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Tag: Saraki

  • Saraki, Mark mourn Emir of Borgu

    Saraki, Mark mourn Emir of Borgu

    •Ahmed, Aregbesola commiserate with monarch’s family

    Senate President Bukola Saraki yesterday expressed grief at the death of the Emir of Borgu, Alhaji Haliru Dantoro, Kitoro III.

    He described the late emir as a people-oriented monarch, who fought for the interest of his people.

    In a statement by his media office in Abuja, Saraki said the late emir was a “quintessential traditional ruler,” who lived for the benefit of his people and the development of the country.

    Saraki said: “It saddens me that such a vibrant and devoted leader could be snatched from us so suddenly. We are, however, consoled that he lived a worthy, progressive and eventful life.

    “His death is a great loss, not only to the traditional institution, the people of Borgu and Niger State, but to Nigeria.”

    Former Senate President David Mark expressed shock and sadness at the demise of the emir.

    In a condolence message to the government and people of Niger State, Mark said the death of the emir was a personal loss.

    Kwara State Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed commiserated with the Borgu Emirate Council and the government and people of Niger State on the death of the emir.

    In a condolence message, the governor described the late monarch as a consummate politician, a statesman of note, a technocrat par excellence and a monarch with a Midas Touch, who impacted on lives far beyond his immediate domain.

    Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola condoled with the family of the late emir.

    The governor described the late monarch as a detribalised Nigerian, who served the nation and his kingdom meritoriously.

    A statement by the Director of Bureau of Communication and Strategy, Office of the Governor, Mr. Semiu Okanlawon, quoted the governor as describing the death of the emir and one-time senator and minister of the Nigeria as a monumental loss to the country.

     

  • Saraki’s long, winding and unflattering trial

    Saraki’s long, winding and unflattering trial

    Senate President Bukola Saraki faces three cruel choices, none of which is capable of redeeming him. One, he could be absolved of the 13-count charge slammed against him by the Code of Conduct Bureau, for which he has been facing a convoluted trial since September. Two, he could be found guilty, thus wrecking his political career and ruining his reputation for life. And, three, he could coax the government and everybody else involved in the case into a truly disingenuous political solution that could see him ending up neither innocent nor guilty, neither tried nor excused from trial. Left to him, he would have preferred that the case never came up in the first instance. Indeed, given the sordid and unpredictable choices facing him, there is no proof that in his solitude he would not want the hands of time turned back to enable him make different choices.

    The Appeal Court, which reserved ruling in the case he filed some two weeks ago to disqualify the CCT from proceeding with his trial, has now ruled it could grant no such relief. The case will now continue except he can get the Supreme Court to come to his rescue. For reasons that are not too hidden, Senator Saraki seems determined that the case should not proceed. He has mustered overwhelming support from his colleagues across the political divide, and across the two chambers of the National Assembly. And he has managed to convince himself and his supporters that the merit of the case does not count as much as the politics of the case. According to him, he is in court fighting for his honour and reputation because he summoned the effrontery to grab power in the Senate. He deploys such expiatory words as political persecution, witch-hunt, and legislative independence to stultify the case and justify his relentless rigmarole.

    This column is not privy to what Senator Saraki and his lawyers think of the case against him, whether he has hope of freedom or hopelessness of conviction. Given his determined effort to thwart the case, however, he gives the impression he fears the direction the case may take. He is alleged to have engaged in false declaration of assets and corruption. The allegations are distributed into 13 charges by the prosecution, which says it needs just two or three days to prove its case. Until the case is finally determined, however, no one can say how the pendulum would swing.

    The choices Senator Saraki faces are appalling because the implications are far-reaching. Assuming he fails at the Supreme Court, and the trial proceeds but he is absolved at the CCT, the victory will strengthen his hand, weaken the bargaining hand of the ruling party, cause a drawn-out stalemate at the ruling party level until one party to the intra-party crisis surrenders, and possibly alter the country’s political dynamics in profound and unforeseen ways. If he is found guilty, the consequence is less ambiguous: he will leave his post as Senate President not only a vanquished and humiliated man, he will vacate politics entirely a broken man. This is an outcome he will be reluctant to contemplate. But if a political solution is cobbled together, as he hopes, he and his party may declare a draw, bury their pride, and put up a brave face and move on, perhaps a little shamelessly. Indeed, a political solution will not hurt both the party and Senator Saraki as it will hurt the president and damage the integrity of his anti-graft war.

    Irrespective of the course of the CCT trial and the final outcome, Senator Saraki is unlikely to come out of the case smelling of roses. It will be remembered that he deliberately stymied the trial with legal and political shenanigans. It will be remembered that though he rhapsodises democracy and the rule of law, he nevertheless did everything in his power to undermine the case, notwithstanding the consequences to democracy and Nigeria’s political evolution. Rather than submit to the rule of law, he has cried political persecution and whipped up the National Assembly into a frenzied, divisive, unthinking and emotive assemblage of activists with cracked ethical compass. It was at first assumed that Senator Saraki was unwilling to submit to trial because it humiliated his office. The truth may be more nuanced. Had he been sure of his innocence, he would have helped advance the cause of justice and the building of institutions by submitting to a quick trial to shame the enemies he talks about so often, so engagingly and so garishly.

    Except the courts inexplicably relent, Senator Saraki will eventually come to trial. It is inconceivable he will come out unscathed. And this will not be because his so-called enemies pressed their advantage, or saw him in the political victimhood he has tried to paint himself. It will be because the substance of the case does not favour him. Worse, he will be unlikely to get the sympathy of the discerning and judicious members of the society, for they know more than he and scores of his supporters and sympathisers that the cost to the entire body politic of sparing one man is too high for the nation to pay.

     

  • PDP’s umbrella and Saraki’s dilemma

    PDP’s umbrella and Saraki’s dilemma

    This write-up is not aimed at maligning any personality or political organization. It is aimed at enlightening the Nigerian government and political class across all interested parties on the reality of national self-affliction and national self-destruction through ignorance of the power, utility, and astral divinity of symbols within the ambit of culture. What is more, it is an attempt to call on relevant arm/arms of government to look into the space of symbolism as an indispensable dimension of State intelligence, not only for the purpose of defence, but for conflict resolution, economic and human development. The human developmental dimension of this is based on the proper understanding and management of culture and the positive direction of its ambience.

    The dimensions of cultural ambience in focus are the socio-political and economic dimensions. The symbol in focus is the logo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). It will be examined in relation to its scope of influence on politics and the socio-political spaces through the subconscious link to the mind and character. The startling effect of the PDP’s logo within the scope of party symbols and the sub-conscious frequency is a main focus. It is also a necessary concern to the PDP, APC, three arms of government and citizenry. Of the subconscious frequency stated, the central sub-conscious frequency of the Nigerian Coat of Arms is negatively dominant. However, at present, it is virally permeated-devastatingly-by symbol frequency of the PDP.

    In nature, there is an etheric order that determines the course of human consciousness, cultures, and destiny. The gate of influence of the non-material order of nature on man is the human mind, which, for the purpose of this article, will be referred to as Ori inu eda. The purity or impurity of human inclination to art and spirituality largely depends on the condition of the Ori inu. Ori inu is the determinant of Iwa as a psychological dimension of human character. In Ifa metaphysics, the Odu Ogbe-Ogunda states that ”ori kan kii buru titi lootu Ife, iwa nikan lo soro”…i.e., ”no destiny is perpetually unfortunate in Ife (literally referring to the Yoruba and the human race), the problem sustaining the unfortunate condition or ill being is caused by character deficiency”. Hence, in many cases, the bad condition of human character is a magnet of human misfortune within the ambits of afomo, akoba, or afowofa.

     In Ifa (Yoruba) metaphysical worldview, the process of healing (iwosan) is operatively more successful by crypto-diagnosis through etheric evaluation. This enables the identification of cause of ill being, oftentimes through cryptaesthetic diagnosis of Ifa divination, and occasionally through psychic and thought transcendence. The diagnosis of cause on the cosmic platter through any transcendental system in the world is deemed to be the most helpful form of knowledge; for it deals with the root of protracted problems. In the Yoruba worldview, the greatest plague that can befall a man is believed to be Ogun aimo, that is, ‘problem of ignorance’. It is thus presupposed that collectively, the worst problem that may bedevil any society or organization is a lack of knowledge-particularly-of the order and cycle of nature to which it is related.

    In some previous articles written by the present author and published by the Nation newspapers (Artistic Analysis of Nigerian Coat of Arms-June 30 and July 2 2007-and Nigerian Presidency and the Northern Death Spell – June 16 and 30, 2013), reference was made to the problems associated with the red eagle of the Nigerian Coat of Arms. From the metaphysical art dimension, its configuration is the sub-conscious root of a state of mind of social and political leadership which is fettered to the lower self and regressive reasoning that consequently results in avarice and corruption. Aside from being an open gate of cosmic corruption into the ethers of Nations who bear the eagle on civic symbols, the red eagle image is the astral gate through which the PDP logo permeates the Nigerian space like a violent gale. At this juncture, let us examine the party logo in the metaphysical historical essence.

     

    THE PDP LOGO

    The PDP’s umbrella is constituted mainly by colours green, white and red at the background. It is placed in suspension. For this reason, the logo’s base is deemed to be the air. Therefore, the frequency of the PDP logo is to be examined as elemental and horticultural phenomena. On the surface, the umbrella is a tool for temporary use as shield or shelter against rain and unbearable sunrays. It is a brainchild of mental creative energy that is evoked in the artistic imitation of the tree, just like the aeroplane is an imitation of the fusion of birds and dolphins, robots as imitations of man, and the camera as an imitation of the human eye in relation to perception of images, blinks of eyes, and memory.

    In the cosmic frequency of the umbrella’s influence on human consciousness within the entire body of the PDP and their extended influence, the operation is bound to occur through the third (astral) and fourth (physical) planes of natural consciousness. Hence, in the ascendancy of reasoning from within the mind and body, the PDP is expected to be limited to the dictates of astral frequency which, by the order of nature, is dependent on a horticultural frequency.

    The horticultural frequency essentially deals with relations of the umbrella to a tree and a consequent indication of a forest. In its social sequence, primitive consciousness is indicated. In such primordial state of being, the early man’s primitive instinct is a related psychological potential characteristic of members of the forest society. The animal kingdom is therefore set to reflect the astral frequency, in effect, on the psychology of human members of such forest society. The principal animal frequencies are expected to be in accordance to hierarchy of species in physical association and mythologies. Although, man, by the order of nature, is positioned to be a principality; however, in the order of creation, he is the last creature created in available legends, and all other creatures precede him. This is a reason why he is vulnerable to astral conquest by animal images in his dream experiences, sorcery, and Iwa-i.e., general existence of man in mind-body relations-as exquisitely exemplified in the symbolism of serpent in the Garden of Eden according to biblical mythology. Psychologically, man is subjected to a struggle to subdue the instinctive influence established by the general order of nature. Hence, the battle for the soul of man from the inception of his being is deemed to have always been between his lower self and higher self, and also virtue and vice.

    The animal principalities which are essential to understanding the destiny and culture of the PDP, and which directly relates to the present course of analysis, are the king of reptiles, beasts, birds, rodents and insects. However, in this piece, only the beasts, birds and rodents will be discussed with necessary limitation. Of the beasts, reference is to be made to the lion and tiger as kings of the beasts and jungles respectively. Of the birds, reference is to be made to the eagle and vulture with necessary limitation too. In reading the symbols, it is presumable that when the PDP rules on a presidential scale, the party and citizenry are placed ‘under the spell of the umbrella’ in its full astral essence and devastating magnetism.

                   Therefore, at the juncture of human relations to symbol, the tree’s nature with regard to the human society is to be examined from the socio-political philosophical perspectives of the ‘state of nature’ and ‘social contract’. The base of the tree’s existence is the earth. The umbrella and tree astral metaphor connotes a state of natural co-existence of humans with all ranges of beast, reptiles, rodents, birds and insects. Chaos is clearly indicated on, and under, the tree. What is more, by virtue of the pre-eminent subconscious frequency of the misconfigured eagle of the Nigerian Coat of Arms, the pure eagle essence becomes impossible in the life of the PDP. Hence, the ruling avian essence reverts to the vulture. In effect on the human psychology, there is thus bound to be a destructive spell of institutional kills (symbolically speaking) as a result of the prominence of debased appetites of the lower self in order to keep up vulture legacies that will translate to widespread poverty and filthy national magnetism. In the perspective of state of nature and social contract, what is expected in effect of such primitive cohabitation indicates the vision of Thomas Hobbes: of a society where life is expected to be very ‘nasty, brutish and short’. Under the spell of the umbrella, an ‘ethical crisis’ that is beyond the negligible is inevitable.

     

    PDP LOGO’S PROBLEMATIC EVOLUTION

    By understanding the umbrella, the biggest problems of the PDP are indicated in the umbrella’s horticultural and astral frequencies. From this, a metaphysical history of the party may be determined by probable prognosis, and a probable evolution and cycle of chaos can be indicated. The first thing that may be indicated in the party’s history, based on the culture of lions, is an evident insecurity of leadership within the organization. In this regard, leadership within the party can never be stable, but expected to suffer the fate of heads of lion prides. In the kingdom of lions, once a male lion builds enough courage and back up, he leads conspiracies and ambushes to overthrow/drive out the heads of a pride he aspires to control.

    In cases of success, the lion destroys his predecessor’s legacy in a bid to establish his own and enjoys the takeover while it lasts before another lion evolves into a challenger. While the lion psychology prevails in the PDP factor, the tiger cannot be ignored because it belongs to the big cat family. It is also parallel in authority to, and potentially greater than, the lion. In this regard, where Zodiac Leos of the party are not in the frontline, the zodiac tigers play out the central lion energy in the current evolution. The tiger is a solitary animal. Where a negative subconscious gate is opened through cultural errors into the consciousness of human zodiac tigers, their positive sides of dynamism, productivity, enthusiasm, independence and honour become overshadowed by negative vibrations such as impulsiveness, deviance, argumentativeness, self-centredness, disagreeableness, stubbornness, apprehensiveness and hot-headedness.

    As a dominant astral image, the lion essence determines the destiny of the PDP in time. The life span of the male lion is 12-16 years, while that of the female is 15 to 18 years. With regard to this write-up, analysis will be limited to the male essence; for an overwhelming majority of the party players are male. It is important to be cognizant of the fact that the PDP lost political authority at the presidency precisely at the close of sixteen years of national leadership.

  • Saraki loses bid to stop trial at Conduct Tribunal

    Saraki loses bid to stop trial at Conduct Tribunal

    •Appeal Court says his case lacks merit
    •Senate President may go to Supreme Court

    Senate President, Bukola Saraki, yesterday lost his bid to stop his trial before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT).

    The Court of Appeal in Abuja dismissed the Senate President’s appeal challenging the tribunal’s jurisdiction over his trial.

    He is standing trial on a 13-count charge of false asset declaration before the CCT).

    In a split decision of two-to-one, the appellate court held yesterday that Saraki’s appeal lacked merit.

    Justices Moore Adumein (presiding) and Mohammed Mustapha resolved the six issues raised in the appeal in favour of the respondents while Justice Joseph Ekanem dissented on the issue of whether an official of the Federal Ministry of Justice was competent to endorse a charge in the absence of the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF).

    While Justices Adumein (who read the lead judgment) and Mustapha dismissed the appeal, Justice Ekanem, in his dissenting judgment, upheld the appeal and quashed the Senate President’s trial before the CCT.

    Since, by the tradition of the court, the majority decision forms its judgment, it implies that the position held by Justices Adumein and Mustapha forms the court’s judgment in Saraki’s appeal.

    By the appellate court’s decision yesterday, Saraki’s trial will now proceed before the CCT on the next adjourned date of November 5.

    The CCT had delayed proceedings to await the outcome of Saraki’s appeal.

    Saraki had contended in his appeal that the charge against him was not personally served on him; that the tribunal was not validly constituted because two of its three members currently sit; and that the absence of a substantive Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) had rendered the charges incompetent.

    He also argued that the CCT lacked criminal jurisdiction, was not a court recognised by the Constitution, and that it lacked the coercive power to order anybody’s arrest.

    Justice Adumein, in the lead judgment, rejected all the arguments advanced by Saraki, including his contention that the CCT, being an inferior body to the Federal High Court, ought not to have proceeded with his trial despite an order by the court.

    He held that Saraki’s complaint about not being personally served with the charge “was of no moment, having appeared and taken his plea before the tribunal.”

    “On September 21, his counsel also appeared before the tribunal and made series of applications without raising the issue of non-service,” Justice Adumein said.

    On whether two of the three members of CCT could form a quorum, Justice Adumein, though noted that there was a “lacuna” in the laws, held that “the Interpretation Act has becomes a helpful piece of legislation” by providing that a member of the tribunal and its Chairman could validly sit and conduct proceedings.

    Justice Adumein upheld the argument by respondents’ lawyer, Rotimi Jacobs (SAN), to the effect that by the provision of Section 28 of the Interpretation Act, two members of the tribunal (including the Chairman) could form a quorum to validly conduct its proceedings

    He also held that by the provisions of Section 174(1) and (2) of the Constitution, where there is no substantive AGF, any law officer in the office of the AGF could validly file charges.

    “M.S Hassan, a Deputy Director in the department of the AGF is eminently qualified to initiate criminal proceedings.

    “The Solicitor-General of the Federation, in the absence of the AGF, may perform any of the duties and shall have the same powers as are imposed by law on the AGF,” the judge said.

    On the issue of the tribunal not being a court, Justice Adumein held that “there is no inherent difference between the tribunal and the court.”

    He noted that “the terminologies and phrases used in the CCT Act, such as “arraignment”, “arrest”, “taking plea”, “guilty” and “conviction” are associated with criminal proceedings.

    “The Code of Conduct Tribunal is a criminal court, albeit with limited jurisdiction,” he held.

    “Having resolved all the issues against the appellant, I hold that the appeal lacks merit and it is hereby dismissed,” Justice Adumein said.

    Justice Ekanem, who dissented on a single issue, held that the absence of Attorney-General of the Federation had made the charge to become defective.

    He was of the view that the failure by M. S. Hassan (who endorsed the charge) to indicate who authorised him to file the charge in his letter to the tribunal seeking leave to file the case, rendered the charge incompetent.

    Saraki’s lawyer, Mahmud Magaji (SAN), who spoke with journalists after the court had rendered its judgment, said: “We will be testing the veracity of the Court of Appeal’s judgment at the Supreme Court.”

    Jacobs, who also reacted to the judgment, said the coast was now clear for the CCT to proceed with the case before it.

    He said since there is no pending order staying its proceedings, and that since under the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015 appeal cannot act stay, the proceedings before the CCT would not be affected should Saraki appeal to the Supreme Court.

     

  • Asset declaration: Court dismisses Saraki’s appeal against CCT

    Asset declaration: Court dismisses Saraki’s appeal against CCT

    The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja on Friday dismissed an appeal filed by the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, challenging the legality of the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) to try him for alleged false declaration of assets.

    The court’s three-man panel led by Adumein Moore dismissed the Senate President’s argument that the CCT has no constitutional jurisdiction to handle the criminal charges preferred against him.

    “The CCT is a court of criminal jurisdiction, albeit with limited jurisdiction.

    “The immediate question is whether it is a court or not. There is no inherent difference between a court and a tribunal. The only difference is that tribunals in most cases handle special cases.

    “The tribunal has power to impose sanctions according to the law. It is a court with specific criminal jurisdiction,” the court said.

    On whether the CCT was properly constituted to try Saraki, the court held that the tribunal has the mandate to prosecute him.

     

  • Saraki knows fate at Appeal Court today

    Saraki knows fate at Appeal Court today

    The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja will today deliver judgment in Senate President Bukola Saraki’s matter.

    Saraki, who is standing trial on a 13-count charge of false assets declaration before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), has appealed the tribunal’s decision to try him.

    On October 16, the appelate court, after taking arguments from parties fixed judgment for 2pm on October 19.

    It did not; the judgment was then reserved indefinitely.

    It was learnt yesterday that notices have been sent to the parties informing them about today’s date.

    The delay by the Court of Appeal to deliver its judgment stalled proceedings before the CCT, which at its last sitting, elected to await the appellate court’s decision before taking any further steps in Saraki’s trial.

    Respondents in the appeal are the CCT, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB), the Federal Ministry of Justice and a lawyer in the ministry, Muslim Hassan.

    Arguing the appeal on October 16, Saraki’s lawyer, Joseph Daudu (SAN), urged the appellate court to set aside the entire proceedings before the CCT, including the charge before it.

    In a counter-argument, respondents’ lawyer Rotimi Jacobs (SAN) urged the court to dismiss the suit because it is based on “misconception and wrong interpretation of the law”.

  • Re: Saraki, Marafa and ethical question

    SIR: I wish to refer to the article published penultimate week by this esteemed newspaper and commend the writer for a job well done.

    The issues, however, go far deeper than the ones enunciated in that piece, obviously because of space limitation associated with newspaper articles. But for those of us that hail from Zamfara, some of who are constituents of Senator Kabir Garba Marafa, we bear witness to how strong-willed and principled he could be when the matter has to do with principle.

    The issue between him and Senator Bukola Saraki, the Senate President, definitely goes beyond the personal. It remains a fact that if Marafa had wanted, he could simply have joined the pro-Saraki senators to ensure endless inflow of goodies to himself. But as someone that is bothered about legacy and building a good name, Marafa is even more concerned with the reputation of the Senate President, who he believes, has come a long way in politics, and should not allow anything, not even the lure of political office, to tarnish his good name.

    As that article correctly captured, it is alien to African culture for a son to disown his mother.  But politically and morally speaking, that is exactly what Senator Saraki did, going against the best wishes of the political party on whose platform he rose to power, conniving with the opposition PDP, which has ensured misery for Nigerians, to come to power. Anyone that loves Saraki will feel bad that the man has, in a seeming desperation, elevated personal interest above the collective. It is that personal, selfish interest, that has pushed the Senate President to last week, postponed a sitting of the Senate to appear before the Code of Conduct Tribunal, at a great cost to the nation.

    For a senate president that hails from a noble political home, whose father was one of the decent politicians that Nigeria has produced, what should matter to him is building a credible legacy, one which will protect and defend that name, even if with the last drop of his blood. Fortunately, it isn’t too late for Saraki to rediscover himself, even if the hangers-on benefitting from him would hardly allow him do what is right by making difficult sacrifice.

    It is high time the senators – or majority of them – stop ridiculing themselves by supporting the Senate President at every ridiculous turn, just to spite President Buhari and the APC, the political party that brought them to power. The issues before the nation are too fundamental to play politics with. And Nigerians did not vote for change, to have the status quo maintained.

    Presently, the economy is in dire straits, occasioned by the rot the incumbents inherited from the PDP, whose misrule lasted the whole of 16 years. Nigerians are suffering, and are very desirous of better life. Simplistically, it could be said that it is the responsibility of the executive to bring about the needed change. But we are running a presidential system of government in which the three arms compliment one another. In other words, without the Senate and the entire legislature making good laws directed at prosperity, the executive would remain helpless to bring about the promised change. And we, ordinary Nigerians will the worse for it.

    Even if, therefore, Saraki must continue as Senate President, he must ensure that henceforth, speaking at plenary is not restricted mainly to those that give him blind support. It isn’t a privilege but the right of every senator to speak on the floor of the senate, especially on issues that have to do with point of order. This is well enshrined in the nation’s constitution, and captured in the rules governing the senate, the infringement of which can, and shall, lead to impeachment of the presiding officer. Nigerians are watching. So also the international community. One-tenth of the four year period is already gone. We can’t afford continuous postponement of Senate sittings to satisfy the personal interest of one man, however powerful.

     

    • Hauwa’u Sule Zurmi,

    Old GRA, Gusau.

  • In defence of Saraki

    Dishonesty and greed by the political class were identified as threats to nationhood in Awo’s 1947  ‘Path to Nigeria Freedom’ rejected by some ‘ethnic groups, their political parties and political leaders’ who believed whatever they cannot have cannot be good enough for Nigeria. Awo, who confessed spending quality time studying and proffering solutions to Nigerian problems while some of his political enemies were frolicking around had posited: “Given a choice between the white man, the traditional rulers and the educated elite, the average Nigerian would choose the white man first because with him he was sure of fairness and justice”. “The people’s angst against the traditional rulers”, he continued, “followed their acquisition of new powers without the attendant checks and balances that existed in the pre-colonial era”. Ordinary Nigerians, according to him found trusting the educated elite difficult because of their “dishonesty and greed”.

    This is true today as it was back then. The traditional institution has lost its relevance in many parts of the country. Whatever respect it had left after years of receiving five percent  of LGAs allocation to ensure they look the other way while developmental allocations were  shared by politicians was further eroded by ex-President Jonathan ‘stomach infrastructure’ policy which allowed him to move from palace to palace allegedly distributing dollars to willing traditional rulers during last March presidential election.

    Similarly, ‘dishonesty and greed’ by the political class contributed to the collapse of the First Republic, the 1967-70 civil war, Shagari’s twelve two-third presidency, Babangida’s eight years of ‘transition without end’, and his annulment of the 1993 presidential poll considered by many observers as the most credible election in our nation’s history, the betrayal of Abiola, the winner of the election and his death in detention. And closely linked to ‘dishonesty and greed of the political class’,one can add  Obasanjo’s third term fiasco, his imposition of ailing Umaru Yar’Adua and an ill-prepared ex-President Jonathan in 2007 and 2011 respectively.

    Of course, ‘dishonesty and greed’ are the only plausible explanation for Saraki’s desperation to keep digging in even after publicly admitting he hid inside a small car parked in front of the senate chambers for three hours while his 51 other elected party members were having a meeting at another venue with the president and sneaked into the senate chambers where he was adopted Senate President by 48 opposition senators and about eight of his supporters. The same goes for Ekweremadu who threw a party to celebrate dishonesty and greed and without restraint. He told reporters he and his ‘Like Mind PDP senators, under the guidance of PDP veterans like Tony Anenih, Uche Secondus and David Mark gathered in Mark’s sitting room throughout the night scheming how to usurp the deputy senate presidency which by convention belongs to the majority party, a convention he had benefitted from for eight years.

    But in an effort to obfuscate the bane of the political class, dishonesty and greed, which Awo identified back in 1947, Saraki with his ‘like mind senators’, with huge resources at their disposal to hire SANs, public opinion molders, and buy space and airtime in the media, now talk of ‘witch-hunt, independence of the legislature, separation of powers and the protection of our nascent democracy’ after undermining the democratic process.

    They in fact now play the victim. Thus when Mrs. Toyin Saraki on the strength of a petition by Kwara PDP which  publicly congratulated itself saying,  “We are particularly delighted that our painstaking efforts at chronicling the monumental heist that defined the eight years, almost uneventful rule of former Governor Bukola Saraki in Kwara, has not gone unnoticed’, was invited for questioning, what they saw was persecution. They did not only accompany her to EFCC’s office, they retired to the Senate Chambers to pass a resolution threatening the executive of the consequences of harassing wives of senators.

    Not long after, the Code of Conduct brought the following charges against Saraki himself. Making anticipatory declaration of House 15A&15B McDonald, Ikoyi, Lagos; Failure to declare property on Plot 2A, Glover road, Ikoyi;  No 1, Tagus Street, Maitama, Abuja (Plot 2482, Cadastral Zone A06, Abuja; – No. 3 Tagus Street, Maitama, Abuja (plot 2481, Cadastral Properties Limited);  Property at 42 Gerald Road, Ikoyi  earning him N110,000,000,00) per annum at a time the property was under construction; Failure to declare N375m GTB loan converted to 1.5m pounds sterling and used to purchase property in London; Operating a foreign bank account; Transfer of $3.4m from GTB to foreign bank account during tenure as governor and failure to declare leasehold interest in a property in GRA Ikeja among others.

    Once again, the ‘like mind senators’ saw the only thing they wanted to see – persecution – by the executive. What followed was a vote of confidence on Saraki by 83 senators. He was later followed and mobbed like a movie star by 81 giggling merry-making senators who on entering the court tried to dissuade him from entering the witness box.

    Some concerned Nigerians have tried to draw a parallel between what they have described as shameful behavior of our unreflecting senators and last week probing of Hilary Clinton’s handling of Libya crisis as Secretary of State by the American Congress. Some have even argued that in advanced democracies, Saraki and Ekweremadu and 81 like mind senators either for admitting to dishonest behaviour or for identifying with act bordering on fraud would have signed the warrant certificate for their political death.

    But has it not be said that comparison can be odious? This after all is not America, Britain, Australia, Canada or Ghana but Nigeria where dishonesty and greed by the political class are routinely celebrated and where 81 elected senators will see nothing wrong with the amount of material wealth the Code Of Conduct Tribunal alleged Saraki amassed between 1990 when he took his first real job and 2011, the end of his tenure as governor of Kwara State.

    But all the same, I sympathise with Bukola Saraki. Dishonesty and greed were not his own creation. Awo railed against it in 1947 long before 1961 when he was born. Saraki was similarly not the only governor whose wife would secure mouth-watering contracts from government.  In recent time, the wife of a serving governor donated N5billion on behalf of herself and unidentified friends to the campaign funds of ex-President Jonathan and heaven did not fall. The alleged material wealth of Saraki, as Ozumba Mbadiwe would have described it, is like a small fry in the mouth of an elephant. They are nothing compared to properties scattered around the world listed against the names of some Niger Delta ex-governors by the British Metropolitan Police.

    And to his credit, Saraki is not like some ex-governors dragged to court along with their sons by EFCC for money laundering, or those whose fathers stole the country blind.He is an illustrious son of an illustrious father, a proud owner of Kwara fiefdom. As ‘Bukola’, his Yoruba name indicates, he met wealth at home. He became a director of his father’s bank just after NYSC, a position which conferred on him the right to borrow as much as he desired without collateral and a rare opportunity he seized with his two hands.

    If you ask me, I will say Bukola Saraki is a man much sinned against. Here is a young man who inherited dishonesty and greed from the political class, wealth and influence from his father now being persecuted by mischief makers and a poverty-complex mob for dishonesty and for amassing wealth, claiming without proof that not even Bill Gates can boast of properties listed against his name. It is however reassuring Saraki is determined to fight with all the resources at his disposal – money, influence and his 81 loyal senators who share with him a common bond as targets of arrest by EFCC either for armoured-car deals, money laundering or drug related offences.

  • Saraki, Dogara, Ambode, Mimiko hail Ooni-designate

    Saraki, Dogara, Ambode, Mimiko hail Ooni-designate

    Senate President Bukola Saraki, House of Represntatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara, Governors Akinwunmi Ambode (Lagos) and OlusegunMimiko (Ondo) yesterday hailed the appointment of  Prince Adeyeye Ogunwusi as the Ooni-elect.

    In a statement by his Special Adviser (media) Yusuph Olaniyonu, Saraki wished the Ooni-elect a long and peaceful reign, sound health and many years of  service to his people.

    Saraki said: “I am particularly delighted that the approval of your appointment by the Governor of Osun State, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, came at a time when the youthful zest, experience, and knowledge of global best practices, which you possess in abundance are needed to move the traditional institution and most especially,  the revered throne of the  Ife Kingdom, to the next level.

    “I have no doubt that your present assignment would greatly enhance the bond of unity that exists among the Yoruba as well as contribute immensely to the growth and development of our dear country.”

    Dogara in a statement by Mr Turaki Hassan, his Special Adviser on Media and Public Affairs, urged the Ooni-elect Ogunwusi to emulate and build on the good work of the late Oba Okunade Sijuwade.

    “Oba Sijuwade left an indelible mark in the history of Nigeria as a peacemaker and a bridge between different people of the country.

    “The legislature is open to the wise counsel and invaluable support of the new Ooni in its quest to effect change and reposition our dear nation for enduring peace, security, accelerated growth and development.

    “As you ascend the glorious revered throne of your fore-fathers, I join your family, the good people of the historic kingdom of Ife, friends, protégés and well-wishers to ask God to guide, guard and give you wisdom to lead.”

    Governor Ambode  advised him to see his appointment as a call to service and upliftment of humanity.

    Ambode’s congratulatory message was contained in a statement by his Chief Press Secretary, Mr. Habib Aruna.

    Ambode charged the Ooni  to-be to remain courageous in his decisions, urging him to see the unity of the Yoruba race as a priority.

    He also congratulated Oghunwusi’s family members saying they would have to bear with the demands of the job and support him morally, physically and spiritually.

    Mimiko’s congratulatory message, was issued by Commissioner for Information, Kayode Akinmade, in Akure.

    The governor prayed that the Ooni’s tenure will bring more progress and unity to Ife Kingdom in particular and the Yoruba nation in general.

  • Saraki affair and peace illusions

    Saraki affair and peace illusions

    Last week, it seemed some form of peace had finally come to the Senate after many months of stalemate caused by Senate President Bukola Saraki’s audacious grab for power. A nearly similar stalemate had pervaded the House of Representatives until Speaker Yakubu Dogara, who had also snatched power from the feeble hands of his party’s leaders, foresightedly orchestrated peace. The more measured Hon Dogara may have defied his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), but he still managed to be elected in a free and fair legislative leadership election on June 9 without any hanky-panky. Party leaders were riled by his affront, but they forgave his bold grab for power when he shifted ground to accommodate his party’s preferred principal officers.

    Senator Saraki was less incommoded by party disquiet. Not only did he defy party leaders, he launched into a vicious and systematic propaganda to whittle down their influence in, and hold on, both the party and the legislature, and to create a legislative island independent of his party and autonomous in every conceivable administrative and lawmaking way. Senator Saraki’s effort to cobble together an agreement with party leaders, therefore, appeared compromised right  from the foundation. It is true his defiance of party and party leaders is not structurally different from that of Hon Dogara. But by introducing a sleight of hand into the balloting process on that June 9 morning through which he disenfranchised nearly all his colleagues in the APC, and  entering into what his party leaders described as a sinister deal to undermine his party and install an opposition senator as his deputy, it made any future peace deal virtually impossible.

    When, despite this major structural obstacle to peace in the Senate, news filtered out that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and Hon Dogara were involved with others in cobbling together a peace deal with Senator Saraki, it was not clear by what celestial magic they hoped to achieve this outcome. Hon Dogara was said to have leaned on Senator Saraki to concede to the party in respect of the list of the preferred principal officers, arguing that since he himself yielded ground and secured peace, the party would be minded to also give peace a chance in the Senate. The reports also indicated that at a point, the beleaguered Senate President was even willing to concede to the party, and had in fact tried to persuade the current principal officers to step down. That he failed to persuade them is probably a testimony to how long he remained  unwisely inflexible. The current principal officers have obviously become accustomed to acting as principal officers to want to contemplate a demotion.

    It was also hoped that if Senator Saraki bowed to party wishes, it would go a long way in procuring a political solution to his case with the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), a case some lawyers have described as pretty bad. Why and how the legislators and peacemakers attempt to establish a link between the court case and peace deal in the Senate is hard to explain. Surely they must know that if a so-called political solution is found to the CCT case, it would sound a death knell to President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-graft campaign. The political cost to the president would be imponderable. In like manner, however, if a deal is not brokered soon, not only would the Senate seethe with terrible disquiet, Senator Saraki himself would not have peace of mind. In short, Senator Saraki has managed to work himself into such a bind that if peace is procured in the Senate he, the party and the president are damned, and if peace is not procured, he is equally damned.

    It is passing strange that in all the attempts to find peace in the National Assembly, all the speculated peace deals were expected to leave both Senator Saraki and Hon Dogara in their plum seats. Peace is an indication of give and take, and all parties to a conflict are generally expected to yield ground. But given the original structure of the conflicts in which Senator Saraki and Hon Dogara defied their party, the principal officers were not even part of the disagreement. Therefore, by securing the emplacement of the party’s principal officers, the party has not gained much, but has instead humiliatingly shifted ground to the unlimited advantage of both Senator Saraki and Hon Dogara. The Speaker saw this quickly, and adjusted his tactics. It says a lot about the Senate President’s judgement that he failed to grab his chance.