The emergence of a bi-partisan leadership at the Senate, headed by Dr. Bukola Saraki of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Ike Ekeremadu of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as his deputy, took many Nigerians by storm because it is unprecedented in the current political dispensation. Assistant Editor ONYEDI OJIABOR examines the development and its implications on the polity.
The emergence of Dr. Bukola Saraki as the Senate President and Dr. Ike Ekweremadu as his deputy has continued to reverberate in the country. For the first time, the country woke up to the reality of a bi-partisan leadership in the Senate.
But, what is the implication of the emerging scenario in the Senate? Some believe that the marriage of convenience in the Senate may not last because it is built on a quicksand. The Eight Senate was inaugurated on June 9, 2015, under questionable circumstances. In the days to come, a bitter power struggle between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) might ensue on the floor of the Senate.
On the other hand, this might be in the overall interest of the nation, according to some analysts, because in the process lawmakers in the Red Chamber may resort to building a broad consensus in carrying out its principal functions. This development, in their view, would strengthen the Senate and make it more people-oriented.
No doubt, the debate for and against the bi-partisan leadership in the Senate will continue for quite a long time. The implications of the development, observers say, will soon unfold to make things clearer. A lot of things hitherto taken for granted and considered settled in the Senate may assume a different dimension.
For instance, in the past, it was common for Senators belonging to the majority party to gather somewhere in a closet to rehearse the steps that will be taken to arrive at decisions on the floor of the Senate. Thus, they merely come to the floor of the Red Chamber to act the script. The new arrangement in the upper chamber may have foreclosed such compromised decisions. The meaning is that it will be difficult to ignore the opposition in the Senate for whatever reason.
Again, in the past, whenever the ruling party is to hold its National Executive Council meeting, the Senate is usually held to ransom and forced to close. With the emergence of a Deputy President of the Senate from the opposition party, the Senate can decide to continue its sitting. Decisions taken at such sitting will be binding on the Senate if the issue of quorum was not raised.
It should not also be forgotten that with the new arrangement in the Senate, the executive arm of government can no longer easily have its way on issues in which it has special interest, especially with the minority party now being part of the presiding officers.
Besides, for the first time, the country is likely to witness robust, healthy and vigorous debates on the floor of the Senate. At the end of the day, issues are more likely to be decided on their merit. Decisions are likely to be enriched because the era of “carry go or bow and go” would be a thing of the past. This is likely to be the case, provided the opposition does not sell out.
Observers say the fact that the majority and the minority parties are fairly matched is a healthy development. The APC, which is the majority party, has 59 senators, while the PDP, the minority party, has 49 senators. The implication, according to such observers, is that the upper legislative chamber may be very slow in arriving at decisions, due to divergence of personal and party interests. “Unless it is well managed, the divergence of interests may breed friction because the opposition with its large number of members and a presiding officer on its side may decide to challenge issues it is strongly opposed to,” an observer who wants to remain anonymous said.
What is more, it is believed that the APC members in the chamber may remain largely divided because of the division created during the election of the key principal officers. The partnership between Saraki and PDP members within the chamber, observers say, is likely to prevail for a long time because the former Kwara State governor and his backers are likely to remain perpetually in fear of the APC majority who opposed his emergence. Saraki is also likely to be in perpetual fear of PDP senators though majority of the opposition lawmakers supported him to emerge. The APC, insiders say, may have sued for peace and are now willing to bury the hatchet.
But, the different caucuses within the ruling party will continue to habour mutual suspicion. It may prove difficult to manage and probably erase the suspicion. “Everything however depends on how Saraki will handle the explosive situation. If he is tactful, Saraki can ensure that the Senate behaves like a family where unnecessary partisanship on issues of national interest will largely be subdued. Former Senate President, David Mark, did it successfully where even APC Senators went to represent him at occasions,” the unnamed observer noted.
Other observers say Saraki would have to perfect the art of blending opinions, do more of introspection on issues, regardless of his interests. Such observers argue that extreme political intrigues and unabridged inflicting of his views on matters of national interest may turn out to be Saraki’s undoing.
Mark and Ekweremadu’s leadership of the Senate, although they belonged to the same party, brought stability to the upper chamber. Between 1999 and 2007, a period of eight years, the Senate had five different leaderships. But, between 2007 and 2015, another period of eight years, it had only one leadership with Senators Mark and Ekweremadu holding sway.
Prior to the inauguration of the National Assembly, when senators within the APC were divided over the election of its key principal officers, it is instructive that some senators even within the ruling party were rooting for Ekweremdu’s return as Deputy President of the Senate.
What was not clear then was whether he would agree to defect to the party to be able to clinch the position and whether the APC would accept to have a PDP man as Deputy Senate President, considering the fact that the opposition party has 49 seats in the chamber. The proponents of the above idea believe that Ekweremadu’s re-emergence will bring experience and stability in the handling of the affairs of the Senate and the country, irrespective of his political party.
Ekweremadu has always been rated among the majority of his colleagues and various zonal caucuses as highly detribalized, humble, intelligent, and a straightforward personality.
A public affairs analyst, Nicholas Ozor, who spoke about what the Saraki/Ekweremadu leadership portends for the Senate, insisted that the whole thing depends on the political and psychological temperament of Saraki and Ekweremadu and not necessarily about the party they belong to. Ozor said: “It will be foolhardy to believe that all APC senators would always support the proposals and bills brought by President Muhammadu Buhari to the floor of the Senate.
“Individual, regional, ethnic, political and even religious interest would always play up. It is how the individual lawmakers are able to manage these interests and subdue them to national interest that will make the difference. For instance, if some of his public comments are anything to go by, it is safe to say that Ekweremadu favours a responsible opposition. For his widely published address to his constituents after the presidential and National Assembly polls, as well as his recent address at the PDP National Assembly members retreat in Port Harcourt, leaves no one in doubt that he places national interest above party interest. I don’t see someone with Ekweremadu’s kind of mindset working at cross purposes with any policy that would move the nation forward.”
Ozor also cited the example of the PDP, which he described as both the ‘real’ opposition in parliament for the 16 years it held sway as majority in the National Assembly. He also explained how leadership of at least one chamber had always been at loggerheads with the executive arm for the 16 years even though they were of the same party.
In the Enugu address, Ekweremadu said: “It needs to be reiterated, however, that the Southeast PDP and indeed Ndigbo have nothing against President Mohammadu Buhari as a person or against his incoming administration. We will work hand-in-hand with him in line with our regional agenda and the overall development of Nigeria. We will give him all the support to succeed because he was elected as the President of Nigeria, not president of the APC or any section of the country in particular”.
Preaching constructive opposition in Port Harcourt, Ekweremdu had stated: “Let me quickly add that ours should not be an opposition that sees nothing good in any government action or policy. We should not engage in market square propaganda and destructive criticism that turn truth upside-down or tends to incite the citizenry against the government in power…. So, we must oppose responsibly and with patriotism. We must play by the rules and stick to verifiable facts. The PDP lawmakers in the 8th National Assembly should hold the ruling APC accountable on each of its campaign promises…. We should also provide policy alternatives, dissect every executive bills on its merit, and provide informed and energetic oversight of the executive to ensure that Nigerians are not cheated at any point in time. We should ensure that successive national budgets address national needs and that they do so equitably. We should only support the confirmation of appointments that meet competency test and comply with the principles of federal character and equal opportunity”.
Ozor argued that what Senator Ekweremadu listed were what should ordinarily constitute the role of a legislator in a democracy, irrespective of whether he is in the opposition or majority party.
In the same vein, an Ibadan-based political analyst, Zachaeus Adebayo, also insist that if the Benue and Plateau Houses of Assembly could work with the APC lawmakers as Speakers. Even though the PDP are in the majority in both houses, he saw no reason why the situation in the Senate should be different. His words: “The APC’s Hon. Terkimbi Ikyange was elected Speaker of a house where the PDP is in majority, while the PDP made do with only the Deputy Speakership position. Hon. James Okefe Ejembi. Ikyange beat PDP’s Hon Ucha to the Speakership position. In Plateau State, Hon. Peter Azi of the APC was also elected Speaker of the 24-member House of Assembly, whereas the PDP is in the majority with 13 seats. So, it is all about democracy in action. Much more depends on the readiness of the individuals in question to work.
Some observers however contend that for Ekweremadu to continue to enjoy the support of a greater majority of the Senators, he should always be Deputy Senate President whenever he presides. He must not try to outshine Saraki at any point in time. By that, analysts say, the fear that PDP Senators may hijack the Senate will greatly be reduced.
It is also the thinking in some political settings that Saraki, as unpredictable as he may be, needs to combine some level of political maturity and native intelligence to weather the storm stoked by the novelty of a bi-partisan leadership of the Senate.
To most watchers, the political chessboard in the Eight Senate will not only be interesting, but will also remain unpredictable. A lot, they say, will depend on Saraki and Ekweremadu’s political sagacity. With some nibbling from within and outside the country’s political circles, Nigerians are likely to gain more from the Eight Senate.
