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Tag: Rumble

  • ‘Rumble in the jungle’

    Verbal fisticuffs are flying between President Muhammadu Buhari and former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and you couldn’t ask to be more enthralled if you had the ringside at legendary Muhammad Ali’s 1974 epic fight with George Foreman in Kinshasa, Zaire. By the time the two leaders are done with their face-off, one of them would be conclusively demystified. It is to be seen, on one hand, whether the factor of Obasanjo’s antagonism that famously hallmarked the unraveling of past administrations in Nigeria’s recent history remains potent enough to upset Buhari’s chances of re-election to a second tenure of office in the impending 2019 poll; or, on the other hand, whether the former leader has outlived his touted relevance in king-making and public mood conditioning. Either way, one of them will come out finally worsted.

    Buhari and Obasanjo were celebrated allies until the former leader issued a press statement last January in which he tore into the incumbent’s performance records and counseled him not to run for another term next year. Since the standard practice under amicable circumstances among the ruling elite globally is that predecessors privately advise sitting successors through back channels of direct access, you can’t deny that Obasanjo’s tack in going public was spurious. But it wouldn’t be Obasanjo any other way, because the former president has the reputation of having publicly criticised all past seven administrations in Nigeria – from those that succeeded him as military ruler in 1979 to those that came to office after his two terms as civilian president from 2007.

    Considering that Buhari and Obasanjo were regarded, at least in the public, as buddies further bonded by their records of military rulership before returning to power through Civvy Street, it is moot if the former leader at all aired his concerns about the Buhari administration in private, and for how long he offered counsel, perhaps so to no avail, before heading for the stump. But by the time he took to the public domain, his views had so hardened that he spared no breath running the present administration through with spikes.

    The high points of his public statement in January include allegations that the Buhari administration has performed rather poorly; that the president showed poor knowledge of economic management from the start but was expected to enlist skilled Nigerians for the task, which he allegedly failed to do; that though the administration had made remarkable strides in fighting insurgency and corruption, more needed to be done; that he (Obasanjo) considered the president sectional and nepotistic, having allowed the bloody herdsmen-crop farmers conflicts to fester; that the administration has left Nigeria more divided than ever; and that it should take responsibility for the current state of the Nigerian economy and stop blaming the immediate past administration for present ills. The clincher was his advice that Buhari take a dignified rest in 2019 and not seek another term. Obasanjo as well dismissed both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as holding any promise for Nigeria’s rebirth and canvassed a third force to be known as the Coalition for Nigeria Movement.

    There apparently was initial reluctance on Mr. Buhari’s part to respond to those criticisms. The only rejoinder was that by Information Minister Lai Mohammed detailing achievements by the present administration. But the president made it known that he found the Obasanjo statement abusive. Speaking in an interview in Washington with the Hausa Service of the Voice of America during his visit to the United States early this May, he said he had not wanted any response to the public statement but was pressed to permit otherwise.  ”Even when the Minister of Information and Culture wanted to reply that abusive letter written by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, I told him not to. But he said I should allow him to highlight the achievements of our administration,” the president explained. And he restated that reluctance at a state banquet in his honour during a recent visit to Bauchi State.

    The restraint appeared to have worn thin last week, however, when Buhari publicly accused Obasanjo of squandering some $16billion during his tenure on power projects that never materialised. Speaking when he received campaign allies on the platform of Buhari Support Organisation (BSO) in Abuja, the president recalled that Nigeria earned much revenue between 1999 and 2014 when the spot market price of crude oil averaged $135 per barrel at an output level of some 2.1million barrels per day, and yet the country has nothing to show for it.

    He further told the supporters, led by Comptroller of Customs, Col. Hameed Ali (rtd.), inter alia: “You know that rail was killed, and one of the former heads of state at the time was bragging that he spent more than $15billion – not naira – on power. Where is the power?

    “Where is the power? And now, we have to pay the debts! This year and last year’s budgets that I took to the National Assembly were the highest in capital projects – more than N1.3trillion.”

    Even though Buhari named no names, Obasanjo knew like everyone else that the president had him in sight with the $16billion power expenditure allegation and wasted no time posting his response. He accused the president of lacking facts on the power sector and only rehashing claims that had been disproved by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and a parliamentary ad hoc committee, both of which conducted probes of monies spent on the power sector.

    A statement by the former president’s media aide added: “For the records, Chief Obasanjo has addressed the issue of the power sector and the allegations against him on many occasions and platforms, including in his widely publicised book, My Watch… The so-called $16billion power expenditure was an allegation against Obasanjo’s administration and not his claim. The president (Buhari) also queried where the power generated is. The answer is simple: the power is in the seven National Integrated Power Projects and 18 gas turbines that Obasanjo’s successor who made the allegation of  $16billion did not clear from the ports for over a year and the civil works done on the sites.”

    Other allies of the two leaders have since joined the fray on either side and bandying claims to advance the cause of their respective principal.

    Before Buhari and Obasanjo traded those verbal tackles last week, indications were rife they were digging in for a showdown. The former president, for instance, has gone beyond mere public criticism of the Buhari administration, as he apparently restricted himself to with previous administrations. Besides the ‘third force’ coalition that he inspired, which lately collapsed into a registered opposition party contrary to an initial projection that it would be an ideological movement with no partisan alliance, Obasanjo is actively mobilising a front against Buhari’s re-election next year. As part of his efforts, he recently visited the leadership of Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere, 20 years after such contact, to enlist support for his anti-Buhari crusade.

    For his part, Buhari seems to have foreclosed a rapprochement with his former ally, at least before the 2019 elections. One recent indication of that was Obasanjo’s exclusion from the ceremony to open the new multi-billion naira head office of the EFC in Abuja, at which former leaders who had less relevance to the ant-graft agency were paraded. Recall that it was Obasanjo who set up the EFCC during his presidency, and he should have topped the list of former leaders invited to the office opening unless, of course, he shunned the invitation.

    The 2019 poll will, without further gainsaying, show up the winner of this raging ego war.

     

    • Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.
  • Rumble in APC as zonal chairmen move against Oyegun

    Rumble in APC as zonal chairmen move against Oyegun

    Irked by alleged acts of indiscretion, which they fear could prevent the All Progressives Congress (APC) from achieving its set goals and subject it to public ridicule, the zonal chairmen of the party have moved against its leadership.

    The six zonal vice chairmen of the party are accusing the party’s leadership led by its National Chairman, Chief John Oyegun, which has been in office in the last three years, of lacking in transparency and accountability and generally mismanaging the affairs of the party.

    In a strongly-worded memo to the party’s National Working Committee dated January 17, 2018, sent through the party’s national chairman, the zonal chairmen raised four key areas of indiscretion, which include the finances of the party, formation of ad-hoc committees, abandonment of the zones and change of party structures.

    The six zonal vice chairmen who signed the memo include Chief Pius Akinyelure (Southwest), Comrade Mustapha Salihu (Northeast), Alhaji Zakari Idde (Northcentral), Inuwa Abdulkadir (Northwest), Hon. Emma Eneukwu (Southeast) and Ntufam Hilliard Eta (South-south).

    In the memo, the chairmen said they had observed with dismay that the APC Constitution had been “disregarded since the inception of the NWC, especially in the formation of ad-hoc committees, among others.”

    “This function, which constitutionally is the sole responsibility of the National Working Committee, has been reduced to the whims of the National Organising Secretary under the watch of the National Chairman,” they added.

    The zonal chairmen specifically raised issues about the finances of the party, saying “Article 14b (iii) of the party’s constitution on finances has been grossly abused since the inception of this body. The state of the financial affairs of the party is shrouded in secrecy and lacking in transparency, such that it makes it virtually impossible for members of the National Working Committee to authoritatively defend the various expenditure and incomes.”

    They alleged that the income and expenditure of the party has never been brought to the NWC for consideration and approval.

    On abandonment of the zones, the chairmen lamented that structures of the party other than the national executive were not allowed to function as envisaged by the party’s constitution.

    “Particularly, the Zonal Executive Committees have more often than not been bypassed by the National Chairman in many of the interventions at the state chapters without due regard to the grand norm of the party,” they said.

    The zonal chairmen also said “the continuous change of party structures or officers without due respect and/or recourse to the constitution of our great party is very rife,” describing such as scandalous and abnormal.

    According to them, “the frequency and brazenness with which the changes take place without due authorization from relevant organs of the party is intolerable. Kano, Kaduna, Gombe and Ondo chapters are critical examples.

    “Given this misnomer, the structures of the party in the affected jurisdictions have continuously been weakened.”

    The chairmen then demanded that the constitution of the party be adhered to in the remaining tenure of the NWC, saying all ad-hoc committees must be constituted as envisaged by the party constitution.

    They demanded that the National Financial Secretary of the party should immediately furnished the NWC with the revenue and expenditure profile of the party, adding that effort must be made to fund the zonal structures of the party.

    “The NEC-approved sharing formula of 50% to the National Secretariat, 40% to the states and 10% to the zones from all revenues accruable to the party must be implemented forthwith,” they added.

    They said that changes in the party structures at any level should be done as intended by the party’s constitution while also demanding that all earlier actions taken in this regard without constitutional backing be reversed.

    Efforts made to get Chief Oyegun’s reaction yesterday yielded no result as repeated calls made to his telephone went unanswered.

    However, some of the zonal chairmen contacted yestrerday said they were not aware of the letter.

  • Rumble in the NNPC

    Perhaps it is too early for “outsiders” to comment on the now ranging war in The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).  But as a starting point, I would say it is a good omen for this country which has been plundered and decimated by heartless bureaucrats and thieving politicians.  The story is long.

    Starting from the second half of the last century, the country discovered and started to exploit crude oil in commercial quantities.  The country was awash with petrodollars that General Yakubu Gowon, then Military Head of State stated that money was not Nigeria’s problem but how to spend it.  This has gone down permanently perhaps as one quotable politician lexicon.  But it was the truth.

    Like a prodigal son who is raised in a comfortable home, the nation lost focus and used and spent the extra cash recklessly, foolishly.  That was not the end.  There grew up within the NNPC, the octopus created by the extra liquidity, an unprecedented bureaucracy replete with filth, manipulation and open stealing.  Several subsidiaries, associates, parallel organizations with competing or dubious functions sprouted within the organization.  NNPC and its ancillaries grew to be a monster almost impossible to tame.

    For a time, top civil servants who struggled to be posted to this monster either as permanent secretaries or such other high position soon sought their way out to avoid being consumed by the rot and fury in the group.  Indeed, I heard a friend say there were two parallel governments in Nigeria- the federal government and NNPC.  He did not expatiate.

    Currently, the ‘fight’ between the Minster of State for Petroleum Resources and the Group Managing Director (GMD) of NNPC is a logical result of a government determined to fight corruption. In effect, elements beyond the frontline combatants are saying it is the time and forum that this administration should prove its transparent credentials.  The contestants may not know it, but the elements who show sympathy for this nation are at work.

    Or else how can the two captains – minister and GMD be fighting naked in the market place? Nigerians are not deceived, one of these big men deliberately leaked the letter to the president in an attempt to prove innocent when the grapes are down which leads us to our immediate past.  Such a ‘scandal’ would not have seen the light of day if it was during the  administration whose narrow ethnicity and unashamed tribal  considerations were high  points in appointment to high positions in the organization or where there was a close affinity between the minister and the presidency.  It is not cynical to a affirm that the present dichotomy  is good for Nigeria as no one region or group of regions will ever be  allowed to take all the plum jobs or corner all the fat contracts.

    The harmony between the NNPC big wigs and the presidency was injurious to Nigeria’s interest in the past.  There was a spectacular cartoon in one of Nigeria’s dailies where an ex-President mounted  the Petroleum Minister on his back with a feeding bottle dangling in her  hand, she challenged ‘intruding’ newsmen who were chasing her for news to come near her, having been secure at the back of the President.  Such was the dare, the audacity of the past.

    The whole problem at the NNPC and the petroleum ministry is the constant problem that besets the Nigerian nation, where a ‘tribal’ man is head of an organization, he ensures the next five if not 10 officers to him are from ‘his own’.  This essentially ignores the interest of other however competent or qualified.  These small tyrants feel safe only if they are surrounded by their clansmen.  They forget that Nigeria is a plurality that apart from the provisions of the constitution which enjoins federal character in key political and public service appointments, commonsense and equity demands that the cake should go round.  Today, very few MDAs respect the fair injunction.  If your ‘townsmen’ are not there, you better forget about it seems to be the article of faith.  But it is doubtful if this position will last since there will always be splinter groups which will be militant and would not hesitate to topple the apple cat.

    The  problems emanating from our oil company should be expected since the supervising minister and the group’s chief executive officer are from different geo-political zones, each noted for its inward looking, and ever supported by different tribal group to ‘out grapple’ the other.  The Nigerian politician terrain is flush with such in-fighting.  But the difference here is that at the pinnacle, the real pinnacle of it all is the President who I am sure will not feel comfortable with the mess created by the leaked memo from one chieftain of the government to the other.  In other climes the two would go, in Nigeria, the worst that can happen is a pat on the palm and an injunction to sin no more.

    The media are almost unanimous in asking PMB to take urgent action.  Some have already pronounced judgment.  Political (and sectional) television commentators have taken sides.  Of all the pontification, oral and written, the most realist position so far has been that of Itse Sagay, the ever passionate patriot and tormentor-in-chief of Nigeria’s looters.  He has advised the president to hear all sides before taking appropriate decision.  Those who urge Buhari to step down as petroleum minister have a poor memory of our recent past.  Most practicing politicians are in the game to cut a sizeable chunk of the cake and except you find a man as compassionate as Buhari, it will continue to be a revolving chair for the nation.  Let Buhari retain the portfolio and continue to oversee the welfare of the cow.

    However this is one opportunity for government to have a new long view of the NNPC and all its hangouts.  We should no longer tolerate a public institution which considers itself equal to the appointing authority. This could be acceptable in a decadent nonchalant regime, not one that is refreshingly different.

    We are watching.

     

    • Fasuan MON; JP writes from Ado-Ekiti.

  • Corruption and the rumble in the jungle of justice

    Ibrahim  Magu, the acting Chairman of the  EFCC is  the anti corruption czar  of  Nigeria and  the helmsman  of the new government’s war  against corruption. This  week he unmasked himself as a man ready to die in the fight against  corruption  because corruption ruins any society with impunity and must be stopped by all means. Let  me state clearly here  that  I not only  believe him, I admire his courage  and pray  that he does not die in harness. Which means that he does  not die in the course of his duty and to ensure that,  I  feel,  is the duty  and  responsibility  of all right thinking Nigerians.  It   follows  therefrom,   ipso facto   that he utterances  of the Nigerian anti  corruption czar this week  form the kernel  of our discussion  today.

    As  reported widely  in the media Ibrahim  Magu accused Senior Advocates of  Nigeria – SANs-, and  journalists  of trying to sabotage  the war against corruption by blackmailing the EFCC by accusing it of selective prosecution  and violating the rule of law in prosecuting those  being arraigned on charges  of  corruption.  He reportedly  said that SANs  are being paid from  the proceeds of corruption  which  are   invariably used to pervert the course of justice when  judges are bribed on the  corruption cases before them. The  anti  corruption  czar  went  on to accuse  journalists of taking bribes to write against  the EFCC   and by  accusing the body of selective prosecution  and flouting the rule  of law.  Magu  went on again to stress  that his organization does its home work well before dragging suspects to court and has not violated any rules in the fight against  corruption.

    He  cited boldly the case involving a  SAN accused of obstructing the course  of justice in which 113  SANs  showed  up  in court where only one of them  appeared before the judge and in  which the  EFCC defeated the armada of SANs in court on that case.   There is therefore  no  doubt  that the EFCC boss is mad at both SANs  and journalists  as  stumbling blocks or road  blocks in the fight against corruption which must  be confronted and dismantled  all costs.

    Again  I agree  totally with  the EFCC boss  that  such  journalists and  SANs  should  be dealt  with  if they  are doing such  nefarious and odious things like shielding treasury looters and corrupt  people. But then,  the  EFCC  boss must  be told that   bluntly   that he is committing a fallacy of generalization in  making  such sweeping statements. This  is because in reality  not  all SANs  are  corrupt and not  all  journalists  are  corrupt  too. In addition the  EFCC needs  to  adopt  a strategy  of collaboration rather than  one of confrontation which appears  to be his working strategy  for now and which is exacting a price akin to that of a suicide  mission. I  will elaborate.

    The  law, anywhere,   operates in the temples of justice which  are the courts spread  over our  towns  and cities   spread  all  over Nigeria. The  way  the EFCC boss  has spoken  about SANs  and lawyers in the fight  against  corruption  informed my calling the courts a jungle of justice instead of  temples  and  that is an unfortunate  development in the fight against corruption. It  is unfortunate  in that the EFCC  cannot  operate outside the courts in the fight against  corruption simply  because  that is the nature of our  judicial  system  and the rule  of law. The judiciary is the third arm of government and is equal in power to the executive which the EFCC  represents, and  the legislature. The  judicial  system includes the judges, the Lawyers, including SANs – 113  of which the EFCC boss  says  are ganging up against the anti  corruption war. This  is  a division in the house  of justice and it   is an extravagant  waste of energy. There must  be synergy between the EFCC, the  legal profession and judges for the war against corruption  to succeed. They do not have to agree as litigation is about disagreements and disputes but  they  must all  be devoted to the pursuit of justice and  constitutionalism.  Anything else is dissipation of energy and does  not help the fight against corruption when justice is delayed and made too expensive in terms of time  and money.

    While I  will not  hold  brief for both SANs  and  journalists  on the charges made against them I  cannot  resist a rare  opportunity to make  some  observations on the two very  important professions especially  in the fight against corruption. Let  me start  with the SANs  where  I  think  the EFCC boss mistook  a solidarity  or class issue  for conspiracy.  I  think  the way  so  many SANs  showed up in court was not necessarily to fight EFCC or to intimidate the court.

    But  the SANs  are  Nigerian  enough to  know  that such a show of solidarity could be interpreted as  judicial  blackmail.  No  SAN certainly is above the law and that is what the EFCC has  boldly shown and that is quite  commendable.

    On  the allegations that SANs benefit from  the proceeds of corruption I leave it to SANs  to defend themselves  on that. One  thing is certain  though. Lawyers  and SANs  live  on the briefs  they get and  in the Nigerian  context  there  is a lot of  money flowing  from those fleeing from the strong arm of the war against  corruption.  All SANs  need to do in the name of transparency and  show of integrity in the fight  against  corruption is to publish their clients payments on the anti  corruption  cases  and  the taxes they have paid. I am  sure that  Nigerians would  appreciate such patriotic and salutary gesture immensely  as we pursue the fight against  corruption.  It  would  certainly show on which  side of the law our legal luminaries  are in the fight against  corruption.

    With  regard to the charge  against journalists, I  think  Chairman Magu was exaggerating as both  need to work  together  against corruption. That  does not mean there should be media trials which means suspects  are condemned before court trials. That is not fair.

    While I agree that the odium or stigma  of stealing should be used to deter people from  stealing that should be used as a means to an end and not the end itself. Magu  admitted this as much when he lamented that Allison Madueke’s  aide  had  been in their  custody  for three days and he wondered how he had managed the publicity.  What publicity? Obviously the bad news that the man  was in EFCC custody.

    Which  means that the  EFCC expects, as a matter of course that any news of arrest must be front page news. If  the  suspect is found guilty in court that is quite okay.  If  not,  that is media trial and that is unfair  because our law presumes a man innocent until proven  guilty. The  war on corruption needs to  be pursued  with this in mind and journalists  don’t  have  to take bribes  to point this out anytime, anywhere. Indeed  journalists don’t  have to agree or endorse  everything government or EFCC does  in the fight against corruption as long as they  are  committed to  the fight. Which really  is their  responsibility as the Fourth  Estate  of the realm, the meaning of which I urge the EFCC  boss to find  out before his next  outburst.  Again  long live the Federal  Republic of Nigeria.

  • Rumble over 10 marketing ‘myths’

    Rumble over 10 marketing ‘myths’

    What are the 10 marketing ‘myths’? They were unveiled at a marketing summit in Lagos by the founder of Media Reach, OMD, TBWA and Tequila Nigeria, Mr. George Thorpe. Is he right in his assessment? Advertising gurus, such as Mr Biodun Sobanjo of Troyka Holdings do not agree with him. ADEDEJI ADEMIGBUJI reports.

    The summit was meant to celebrate the 10th anniversary of a publication, Marketing Edge, but it also became a platform for leaders in Integrated Marketing Communication (IMC) to speak on the trends in the industry which they have shied away from confronting over the years.

    The summit, tagged: “Exploding Myths of Integrated Marketing Communications” drew stakeholders from all sectors of the industry. Mr George Thorpe of Media Reach was the keynote speaker.

    Thorpe, who described his presentation as a “parting gift” to the industry, expressed concerns on what he perceived as the problems of the industry whose many are shying away from.

    Thorpe, who is to retiring soon identified 10 myths which he considered to be hindering the sector’s growth.

    He believes that in these myths are assumptions about the industry which are not true.

    Myth 1: Juicy accounts and lucrative agency business

    Thorpe challenged the popular assumption that leading agencies serving big multinational clients are doing well financially. “The reality is that most of these agencies have a negative cash flow with huge receivables,” he complained. He concluded that if the business with the “juicy” accounts were subjected to proper scrutiny, it will be discovered that most of these agencies are not doing well. “At best, some of the individuals running them may be doing well but the businesses are not healthy,” said Thorpe.

    Citing the case of a United Kingdom (UK) agency that had an entry on its client list as ‘Income derivable from interests on “cash at bank”, Thorpe said this particular agency was able to cover all its overheads from the interest generated from its bank balances. He wondered if there were agencies with such lucrative businesses in Nigeria.

    However, his position under this myth was countered by the Chairman of Troyka Group, Mr. Biodun Sobanjo, who maintained that despite Thorpe’s assumption, there were indeed juicy accounts during his days in active practice and such still exist today.

    “The challenge is that few agencies’ heads are ready to look at their  clients eyeball-to-eyeball and demand fair compensation for their services, but will rather hang on at all costs. This is what needs to change, as agencies need to be more business minded,” Sobanjo said.

    Myth 2: IMC is here to stay

    For the second Myth, Thorpe believes that most agencies in the country are not well structured in line with the three levels of integration, namely thematic, mechanical and strategic, which the are three levels of integration under IMC. He said the practice in the country is a Thematic Integration where an idea is distilled Through-the-Line (TTL), which is the use of mass advertising to form a prospect or customer database, which can be implemented for direct marketing activities.

    The reality, Thorpe explained,  is that most agencies are not structured to work in a truly integrated manner. The other side of the coin is that clients too are not ready to put all their eggs in one basket in a way that will allow proper integration to take place.

    So, contrary to the popular assertion, we are still some way off in practising truly Integrated Marketing Communication, he added.

     Myth 3: Retired founders, MDs can come back on salvage mission

    He raised concern over recurring cases of retired founders who still come back from retirement to rescue their agencies from collapse.

    He said: “A few retired founder Managing Directors feel they still have it in them to steer their agencies back to the path of recovery when the business nosedived, post- retirement,” he said.

    Citing his personal experience, he said coming out of retirement could be frustrating as he felt old and out of place at client meetings he attended.

    “The reality is that the client contacts also have a challenge relating with the ‘big man’ that further frustrates the rescue mission,” he noted. On the basis of this, he advised founder MDs to take succession plan serious and possibly put in place a two to three-year plan before handing over the business.

    Myth 4: Brands pend on media advertising/media is expensive in Nigeria

    Thorpe said  only seven advertisers spend above N1 billion yearly in Nigeria, while the next four will spend between N500 million and N999 million.

    “In total, only 11 clients spend more than N500 million annually. Most advertisers actually spend less than N500 million. This clearly shows that available total spend in the entire industry is small and by current data figures, only about N103 billion is spent per annum,” he said.

    “A comparison of Ad spends to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) from across countries will clearly demonstrate that media is inexpensive in Nigeria: World average is 0.8 per cent of GDP, US: 1.1 per cent; UK 0.79 per cent; Brazil 0.7 per cent; Ghana 0.5 per cent; Nigeria: 0.1 per cent (Rebased GDP),” Thorpe stated.

    He said: “When a comparative analysis of cost per thousand across countries is made, it is clear that media in Nigeria is cheap. Again, comparatively, cost per ’000 of 18+ adults showed that Nigeria’s costs stand at N86 for TV and N46 for radio, compared with N167 and N98 for Ghana, and Kenya N688 and N202; UK N1251 and N495. This clearly shows that Media costs are relatively cheaper in Nigeria,” he added.

    He, however, introduced a caveat that he is by no means advocating a rate increase by media houses, but merely stating the facts. He urged media owners to invest in content to attract more audience in order to derive greater value based on the audiences they deliver.

     Myth 5: Digital in and traditional media out

    Thorpe also expressed concern over the assumption that digital media will take over traditional media. “Digital is over hyped and over promised,” he said, adding, however, that though digital will continue to grow in importance, it will find its place and ‘settle’ in the mix and compliment each other but not replace ‘traditional’ media.

    Myth 6: Protectionism/APCON Reform

    Being a marketing professional Thorpe is inclined to the philosophy of a free market environment where competition thrives, he observed that those who argue in support of ‘Protectionism’put forward three main arguments; protection of an infant industry, protection of domestic jobs and national security. “None of these applies to Nigeria, so what is the basis for the proclamation made by APCON? The Nigerian IMC industry and professionals can hold their own anywhere and are therefore not in need of protection. The advent of telecoms has also debunked the argument of national security,” said Thorpe.

    He contended that Nigeria IMC agencies should have a vision for West Africa and Africa by extending footprints across the continent. “If other countries were to go by APCON’s example, this bold quest will be truncated by Protectionist actions,” he added.

    However, Thorpe questions the legal status of the APCON proclamation and the level of stakeholder consultations that was done before it was made public. He also questioned the right of APCON to regulate the ownership of advertising Agencies, postulating that the remit of APCON should be the practice and professional conduct. He concluded by requesting that APCON rethink the proclamation.

    In defence of APCON, a council member of the advertising regulatory body, Mr. Funmi Onabolu, said the proclamation is a law as it has been gazetted. Onabolu said further that APCON consulted, engaging with various stakeholders that included agency heads and owners for over two years before announcing the proclamation.

    He added that APCON acted in enlightened self-interest by putting some controls in place for foreign agencies that want to do business in Nigeria and not a shutout. “This is no different from what happened in other climes to protect local industry citing Brazil as an example,” he said.

    But, Shobanjo countered Thorpe, citing  how the 1972 Indigenisation Decree paved the way for local agencies that resulted in the emergence of local ad agencies. He added that APCON is a government agency and that it is one of the steps they take to protect local industries just like the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB).

    Still, Thorpe requested APCON for a clarification of what enlightened self-interest means and sought to know if some aspects of the APCON proclamation is not at variance with some of the provisions of the Company and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). He further argued that creating an environment that will promote competition and improve services would be the source of greater growth.

    Myth 7: Dearth of data

    “The reality on ground is that there is a myriad of published researches and data available. So, the assertion is not true. There are also a number of world class research agencies in the country with the skill sets to conduct specialised researches but the challenge is that people are not willing to pay for information. It is incredible that some advertisers are ready to spend N2 billion on advertising but not N4 million on researches that will enable them to get more value,” said Thorpe.

    Myth 8: Career advancement of indigenous

    marketers on rise

    As against what stakeholders assume that career advancement of indigenous marketing executive is on the rise, Thorpe revealed that between 2004 and last year, the ratio of Nigerians holding top marketing positions compared to expatriates in multinationals declined from 4:7 to 3:8. “This statistical evidence suggests that all is not well as Nigerian professionals in marketing are not doing as well as their predecessors. Surely, the trajectory ought to be in the other direction. Fewer Nigerians are actually occupying the senior positions in marketing,” he cited.

    Myth 9 & 10: Advertising agencies win creative awards or die! Affiliate (to global networks) or die!

    The Multinational Account (MNC) and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), according to Thorpe, is the last frontier of opportunity. “Get in Now! This is a very popular point of view within advertising circles that was challenged with facts. MNCs/FDIs are the only group that really gives second thoughts to the affiliation of the agency and the awards they win at creative competitions,” he said.

    According to Thorpe, coincidentally, working for these clients has been known to impact on the creativity of the local agency adversely, in that most of the works they do are ‘adaptations and ‘templating’ along globally agreed lines.

    On the other hand, he said LCEs, MDAs, SMEs and NGOs are sensitive to awards but not so to affiliation as they are looking for agencies with local knowledge but world-class standard who can model their services to suit them. His words: “They allow the agency develop creative work and are willing to explore compensation models that are far more lucrative than the MNCs.”

    On SMEs/NGOs, Mr Thorpe contended that this is a major area of opportunity for agencies that can fashion out a unique way of servicing the needs of these clients who are willing to be more creative in remunerating the agencies. He said they are also available in greater numbers with more to choose from and work with.

    But Shobanjo challenged his position by referring to the statistics provided which show that out of the eight big spenders, only one is a local client and since multinationals companies play a key role in who gets the business through agency alignments, affiliation will still remain relevant.

    However, Mr. Bola Akingbade, former Marketing Director of MTN, described Thorpe’s exploded myths as concerns not meant to be prescriptive or canonised, but the intention is to provoke further deliberation and elicit constructive debate that would take the industry forward.

  • Rumble in Imo over Ihedioha’s governorship ambition

    Rumble in Imo over Ihedioha’s governorship ambition

    The speculated ambition of the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Emeka Ihedioha, to contest the Imo State governorship seat in 2015 is expectedly generating ripples within the political landscape of the Southeast state, reports Assistant Editor, Remi Adelowo

     

    For 14 uninterrupted years, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Chief Chukwuemeka Nkem Ihedioha, has remained a constant figure in the corridors of power.

    Starting out in 1999 as one of the media aides of the then Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, Ihedioha, in 2003, contested and won election to represent Aboh Mbaise/Ngor-Okpala Federal Constituency in the Lower House of the National Assembly. And since then, there has been no looking back for Ihedioha, who is a Knight of the Anglican Church.

    From being a floor member of the House, the lawmaker, described by sources as ‘a deft politician’, was later elected as the chief whip of the Green Chamber in 2005, a position he held before his election, by his colleagues, as Deputy Speaker in 2011.

    Now serving his third term as a legislator, Ihedioha like all ambitious politicians, is allegedly dreaming for post-2015 dispensation, with unconfirmed speculations indicating that he is set to challenge Governor Rochas Okoracha for the Imo State governorship seat.

    Findings by The Nation, however, revealed that not all major political stakeholders in Imo State are favourably disposed to Ihedioha’s ambition. His critics are accusing the Deputy Speaker of sundry allegations, bordering largely on his alleged ruthless style of politicking.

     

    The zoning controversy

    Many politicians, particularly in Aboh Mbaise/Ngor-Okpala, are up in arms against Ihedioha for allegedly jettisoning the zoning accord between Aboh Mbaise and Ngor Okpala. As the story goes, the two local government areas in 1998, resolved to rotate the seat of the constituency in the Lower House every four years.

    Sources disclosed that it was on the basis of this gentleman’s agreement that the lawmaker from Ngor-Okpala, who was elected in 1999, served for only one term before stepping down in 2003 for another candidate from Aboh Mbaise, who happen to be Ihedioha.

    But to the surprise of everyone, Ihedioha has refused to step down, allegedly using his close relationship with the powers-that-be in Abuja to hold on to his seat. For this, according to a source, many politicians in his constituency have not forgiven him.

     

    His battle with Bethel Amadi, other stakeholders

    Ihedioha and Hon. Bethel Amadi have a few things in common. Both are members of the House of Representatives, the lawmakers also hail from Imo State. But that is where the similarities seem to end. The two young politicians, in spite of public posturing that a cordial relationship exists between them, are not the best of friends, The Nation reliably gathered.

    The crux of their frosty relationship, according to reliable sources, may not be unconnected to how Ihedioha allegedly schemed out Amadi from the seat of Chief Whip, in a move that was described as a ‘palace coup’ against Amadi, who is currently the President of the African Parliament.

    Another politician alleged to have an axe to grind with the Deputy Speaker is Independence Ogunnewe, a former member of the House of Representatives. Ogunnewe, from Imo State, was one of the ‘rebel’ lawmakers, who include Dino Melaye, that were suspended for several months by the Dimeji Bankole-led House in 2010, sequel to a botched attempt to effect a change in leadership of the House.

    Ogunnewe, it was gathered, was alleged to have put his travails squarely at the doorsteps of Ihedioha, an allegation that a political associate of the deputy speaker stoutly refuted. “The decision to suspend Ogunnewe and others was taken by a unanimous decision of the House. The deputy speaker had no hand in it,” the associate told The Nation.

    Critics of Ihedioha are also accusing him of being the brain behind the removal of Dr. Ada Okwonu as the running mate of former Imo State governor, Ikedi Ohakim, in the 2011 general elections. Ihedioha, it was alleged, had prevailed on Ohakim to drop Okwonu, said to be his in-law, in favour of Professor Violet Onwuliri.

    Mention was also made of the omission of Okwonu’s name from the ministerial list, with Onwuliri again the lucky beneficiary.

     

    Ihedioha vs. Okorocha

    With speculations rife that Okorocha is allegedly interested in a second term in office come 2015, stakeholders in Imo politics are already predicting a big battle between him and Ihedioha, who though has not formally indicated his interest in the race, but is allegedly putting necessary structures in place to enable him actualise his ambition in 2015.

    The battle between the two political office holders is currently being fought through proxies, with indications suggesting the feud may assume a more frightening dimension in the months ahead.

    In the last one year, Okorocha has been having a running battle with the ousted local government chairmen in the state over their tenure of office, which the state government insists has long come to an end, while the former LG bosses think otherwise.

    The thinking in the governor’s camp is that the long-drawn battle between the former local government chairmen and Okorocha could not have been possible without the backing of some influential indigenes of Imo State, including Ihedioha, who is alleged to be bankrolling the prosecution of the several court cases instituted by the chairmen against the Imo State Government.

     

    Countdown to 2015

    The Nation investigations revealed that Ihedioha, conscious of the opposition his perceived ambition may face in certain quarters, is not leaving any stone unturned to plug all  loopholes.

    According to a source, some powerful Presidency officials are yet to forgive the deputy speaker for aligning with certain forces within the House and beyond for breaching the zoning arrangement in the election of principal officers of the Lower House in 2011.

    Ihedioha, according to a source, has been making spirited efforts to warm his way back into the good books of the powers-that-be, but a few Presidency officials, it was gathered, are still adopting a ‘wait and see’ attitude on whether or not to throw their weight behind Ihedioha’s ambition.

     

  • Renewed rumble on the Plateau

    Renewed rumble on the Plateau

    These are not the best of times for Plateau State Governor Jonah Jang and members of his state executive council who are still smarting from the protracted onslaught by bombers who have been spreading terror round the state. Today, local government workers’ anger over non-payment of the N18,000 minimum wage has heightened his trouble.

    Though the government is enjoying applause from members of the state civil service for implementing the new wage, it is a sour story from their counterparts at the local government level. The development has placed the government and leadership of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) on collision course. And the opposition politicians and the restive civil society groups are striking partnership with the workers. The result? Tension

    In contention is the non-payment of workers’ five-month salary arrears while they were on strike. And Governor Jang has said there is no going back, as, according to him, it’s ‘no work, no pay.’

    The NLC national leadership has warned the state government that if the striking workers are not paid their arrears in 10 days, it will shut down the state. But the government feels that the labour union is attempting to over-shoot its constitutional powers. the state Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Edward Pwajok, said: “It will be recalled that since June 2012, workers in all the 17 Local Government Councils of Plateau State have been on strike.

    There have been series of meetings between workers and government as well as stakeholders with several written correspondences including agreements and letters. It is necessary to clarify the position of the law on some of these issues, particularly in view of the letters written to the Governor of Plateau State and the Head of Service by the National Headquarters of the Nigeria Labour Congress and the Plateau State Chapter dated November 29, 2012, but received on December 3, 2012.

    “The letter under reference was derogatory and disrespectful to the office and person of the Governor. What purpose is that supposed to serve? Are the fine niceties of etiquette and diplomacy or respect for constituted authority which are part of all religions and culture no longer relevant? The letter cannot even be described as a notice of a strike as nowhere in the letter is the word, “notice” used. The letter, also in its heading, misrepresents the situation by describing it as “Dispute between the State Government and Local Government workers in Plateau State.”

    “There is no dispute between the State Government and local government workers. The local government is another tier which has its own staff just like the State Civil Service is separate from the Federal Civil Service. The role of the State Government in the matter is only a fatherly one to assist in resolving the dispute between the local governments and their staff and to discharge its constitutional mandate of ensuring Law and Order and good governance which includes industrial harmony all over Plateau State.”

    He spoke further: “Another misrepresentation is that Government is re-negotiating the National Minimum Wage lower than what was agreed upon, with a labour claiming to have accepted 55% of the minimum wage pending when the finances of Government improve. Both Government and Labour are bound by the Law and there can be no negotiation of the Law. For the avoidance of doubt, The National Minimum Wage (Amendment) Act, 2011, Section 2(1) provides as follows: “As from the commencement of this Act, it shall be the duty of every employer (except as provided for under the principal Act as amended) to pay a wage not less than the national minimum wage of N18,000 per month to every worker under his establishment.

    “The wordings of the Law are clear and do not contain any ambiguity. The law only says no employer in the relevant establishments which include Government should pay any worker any amount less than N18,000. The implication is that any worker earning less than N18,000 should be taken up to N18,000. The Law did not provide for a new wage structure or a general wage increase as is erroneously believed in some quarters.

    “Also, 50 per cent of the minimum wage is N9,000 and 55 per cent of the minimum wage is N9,900.00. I do not think both Government and Labour will accept those figures which in any case will be illegal. So, the issue of percentages does not arise and is illegal as it cannot be supported with reference to the minimum wage Law.

    “If some people insist on 50 or 55 per cent increase, should salaries of Chairmen and Councilors of councils be increased by that percentage? That will not only be unreasonable, but illegal. The truth is the Minimum Wage Act did not prescribe a general wage increase. That is why salaries of many public officers including Governors, Legislators, Judicial officers and Commissioners among others have not changed after the passage of the Minimum Wage Act, 2011. For the avoidance of doubt, negotiation is allowed and encouraged by law at any time on a wage structure but not on minimum wage. It is better for all concerned to understand this and approach the issue from the correct perspective.”

    Puncturing the labour’s ultimatum, Pwajok argued: “In any case, what is the legal basis for a 10-day ultimatum or strike? Sections 41 and 42 of the Trade Disputes Act, 2004 CAP T8, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria provide for 15 days notice to be given by workers in essential services before ceasing work and in circumstance, involving danger to persons or property respectively. It should be noted that the Law has categorised Local Government workers as those performing essential services defined in the 1st Schedule to the Trade Disputes Act, 2004 Section 2. This includes health workers, those involved in the transportation of goods, etc.

    “Teachers are included under the Trade Disputes (Essential Services) Act, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004. But more fundamentally, the on-going strike or the threat is not in compliance with the Law. This is because the Trade Union Amendment Act 2005 makes such strikes illegal. It is important to quote Section 30(6)(a) to (e) of the Trade Unions Amendment Act, 2005. 30(6) “No person, trade union or employer shall take part in a strike or lock out or engage in any conduct in contemplation or furtherance of a strike or lock out unless: the person, trade union or employer is not engaged in the provision of essential services, the strike or lock out concerns a labour dispute that constitutes a dispute of right, the strike or lock out concerns a dispute arising from a collective and fundamental breach of contract of employment or collective agreement on the part of the employee, trade union or employer, the provision for arbitration in the Trade

    Disputes Act Cap 432, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 1990 have first been complied with; and in the case of an employee or a trade union, a ballot has been conducted in accordance with the rules and constitution of the trade union at which a simple majority of all registered members voted to go on strike.”

    “What is the dispute between NLC and the Plateau State Government not to talk of the Local Governments in Plateau?” The commissioner asked, adding: “We have read where some Labour leaders said the 2005 Trade Union Amendment Act amended the Trade Disputes Act 2004 repealed the Section on “No work, No pay”. This is not true. I have earlier cited the relevant provisions of the 2005 Law which among other things make strikes illegal, and or provide stringent conditions which must be complied with before they are embarked upon. Those with a contrary view should cite the relevant provisions of the Law with dates that justify their positions.”

    Apart from the illegality of NLC’s threat, he said the state also believes that the threat has weighty security implications on the fragile peace in the state. Plateau State chairman of Association of Local Governments in Nigeria (ALGON), Hon Emmanuel Loman, said, “the purported ultimatum of ten days given to the state government by the NLC threatening total shutdown of the state poses a fresh security challenge to the already peaceful atmosphere the state is already enjoying and could also be set-back to resolving the issue.”

    “Whereas the stated objectives of the national leadership of the NLC during its recent visit to the state was to find amicable solution to the strike, its letter purportedly giving an ultimatum to the state shows insincerity of purpose and undue, ill-intentioned motive. The NLC national leadership ought to have been guarded in their actions and utterances as the labour law does not provide for such solidarity actions which could have security implications on the peace in the state. And we ought to remind them of the obvious too: do they have trade dispute with Plateau state government?” He asked, adding: “We strongly identify with the position of the Plateau State government on the issue at stake and on its resolve to sanitize the local government system towards bringing honour, integrity and accountability into it.

    While he called on security agencies to hold the leadership of NLC and Trade Unions Congress (TUC) responsible in the event of a breach in the fragile peace being enjoyed in the state is breached as a result of the “total shut down”. He, however, preached understanding and people’s support towards arresting this impasse.

    As the labour continues to flex muscles, time will tell how things eventually turn out.

  • 2015: Rumble in Akwa Ibom

    2015: Rumble in Akwa Ibom

    Last week, the unexpected happened in Akwa Ibom State. The deputy governor Mr Nsima Ekere took almost everybody by surprise. He resigned his position in a tersely worded, two paragraphed letter. He attributed his resignation to “personal reasons”. But this has been dismissed by analysts as a mere smokescreen for a high-wire power struggle rocking the state in respect of the 2015 governorship election.

    Among the medley of reasons that have been advanced for the unexpected resignation of the former deputy governor is the strongly held insinuation about Ekere’s ambition to succeed Akpabio.

    Part of Ekere’s aspiration, it was learnt, was to ensure that the Eket Senatorial District, which has not produced the governor of the state since 1999 is given an opportunity of leading the state in 2015 to engender a sense of belonging.

    Akwa Ibom, like every other state of the federation has three senatorial districts. They are Eket, Uyo and Ikot Ekpene. Almost all the oil resources for which the state is famous comes from the Eket Senatorial District stretching from Mbo to Ikot Abasi.

    Former governor Victor Attah, who governed from 1999 to 2007 hails from Ibesikpo Asutan in Uyo Senatorial District. Incumbent Governor Akpabio is from Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District. The choice of the next occupant of Government House, Uyo, in 2015 is said to be at the heart of last week’s political rumble in the state. There is the wide speculation here that the Secretary to the State Government (SSG) Umana Umana is tipped to succeed Akpabio. He is from Nsit Ubiom in Uyo Local Government Area.

    Akpabio and Umana both served as commissioners under Governor Attah. Akpabio served in the Ministry of Local Government while Umana was in charge of finance. Umana, it was learnt, worked assiduously towards the emergence of the present governor in the state.

    As to be expected, the state quickly filled the seeming void created by the resignation of Nsima. On Saturday, Governor Akpabio swore in Lady Valerie Ebe as the new deputy governor. During her swearing-in, Governor Akpabio said that with her emergence, the state now has a triumvirate of women in key positions as Chief Judge, Head of Civil Service and now as a deputy governor.

    However, beyond the attempt to cloak the appointment as a sign of a gender friendly administration, the choice of Ebe has been described as a carefully considered one as a person that is unlikely to pull any surprises that would hurt the transition plans already on ground. The agenda is to safe guard a planned transition, it was learnt.

    A reliable source in Uyo said of the choice of Lady Valerie: “He might have picked her at that age, believing there would be no ambition of any kind. He probably wants someone who is completely loyal and maybe also to satisfy the womenfolk. Besides, women are known not to be as politically aggressive as men.”

    A widow, said to be in her mid 60s, Ebe had served before in the executive councils of the former governor Attah and incumbent Akpabio, and only left the present administration after the last cabinet shakeup. She was the legal adviser to the Peoples Democratic Party in the state.

    Described as a cool headed woman, she was married to the late Morris Ebe, who was a prominent politician in the state. She is also a teacher, lawyer and women mobilizer, who contributed to the emergence of the Akpabio government.

    She was appointed a Commissioner in the Ethical and Attitudinal Re-orientation Commission, EARCOM, during Obong Victor Attah’s regime. With the advantage of her position as President and founder of a socio-political organisation, Akwa Ibom Women League, she galvanised support from the women for the governorship ambition of Akpabio in 2007. She eventually became Akpabio’s Commissioner for Culture and Tourism and later Commissioner for Environment and Mineral Resources, until she was dropped in the cabinet reshuffle.

    The question being asked in Akwa Ibom and beyond now is whether the path to Government House has now been paved and made ready for an anointed individual in 2015? Political observers have also surmised that if the body language of the governor is anything to go by, he probably has cast his vote in the succession bid for Umana.

    The arrangement is believed to have already been set in motion, and like a moving train, is capable of crushing anything on its path. It is said that Ekere’s ambition, which also seems to be his bane, appeared to be a major cog in the wheel of the machinery that has been grinding quietly, slowly, yet surely towards 2015.

    The same machinery, which in seeking to preserve itself, had allegedly, covertly initiated an impeachment process against the former deputy to cut him short and make sure he doesn’t have the financial and political strength if he decides to run.

    Mixed reactions have trailed the circumstances surrounding his resignation. While some feel he gave in too easily, a disturbing quality for anyone who desires to lead a state like Akwa Ibom; others think it was the wisest thing to do as moves were already in place to get him impeached, in which case he would have been rendered politically irrelevant for life.

    It is, however, believed that he would continue to build structures to the best of his ability towards 2015, although many believe it is going to be an uphill task pitting against the wishes of a sitting governor. But a sympathizer who would not want his name in print, reasoned that he can take consolation from recent history that the former governor was unable to install someone of his choice.

    However, a downside to whatever influence such history may have to Ekere’s ambition, other observers noted that Akpabio who emerged as governor as the wishes of then incumbent Attah was in government “till the very last”, thereby building a very formidable base.

    According to a source in Uyo, “Ekere gave in too easily. The gesture suggests that he is not strong. He has only being in power for one year and that is not enough time to consolidate. He has been trying to build up a power structure but I am not sure he has much on ground. Leaving power now is a fatal blow to his political ambition.

    “If you are impeached for unjust reasons it doesn’t mean it is a death sentence. People would know. You have to fight. Even fighting would unearth some facts that are being hidden. The fight would become messy. And the world would know your own side of the story. Either there is something sinister he is afraid of or just downright weak, which anyway just boils down to the same weakness. Resigning on personal grounds does not make you strong enough to rule a state like Akwa Ibom where people would fight you to the ground. You have to be ready to take anything.”

    But arguing for Ekere’s action another said, “He did what he had to. He could not have fought against an impeachment because first, the House of Assembly to a great extent is a rubber stamp Assembly. Resigning honourably, at least saves him the dent of an impeachment on his political career, which could have telling effects on his future, politically.”

    For the governor, Akpabio, it is his third lieutenant in a space of two years. While this has shaken the belief of the people on the governor’s ability to be a team player, others hope Ebe sees 2015 as deputy governor of Akwa Ibom State.