South, Penal Code Laws of the States in the North, Evidence Act 2011 and Traffic Laws of the States. These statutes with relevant judicial authorities are discussed for the purpose of assessing police exercise of powers and authority largely in the broad areas of powers of preventive justice, arrest and detention, search and seizures, interrogation, powers to grant bail, take measurement, photograph and fingerprint impression, to regulate assemblies, meetings and procession to ensure compliance with the Road Traffic Laws, to conduct prosecution and enforce orders and judgments.

    In discussing powers of preventive justice special space is devoted to the crime of breach of peace and a number of offences in which such an ingredient is required. Of contemporary relevance is the legal framework on how a police officer should deal with an assembly, a meeting or procession for which licence is or not issued, in order to prevent serious public disorder. He stated rightly that since the Public Order Act does not repeal the provisions of section 42(2) of the Trade Unions Act, “the police have no power to disturb any peaceful picketing”, but not when the police officer reasonably believes that the picketing or gathering even though peaceful, may likely cause a breach of the peace or lead to other unlawful acts. It is to be commended the balanced argument by the author on the constitutionality of the Public Order Act. Moreover, the relevant cases including those of All Nigeria People’s Party & Others v. Inspector General of Police and Chaukwuma v. Commissioner of Police are cited and critically analysed. As a way out, the author suggests that rather than provide for an application for permit, the law should be amended to notify the Governor and the Police authority of any plan to have an assembly, meeting or procession in order to enjoy police protection.

    Having lucidly examined the law on police powers of arrest and the relevant safeguards against abuse, the author entered into an intellectual duel with Professor Amadi and posited that there is no police detection without arrest, debauching Amadi’s view that police detain people as a matter of routine.

    Chapter five continues the discussion of the legislative framework for the detection of crime in the country. The focus of discussion is on the legal rules on police powers of search, seizure, to grant bail, interrogate and to take fingerprint impressions, photographs and measurements as well as ensure compliance with Road Traffic Laws.

    The author clears the misconception that a police officer cannot search a suspect unless that suspect is arrested. He contributes to the debate on what law empowers a search on things – citing section 4 Police Act and section 29 Police Act as giving direct and indirect authorisations respectively. In discussing the search of premises by the police, he raised complex issues and questions that commonly arise, especially the requirement of permission or consent of the occupier’s consent. It did not dwell extensively on the power of “security agents” to forcibly enter private premises or the time such an entry is permitted by law. Perhaps the oversight of detailed discussion of this matter is excused because the author did not envisage that such entry could be conducted by security agents even on judges’ premises and at what some may describe as an unholy hour of the night. In all modesty, however, at page 141 he stated that “a police officer can enter and conduct search on private premises where he has a warrant or any other statutory authority”. It would need to be incorporated as example of such statutory authority, in the next edition the import of sections 10, 12, 38, 39, 43(1) and (2), 148, 149 and 494 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015.

    The author’s discussion of the powers of seizure, detention and disposal of items after search is significantly linked to the use to which such items recovered from search conducted by the police are put for purposes of prosecution of a defendant. In this connection, he delved properly into the reformed principles of relevancy and admissibility of illegally or improperly obtained evidence under sections 14 and 15 of the Evidence Act 2011.

    Police powers to grant pre-trial bail are also the subject of lucid analysis in chapter 5. It rightly restricted such power to granting a suspect and not defendant (accused) bail. As regards the controversy whether an arrested suspect can be detained in the police custody for more than twenty four hours, the author leans in favour of the affirmative view represented by Ehindero as against the disaffirmative view represented by Amadi. He cited relevant statutory authorities including ACJA. The debate in respect of non-capital offence is left open by the interpretation of “reasonable time” in section 35(5) of the Constitution, section 30(3) ACJA and section 17(3) ACJL.

    The introduction of counsel into pre-trial interrogation by section 17(2) of ACJA is seen by the author as a movement towards due process value model of modern policing in a growing world of globalisation and democracy. This, to him, became justified because over the years the police failed to regulate themselves even in their duty of interrogation which are fraught with several abuses. Such abuses which included oppressive and coercive eliciting of confessional statements and the high standard of proof (beyond reasonable doubt) for admissibility of such confessional statements under the Evidence Act 2011 form part of the discussion in the chapter. He left unanswered, however, the criticism by Ehindero that “it is ethically indefensible”, idealistic and serves no useful purpose than to delay and deny justice.

    Administrative rules, direction and legislative rules formulated to regulate interrogation practice are also discussed. Other powers of the police to take fingerprint impression, photographs, and measurements are also analysed within the context of crime prevention and detection functions of the police. Traffic matters are not left out in the book.

    Until the ACJL and ACJA were enacted in 2007 and 2015 respectively the rules bequeathed by the legislative framework for prevention and detection of crimes appear to be out of tune with the needs of modern policing in the country. He called on the many states that are yet to update their criminal procedure laws in terms of ACJA to do so. In his opinion, the legislative framework is neither weak nor irrelevant.

    The author overlaps discussion on defacto crime prevention with defacto crime detection in chapter six. Crime Preventive and detective methods by the police are also discussed. Highlights of professional techniques for preventing and detecting crimes are given. Essentials of investigation in crime detection came out sharply in the book. Tools of an investigator, phases in investigation, criminal investigative powers as well as the laws that empower and enable the police to investigate alleged crimes are examined. In this respect, the author identified lack of professionalism and transparency as recurrent drawbacks. He recommends that a new legal framework in terms of the relevant Criminal Evidence Act (PACE) 1984 and Jersey Police Procedures and Criminal Evidence Law 2003 should be provided. It is also the findings of the research that the extant laws relating to crime investigation and detection do not substantially capture the complexities of electronic and cybercrimes associated with the contemporary revolution in electronic technology. More importantly, he pointed out the inherent contradictions in the extant reactionary security strategies. He equally adduced criticisms of crime preventive and detective policing laws in the country.

    It is shown throughout the book that Police-community relations pervade the reality of police performance of their duties. The author stated some of the reasons why the use of this social device has not achieved the desired objectives. While reiterating the courtship by the police that “police is your friend” he enumerated reasons for the public perception of the police and accordingly prescribed some remedies. In particular, he commended the establishment of the Nigeria Police Force – Complaint Response Unit (NPF-CRU). This is a community-oriented complaint management system mechanism by which reported citizens’ complaints, concerns and queries regarding policing activities  can  be  addressed  twenty-four  hours  a  day  including  weekends and public holidays.  The successful take off of the NPF-CRU, the brainchild of the author, is remarkable.

    The refining and predominant reliance on intelligence-led policing in defacto police prevention and detection of crimes in the country is a major thrust in the book. He gave exhaustive definitions of “intelligence” and “intelligence-led policing”. He defines “intelligence” as including “information including data that are obtained, analysed, evaluated and interpreted, and are useful for purposes of security and crime control planning, organizing, decision-making and policy-making”. He refers to “intelligence-led policing” as simply meaning “the performance of security duties by the process, structure and product of intelligence in order to assist crime control strategies and decision-making”. It refers to the process by which information is collected, organised, analysed and utilised in a systematic manner in crime prevention and detection. It  is  described  as  a  model  of  policing  that  the police is to prevent and detect crime rather than  react  to it; necessitated by the absence of a dedicated, specialised, well-trained, well-motivated and well-equipped criminal intelligence unit. It arises out of the need to fill “intelligence gap”, and make police truly proactive. It is pointed out, however, that the intelligence apparatus of Nigeria  Police Force, like that of any other security agency, is not fool-proof because of challenges facing the Force and the nature of the Nigerian society. Despite the possibility of intelligence failure, the author confidently asserted that the capabilities of the Force Intelligence Bureau (FIB) are strong enough to give focus on intelligence-led policing to the Force. To him intelligence-led policing is geared towards outwitting criminals and restore confidence in the police.

    In chapter seven, both internal and external institutional mechanisms are identified within the context of the legal framework for police duties of crime prevention and detection. The author correctly listed the institutions which directly affect the performance of the duties of crime prevention and detection by the Nigeria Police Force to include the Nigeria Police Council, Police Service Commission, Ministry of Interior, National Assembly/States Houses of Assembly, National Human Rights Commission, Judiciary, Police Community Relations Committee and the Media.  In a carrot and stick style, the author shows in tabular form the promotions and confirmation of police officers between 2015 and 2016, as well as disciplinary cases, punishment awarded and appeals processed to the Police Service Commission during the same period. Of great importance is that the chapter assesses the measure of success of the institutional mechanisms in ensuring police accountability in democratic governance of the country. He brought to the fore the need to strengthen the oversight powers of the relevant bodies in guaranteeing adequate attitudinal change, proper training, adequate publicity of police activities, police image-laundering and reform of the Police Act and its subsidiary legislation.

    The last chapter consists of concluding observations by the author. He cautions against allowing the threat to security in the country to snowball to the African and even global security complexities. In view of the apprehension by the public, the readiness of the police to effectively control crime is a fundamental issue that demands greater academic and professional response. To a large extent, from his assessment of the legislative and institutional frameworks, the police are positioned to play a dual role, as peace officers and law officers. But, as he frankly exposes, the performance of their functions are far from meeting the internally recognised standards of a modern police. In spite of the numerous positive activities and achievements by the police, the author highlighted the challenges the greatest of which include funding, poor equipment, political factors, corruption and poor perception of the police by the members of the public. Despite this poor perception, Dr. Arase doggedly states at page 240 that the police have not failed because they have successfully prevented and detected uncountable crimes in the country. He, however, advised that the police would need to move away from historical legacy of colonial orientation, adoption of crime control value model, reactive or traditional military response methods to the proactive or intelligence-driven as well as due process system of policing. He accepts that this desirable shift has commenced as a result of inter alia, recent reforms in the administration of criminal justice law and the Nigeria Police Force which provide for accountability and safeguards against abuse of police powers.

    It is against this backdrop that the author gives numerous recommendations for true transformation and modernisation of the Nigeria Police Force in a fast changing Nigeria.

    The book under review is a product of an intellectual with the tapestry of professionalism in police services. The author sets an objective to bequeath a legacy of legal knowledge to the police community and indeed humanity. He achieved his objectives for writing the book which traverses all the essential areas in the chosen title. Most of the relevant statutory and judicial authorities at the time the book was taken to the press were cited. The structure and presentation of the relevant principles of law, arguments and conclusions epitomise clarity and lucidity. Use of language in the entire book is impressive. Errors are insignificantly few and are mainly typographical.

     

     

     

  • Maritime elite vote for transparency,  rule of law

    Maritime elite vote for transparency, rule of law

    After a three-day meeting in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, maritime administrators from across Africa and beyond agreed on strategies to battle piracy, promote transparency and increase revenues from oceans and seas, among others, reports OLUWAKEMI DAUDA

    From last Wednesday till Friday, Transcorp Hotel, Abuja hosted maritime elite from across Africa and beyond. Their concern was how to realise the full potential of oceans and seas. The blue economy, they all agreed, deserves more attention than it is getting. They were of the view that for Africa to be part of global trade,  transparency, simplicity of trade documentation and procedures, elimination or reduction of red-tapes and adequacy of and implementation of applicable laws must be embraced.

    The Association of African Maritime Administrations (AAMA), at the end of the meeting, elected Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) Director-General Dr. Dakuku Peterside, as its chairman.

    Delegates came from Mauritania, South Sudan, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Sao Tome & Principe, Senegal and Sierra Leone. There were also delegates from Seychelles, Somalia, South Africa, United Republic of Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Ghana and Cote D’Ivoire. The delegations of Comoros, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Benin, DR Congo, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Kenya, Guinea, Libya and Nigeria were not left out.

    There were also representatives of Jamaica, Netherlands and Malaysia at the three-day parley, where all agreed that the blue economy was capable of taking Africa to the Promised Land.

    There were working sessions for two days chaired by Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) Managing Director Hadiza Bala Usman and the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Shippers’ Council, Hassan Bello.

    The programme was made up of five sessions and fourteen speakers from Nigeria, Cote D’Ivoire, Togo, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Mozambique, Tanzania, Guinea Conakry, Liberia, Egypt, Mauritania and Ghana were involved. They tackled topics, such as: ‘Combating the Menace of Piracy and Maritime Crimes in Africa’, ‘Role of African Maritime Administration in Institutionalization of the Africa Day of the Seas and Oceans’, ‘Training of Cadets and building of human capacities’, ‘Regional Initiatives for sustainable exploitation of maritime resources’ and ‘Countries initiative for effective implementation of international maritime instruments’.

    President Muhammadu Buhari, who declared the conference open, said his administration would reposition NIMASA to play effective role as a facilitator of economic prosperity by being a key driver in unlocking the huge potential in its ocean and seas.

    Buhari urged other African leaders to tap into the huge resources in their oceans to boost rapid economic development of the continent and provide tangible employment to its people.

    Buhari, who was represented  by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, said the opportunities in the vast oceans  surrounding the continent need to  be harnessed to diversify its economy and participate fully in the international trade.

    The president said  there was the need for other African countries to develop regulatory and legal framework ?that would properly manage maritime resources and address the challenges facing the sector.

    Buhari said AMAA leaders must evolve synergies to reap the benefits of the oceans to ensure socio-economic emancipation of the continent.

    He said: “Clearly the enormous untapped potential for the making of strong self-reliant, African economies lies embedded in the blue economy. It is the task of you the seasoned leaders of the sector to guide us on this crucial voyage. The challenges are many but not insurmountable.

    “As things stand, Africa’s fishing grounds are being pillaged, its waters are being polluted and piracy is heightening maritime insecurity and causing increases in the cost of insurance and freight.  At the same time, the     regulatory and legal frameworks to properly  manage maritime resources and overcome these challenges are still inadequate .   Similarly we are yet to fully develop the human and institutional capacities required to respond appropriately to these challenges.

    “Many difficulties but incredible opportunities. The good news is that we are on the right path. Collaboration and synergies. Our countries have to continue to develop the maritime sector starting from national level to sub-regional and regional levels.”

    The president spoke of the steps taken by Nigeria to harness the potential of the oceans and seas.

    “Here in Nigeria, we have taken steps to tackle some of the issues peculiar to us while still calling for regional and sub-regional collaborations. We have set up engagement to resolve and address the misunderstanding and contentious issues in Niger Delta which off course is part of Gulf Guinea.

    “We recently approved a new maritime security architecture and infrastructure to be jointly coordinated by NIMASA, NSA and FMOT. We have given required support to the Navy so that they can work with others within our sub-region to effectively police our waters to facilitate trade.

    “This arrangement will also contribute to resolving and eliminating piracy and sea robbery in our maritime domain on our waters. The result are encouraging and piracy have dropped dramatically especially in the last six months

    “We are making substantive investment to improve human capacity by taking advantage of international trade in the shipping and our maritime industry.

    “We have pay significant attention to make the issue of doing business easy and one of our immediate priority in this regard is the entry and exit of goods especially in our seaports.

    “The measure we are putting in place is to increase efficiency of our port and to enable quick turnaround time of vessels. Technology is also being introduced to make our port operation effective to support economic growth. NIMASA as regulator agency is being reformed to play effective role as a facilitator of economic prosperity,” Buhari said.

    Senate President Bukola Saraki,  who was represented by Senator Bala Ibn Na’Allah, said NIMASA’s efforts have led ” to an upward swing in the level of local participation of Nigerians in the maritime industry and the use of Nigerian waters and seas for lawful economic activities”.

    House of Representatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara called for collaboration among African countries to cultivate and reap the benefits of its oceans.

    Dogara said: “The developed countries have done a better job of exploiting these resources. We in Africa need to do much more to use these God given resources to feed our people, fight poverty and develop efficient ports and effectively administer the waters of the Seas. We can create high paying jobs for our teeming youths, develop an efficient transportation system, exploit efficiently the oil and gas resources and other minerals contained in the deep seas and oceans of Africa. Nigeria is potentially a major maritime power considering the depth and breadth of our Exclusive Economic Zone and Territorial waters, and can do even more to efficiently and effectively make sustainable use of the Oceans and Seas.

    “Fishing is one of the major economic activities of most maritime communities all over Africa. Sustainable development of the local fisheries sector has the capacity to improve food security and lift people out of poverty and hunger. Fisheries and aquaculture provide jobs for millions of people including our women and youths. However, statistics has it that Illegal Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing, leads to a loss of over 1.3 billion dollars in West Africa alone, yearly. We must tighten the legal and regulatory framework to stop these losses. We must intensify efforts to promote intra- African trade in fisheries as statistics also show that Pan-African fish trade is worth about 20 billion euros. This will help to sustain African economies in the long term.

    “As a maritime nation, Nigeria has a responsibility together with other nations and international organisations, like the International Maritime Organisation (IMO), to make our waters safe and secure. It is as a result that the Legislature in Nigeria has been very active in maritime related legislations over the years. In 2007, the National Assembly of Nigeria, created the Nigeria Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) from the old National Maritime Authority (NMA) and amended the 1962 Merchant Shipping Act and empowered NIMASA to administer the Act.”

    He went on: “Furthermore, the National Assembly has domesticated twelve very important Maritime Safety and Security Conventions of the IMO which are necessary for safeguarding security and safety in our region. It has also domesticated the International Ships and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code, which is a very important IMO Convention instrument for safety and security at Nigerian ports as part of its Ports State duties. The Nigerian parliament has also domesticated eight important Conventions and Protocols on marine environment geared towards a clean, safe and secure marine environment.

    “We as a parliament have been at the forefront of legislation on maritime issues in the past and are currently, actively involved in processing legislations in the maritime sector. The House of Representatives of Nigeria only last week passed the National Transport Commission Bill which it is hoped would have a huge impact on the maritime sector especially with respect to economic regulation of activities of operators and agencies in our maritime sector.

    “It is in this regard, that we pledge our commitment to speedy processing of the proposed Bill for an Act to provide for the Suppression of Piracy and other unlawful Acts at Sea (and other related offences). The Bill, when passed, is expected to “give expression to relevant Conventions, Treaties and Charters on safety and security and further strengthen Nigeria’s desire to make its waters safe”, according to the promoters of the Bill. The bill is in the court of the Executive at the the moment and we await its transmission as an Executive Bill for legislative processing into law. The Executive should also use the opportunity to transmit other IMO Conventions and Protocols that have been acceded to by Nigeria, for domestication by the National Assembly.”

    The speaker called for the emergence of local fleet owners.

    “Permit me to awake our conscience, even if it amounts to a rebuke, to the fact that the days of paying lip service to the emergence of, skilled indigenous seamen and sea women and indigenous fleet owners, not vessel owners, are well over. A strong man lifts the cargo he generates, therefore Africa must possess the capacity to lift the cargo it generates, be they dry or wet, if it must qualify as a strong maritime continent. The goal of this conference must not be the sustainable use of African oceans and seas by non-Africans but by Africans first and then others. I know of very few curses greater than for one to make his bed and for another to lie on it. Therefore, my charge to you administrators, is to ensure that as you make this bed, you will also be making Africans who must lie on it,” Dogara said.

    Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi said the Federal Government has stepped up efforts to make Nigeria a deserved maritime hub in the West and Central Africa by embarking on comprehensive port reforms and upgrading port infrastructure and linking the ports to the rail network to boost efficiency and quick cargo clearance.

    Peterside called for concerted, cooperative and collaborative efforts at tackling Africa’s maritime administration challenges.

    Peterside added that Nigeria had waited to host this all important gathering.

    He said: “We are particularly delighted that this conference, the third in the series after the first in Mombasa, Kenya and the second in Sandton, South Africa is holding on our shores. Nigeria’s place in the maritime world is not only deserved, it is common knowledge.

    “It (Nigeria) is special in the maritime community in Africa for a number of reasons,’’ the director-general said.

    He said Nigeria accounted for over 60 per cent of the total sea-borne traffic in volume and value in West and Central African region.

    “As the sixth largest OPEC exporting country, we contribute significantly to the global energy supply and wet cargo traffic.

    “My country’s signature adorns all continental maritime initiatives and charters that seek to promote the development of Africa,’’ Peterside said.

    Peterside said Nigeria was geo-strategically located as a major littoral state in the Gulf of Guinea, adding that by all estimations, Nigeria had become a leader high on the crest of maritime nations and determined to advance African maritime prosperity.

    On the African Union (AU) Special Summit of Heads of Government on Maritime Security, Safety and Development in Lome, Togo on Oct. 15, 2016, he said: “They adopted a Charter on Maritime Security, Safety and Development aimed at making Africa’s maritime space the key driver of the continent’s socio-economic development. This document was endorsed by 43 out of 54 African nations.

    “We have a collective responsibility to promote new awareness and appreciation of the inevitable role maritime transport and blue economy can play as an enabler of the economic development of our continents.

    “Africa is looking up to this conference and we cannot afford to disappoint our people,’’ the director-general said.

    Secretary-General of the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) Kitack Lim said AAMA should not relent in its determination to increase Africa’s share of global investments in the maritime sector.

    Lim, who was represented by an official of the IMO, Mr William Azu, said the maritime sector provided raw materials, foods, employment and transportation of 80 per cent of global trade.

    At the end of the meeting, it was agreed that Africa must do all required to be a major player in global trade. They thus declared war on red-tapism, piracy, sea robbery and dumping of toxic waste in the seas and oceans.