Tag: security emergency

  • North’s response to security emergency

    North’s response to security emergency

    The North has slipped into its darkest period. It faces an existential threat, with no end in sight to the mortal danger. The magnitude of the crisis is proportional to its geographical vastness.

    The regional challenge is Nigeria’s problem. It has also sent the wrong signal to the international community, denting the image of Nigeria.

    Towns and villages are in panic. Schools are attacked and pupils and teachers are taken into captivity. Churches are unsafe. Palaces are invaded and monarchs also abducted. Socio-economic activities are disrupted.

    Who are these troublers of the peace?

    The man who saw tomorrow, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, introduced free education and non-discriminating scholarship scheme in the old Western Region. He warned the feudal lords and aristocrats up the River Niger that neglected children would not allow those of the powerful to have rest of mind. Was the late sage not right, after all? Has his prediction not come true?

    Awolowo envisioned a Nigeria that would become truly independent through comprehensive economic policies, free education for all, massive industrialisation, and an unbiased protection of the rights of minority groups.

    Even though it was obvious that the one who wanted to gift a cloth was himself well dressed, the “powerful” elite of the North resisted his plans. While the Western Region leapfrogged in several developmental areas, the North was all motion without movement. Its masses were mostly uneducated.

    In the region, education was like a privilege, not a right, as Awolowo advocated. It was not too surprising that some people came up in the North to declare that education is sacrilege. The proponents of such horrendous ignorance might have found allies from outside the country, foreign enemies who wanted to destroy the nation’s peace and development. Yes, they exist. A nation does not wage a war against itself without the help of external forces that cash in on the weaknesses of the people within.

    A lot of people are oblivious that many developed countries envy Nigeria so much that they are always unhappy to see it make progress. The major reason is that they fear Nigeria would become Africa’s power house that would prevent the external manipulators from getting whatever they want from the continent at the detriment of the people. There are also the economic factors. Many other countries covet Nigeria’s array of rare minerals for their own development. They find it cheaper to use mercenaries to steal the resources than tread the legal business route. The foreign manipulators have designed – and continue to design – destabilising agenda for Nigeria to always writhe in crises.

    There are also concerns about spies and collaborators within communities. There are also concerns about limited intelligence gathering. Yet, bandits still have their way in some areas, despite the fact that the communities and security agencies have prior knowledge of impending onslaughts by the agents of the devil.

    Vocal voices in the North seem to have a different perceptive about the war against banditry. Why are they pacifying bandits? Why are they calling for negotiations with terrorists? Why ask for budgetary allocations to them? What is the basis for suggesting amnesty for terror gangs?

    Those advocating amnesty for bandits argue that terrorists deserve the same gesture given to the Southsouth agitators. But the argument is weak because their struggles and styles are not the same. Niger Delta militants only focus on economic sabotage, destroying oil pipelines and other facilities. They never kidnapped for ransom. They never attacked communities, schools, churches, mosques, and soft targets. The militants were identifiable and their leaders are known. Their agitations were clear: spend part of the money made fom the oil in the region to develop it, and stop environmental degradation.

    If negotiators or intermediaries between the Boko Haram sect and the government or families of kidnapped victims are known – because they conduct negotiations with them – then, is the problem not half-solved? Why is it difficult to arrest many of the terrorists and bring them to justice since the negotiators know the hiding places of the terror gangs in the tick forests to the extent that, in the view of some top people, can withstand bombing?

    Observers, therefore, ask: is the North ready to fight and win the terror war? If the bloc geo-political zones of the Northwest, the Northeast, and the Northcentral really wanted to liberate their people from insurgency, would their leaders continue to fold their arms?

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    It is important, first and foremost, for Northern leaders, the elite, the traditional rulers, religious icons, intellectuals, the mafias of Kaduna, Kano, and Sokoto, youths, and the residents to collectively resolve to say NO to the current nonsense.

    Regional response to the security emergency is critical to halting insurgency, which has become financially profitable to the perpetrators. It is evident that the North is waging a war against itself because there is no evidence that the terrorists are from the southern part of the country.

    Violent extremism in the North is not new. Zango Kataf riots and Maitasine uprising left in their wake unimaginable death tolls that called to question the value placed on the human life and peaceful co-existence.

    Insurgency has been variously linked with poverty, unemployment, squalor, and neglect. Those who hold this view draw attention to the fact that kinetic operations without the human approach are grossly insufficient for resolving the complex issues.

    While there could be some truths in these attributions, they also raise some questions. Who has marginalised or neglected the North that had dominated the national leadership for the greater part of 65 years of Nigeria’s nationhood?

    Also, judging by the sophisticated weapons in the hands of these “poor and jobless” terrorists and how the abductees are kept for days and sustained, sometimes by food items, medical aids and even midwives in some areas, it would be realised that sponsors of terror gangs are wealthy people.

    In the North, Islamisation should not be a clear danger to the vast and diverse communities, if there is a consciousness that the religious rights of those who choose to differ should be upheld with great understanding. This would be a factor in the creation of an atmosphere of mutual tolerance and peaceful coexistence.

    But religion seems to be out of place in some instances as the tools of insurgency in the ravaged areas are not associated with religious discrimination. This is because Muslims, Christians, and even pagans are targets.

    Governors can play their role in creatively securing their states by deploying resources, which have now increased due to the huge sum accruing to the states from the Federation Account.

    Today, the Southwest regional outfit, Amotekun, is the legacy of the late Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN), former governor of Ondo State, who mobilised his colleagues in the region to beef up security in Yoruba land.

    In Oyo State, Governor Seyi Makinde has managed to solve the farmer-herder crisis. The porous boundaries are an issue which he has also been tackling through the proper deployment of security agencies. Also, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose mobilised to ward off the threats.

    It took northern governors a while to collectively respond to the security threats in their region, despite the fact that more northerners are the victims of horror. But it was not until their Southwest counterparts rose to the occasion that they woke up from their slumber. Southern governors are taking pre-emptive measures; Northern governors are searching for a cure.

    Acknowledging that the region is facing a critical hazard and risk, the northern governors realised that the escape route is thin. Unlike some northern icons trying to bully the Federal Government and attack President Bola Ahmed Tinubu over the rising violence, the Southwest governors embraced the reality that the anti-terror war is a collective responsibility that must involve the Federal Government, sub-national units, security agencies, and community resources.

    The governors of the North have called for the suspension of mining in the North. Why? The mining activities are clearly illegal. It is not peculiar to Nigeria. Indeed, there appears to be a relationship between unauthorised mining and terrorist financing, which can only be ignored at national peril.

    President Tinubu had once observed that the resources from illegal mining were being hijacked by terrorist groups in exchange for foreign cash, which was used to buy arms and ammunition. Thus, apart from kidnapping fellow bengs, huge resources are also kidnapped or captured, and billions of dollars that governments should use to fund education, health care, and other social services are exploited by terrorists to buy weapons and perpetuate violence against the people.

    Whistleblowers of northern origin should come to the rescue. They owe the region a candid duty of intelligence gathering in assisting security agencies to arrest and prosecute the public enemies.

    Northern states should brace up for state police. It is critical to security at the state and local government levels.

    How would it be funded? The governors should anticipate an imminent legislative amendment that will pave the way for the multi-layer policing structure. Governors now give more money to do that. It should be borne in mind that state police would be corrupt if it is not well funded, like the current national policing structure.

    Training is key. It takes time to wean the proposed state police for the purpose of filling the security void at the state level.

    How could this be done to meet the requirements of the security emergency?

    Northern elite must stand before the mirror and do an honest self-assessment. What do they want the region to look like in the next five to 10 years, judging by all that has happened in the last 10 years? Will life be better or get worse? Will there be pervasive peace or increased instability? A stitch in time saves nine.

    While many northerners have been running away from their homes to other places considered safer, the criminals who terrorise the region multiply. The known allies of the terrorists, some of whom have been named and shamed outside Nigeria behave like untouchables. Many of them pretend to be religious leaders, but the insignia on their character clearly spells Satanism. The North must urgently embrace developmental religion and fight destructive practices. The latter has never given the region a good name. Across the world, nations with majority Muslims have low rates of corruption and poverty. The North should ask why the situation is different across the region. It is time to make amends. Actions speak louder than words.

  • Security emergency

    Security emergency

    Before President Bola Tinubu’s announcement of nationwide security emergency, this column was putting together an article titled, “Gumi: A budget for bandits”. 

    The title had to be stepped down to accommodate the far-reaching measures in the president’s statement meant to address the contradictions thrown up by Gumi’s advocacy on how to handle the insurgency of the bandits. Even then, some of those nagging issues still reared up their ugly heads in the negotiations heralding the safe release of abductees from Eruku in Kwara State and the 24 school girls in Kebbi State.

    Securing the freedom of the abductees unharmed came as a huge relief given the deadly and violent manner they were ferried out by the bandits. But the account of the negotiations by the security agencies which left gaps as to the fate of the terrorists/kidnappers created some puzzles. It fuelled speculations as to whether the authorities had succumbed to Gumi’s advocacy even as the government said no ransom was paid.

    What did Gumi really say? The fiery Islamic scholar who has not hidden his uncommon expertise on what constitutes bandits’ grouses had in a viral video in the wake of the threat by the United States of America (USA) to attack terrorists in Nigeria, vehemently warned against military action.

    “Attacking the bandits will be a mistake. The cause of this chaos is because they are not included in the budget. So, USA attacking them will cause more chaos in the country. The best solution is to negotiate with them and they should be included in the budget. Give them what they want for peace to reign”, Gumi sternly warned.

    That was the setting in which the abductees from Kwara and Kebbi were released through negotiations with the bandits which the presidency said were to ensure the safety of the victims. The government defended the approach on the ground that bandits use the victims as shield and it would have inflicted collateral damage had the kinetic option been called into action.

    But the government did not leave anyone in doubt that it had the capacity to neutralise the bandits after credible intelligence revealed their location. That could as well be though the previous regime had argued along the same lines. Ironically, the terrorists have not relented in their devious enterprise.

    Curiously, the position of the presidency shares some traits with the warning and recommendations by Gumi on how to go about the matter. Bandits were not attacked. And there were negotiations with them. What we are yet to be told is whether any concession was made by the government before the bandits acceded to release their victims. Did Gumi’s warning play any role in the negotiations? If yes, what implication does it hold for the authority and legitimacy of the government?

    There is everything wrong with this advocacy even as the grouse of the bandits has, at best, remained opaque.

    For one, it goes with the unmistakable impression that the bandits have morphed into an alternative government and can in verity square up to any threats from the government. That should be a serious challenge to the authority and legitimacy of the government. And for another, including bandits in the budget would amount to recognising them as a sub-national unit. So, in preparing the national budget, allocations will be made for the bandits. That sounds strange indeed.

    Perhaps, the question Gumi needs to answer is the activity the budget will be deployed to? And in what domain – a bandits’ republic?

    In this column in 2021, I wrote an article titled: “A bandits’ republic”. The thesis of that presentation was anchored on the dialectics and inherent dangers in allowing the bandits to operate as if they were a government in a government. Attention was drawn to the foreboding prospects of emboldening the bandits through policies that allow them dictate the terms of engagement

    Events are quickly pointing to that direction. Or how else do we explain the demand from Gumi that bandits should be included in the budget and be given whatever they want for peace to reign? What manner of peace can there be in the atavism of the state of nature? In saner climes, Gumi should have been interrogated to say all he knows about a budget for bandits and the purpose it will be applied to. And within what domain?

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    This is not the first time Gumi is entering advocacy for the bandits. Before now, he had called for amnesty for them. He is also known to have asked that bandits be treated the same way the Niger Delta issue was handled. But none of these is as offensive as the demand that bandits should not be attacked, should be included in the budget and given whatever they demand. Where on earth is that done?

    This advocacy is at the centre of scepticisms on the nature of negotiations leading to the release of the Kwara and Kebbi abductees. Those who pick holes with the idea of treating terrorism with kid gloves are on point. It emboldens them to the point of threatening the authority of the state.

    This danger is brought closer home by the kidnapping of 11 people in Isapa in the Ekiti Local Government Area of Kwara State shortly after the release of those kidnapped from the CAC church premises. Isapa’s closeness to Eruku says it all. There have also been other kidnappings since the release of the two sets earlier kidnapped. So, at what point will the negotiations stop and the kinetic option called into quick action?

    That underscores the weaknesses and futility of any policy that seeks to reward criminality. In Afghanistan, concessions to the Taliban including prisoner-swap allowed them to re-group. They eventually succeeded in overthrowing the entire government and restored their own rule. And in Mali, deals entered into with the bandit/jihadist groups allowed them to spread violence to neighbouring countries.

    Back home, the so-called de-radicalisation and rehabilitation of Boko Haram insurgents allowed the group to transmute into five splinter groups. It is not hidden that much of the reverses suffered by Nigerian troops in the fight against Boko Haram were as a result of insider sabotage. So, we have our own experience to draw from.

    The situation calls for urgent and decisive responses from the government to restore order and protect the dignity of citizens seriously assailed by unabating terrorism. That is where the president’s directive for the recruitment of additional hands into the military, police and allied security agencies to root out terrorism comes in handy. His order to security agencies to deploy into the forests and smoke out undesirable elements taking refuge there to levy mayhem on citizens is the way to go. There is no doubt that strong government presence in notorious forests and a rapid implementation of the policy on ranching will rid the forests of all undesirable elements. But the president must muster the political will to confront the sponsors and enablers of terrorism in high places. That will give real meaning to the demands of national security emergency.

  • Southwest’s response to security emergency

    Southwest’s response to security emergency

    When the six governors of the Southwest states of Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, Ekiti, Lagos converged on Ibadan, its regional headquarters, for strategic security deliberations during the week, they were taking a cue from the wisdom of their forefathers during the pre-colonial and colonial days.

    Then, kingdoms were being conquered and chiefdoms subdued. Land and crowns were factors in the inter-tribal wars of yore. But later, the sea and the economic advantages it conferred on Yoruba land drew the envy of some powerful warmongers from distant tribes.

    Yoruba, the vast territory of the then Alaafin, came under siege. The tormentors depended on the powers of their horses, spears, bows, and arrows. They coveted the land they saw flourishing with the best of nature. Few among the Yoruba warriors had horses too. They could only face the onslaught with Dane guns, cutlasses, and well-crafted sticks called ponpo. Both sides were also known for possessing charms.

    Everybody’s attention, from Lagos to Akoko, Igbomina to Egba, Ebolo to Ijebu, and Oyo to Ondo, was in the war of resistance. Led by the brave Ibadan warriors, the Yoruba of Ekiti, Oyo, Akoko, Remo, Ijebu, Igbomina, Ijesa, Popo, and Isabe put their minor differences aside and confronted their common enemy, who wanted to annex their fatherland and impose an alien religious and political administration on their towns and villages.

    It was the battle of Osogbo in 1840 when the ambition of the jihadists to expand their territory collapsed. The Yoruba army from Ibadan was strengthened by their strong will, capacity, unity, and resolve to preserve their identity, their history and heritage. The soldiers fought with ideas and knowledge, propelled by the desire to defend their nation with the last drop of blood. The rest, as it is said, is history.

    Politically, the Southwest of today is not one, but the threat to the zone does not discriminate. It is gratifying that the Southwest Governors’ Forum (SGF) is proactive. This is not a time for rhetoric. The governors, like their illustrious grandsires who took their destiny in their hands, are taking the bull by the horns. But speed is required as any further delay could jeopardise the existing arrangement.

     If the ideas canvassed by its former leader, the late Rotimi Akeredolu, had seen the light of day, the region would today boast of a formidable regional security outfit capable of rising to the occasion.

    Nevertheless, the legacy of Amotekun has endured, reminding potential interlopers of a resistant apparatus that can marginally withstand a dosage of security challenges in regional interest.

    Governors Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos State), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), Lucky Aiyedatiwa (Ondo), Biodun Oyebanji (Ekiti), and Ademola Adeleke (Osun), who was represented by his deputy, Kola Adewusi, were in sober reflection, conscious of the fact that the region can only sleep on guard to its peril.

    The Yoruba kith and kin suffer in Eruku and Isapa in Kwara State, which is contiguous to Ekiti, Ondo, and Osun. It is a signal that danger is looming in the neighbourhood.

    The governors know that the bandits are not Yoruba. The total agenda of the evil men is unknown but bold. There is concrete evidence suggesting that the kidnapping business is booming. Others insinuate that the region’s vast natural endowments are the targets. Yet, others speculate that banditry and terrorism come with a message of religious subjugation. The Yoruba are the most religiously tolerant people with attendant peace across the region. They would never allow the merchants of chaos to occupy an inch of their land for a purpose that breaches the ethos of the region’s religious finesse.

    If the identities of the bandits, their sponsors, sources of funding, and other motivations are known in some quarters, it would be relatively easier to devise solutions.

    Yet, these cannot be said to be too hidden in a troubled country where some people have boldly come out to present themselves as negotiators and advocates of amnesty for terrorists and other known killers. The basic fact is that those who have pushed the country into a war have internal collaborators who maximally profit from insurgency.

    Compared to other regions, particularly the three northern zones, there is relative peace in the Southwest. The zone has plans for regional progress and prosperity, and the people look forward to the commencement of operations by the Southwest Development Commission, which is expected to be a model to its counterparts in the remaining five regions.

    The peace in the Southwest, therefore, should not be allowed to be compromised. The region is one, unique, and indivisible entity with a history of political accommodation and religious tolerance. The cohesion of the region is underscored by its conglomerado, Oodua Investment, jointly owned. Other regions can only copy this primal model.

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    What Sanwo-Olu and his compatriots have done is to embark on a bold, pre-emptive, and strategic move to forestall terrorism incursion into the Southwest from the contiguous region.

    If there is a crisis in Ekiti, Ondo, or Osun, it has implications for Lagos, Oyo, and Ogun, and vice versa. That is why the leaders are mobilising ideas and resources to invest in prevention instead of cure.

    That Southwest is now setting up a Regional Security Fund under the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN) Commission is salutary. The initiative is just beginning to catch up with the proposals envisioned by Lagos State over a decade ago. Nigeria should acknowledge the reality that a regional security outfit, once halted by the Muhammadu Buhari government but now bolstered by the right technological equipment, can indeed make a difference.

    This proposed regional security architecture, backed by a ‘Joint Security Intelligence Sharing and Communication Platform,’ would enhance early detection of threats, strange movements, and intended onslaught. The establishment of a live, digital intelligence-sharing platform among the six states would also enhance a collective surveillance due to the exchange of threat notifications, incident logs, and traveller and cargo alerts, resulting in a coordinated state-to-state rapid response.

    Also, an improved forest surveillance by the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), hunters, Amotekun Corps members and other security agencies is likely to flush out criminals who hide in the bushes.

    Terrorists do not strike without first spying on the targeted environment. They plan and assess their chances of escape ahead of carrying out their evil enterprise. Thus, vigilance is key.

    Since the Southwest is ready to provide the required personnel, the Federal Government should not wait any longer before deploying the forest guards.

    In the Southwest are strange faces, including herders whose identities and missions are unknown. There is freedom of movement, but this emergency time calls for the regulation of interstate migration, as proposed by the governors. If not well checked, it could actually snowball into a conduit for insecurity. As highlighted, it would involve stricter border or boundary monitoring, data collection and self-identification. This is why each of the six states would now work with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) for proper identification.

    A contributory factor to banditry is the porous borders. Over 1,000 of them are unguarded, serving as easy routes for systematic invasion by foreigners who come in to torment Nigerians in their land. Some of the foreigners are involved in illegal mining activities, which “threaten environmental safety, public health and security”.

    If there is a comprehensive licensing framework, monitoring mechanisms, and strict enforcement actions, as proposed by the governors, violators who want to perpetrate violent crimes under the guise of mining would be effectively checked.

    There is also the policing of the land, which is a critical issue. Almost three decades ago, the Southwest led the way in the clamour for restructuring and decentralisation of the security apparatus. Under the Buhari administration, the governors established a regional security outfit that was watered down by elements who uncritically perceived it as a signpost to regional autonomy within the federation.

    The presidential nod for the creation of state police has validated the claim of critics who have pointed out that the current defective and centralised policing structure is inadequate for a vast federal country like Nigeria. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s position on the issue makes state police optional. But it is an answered prayer for the six governors who are now expected to seize the opportunity, following the accelerated constitutional review by the National Assembly.

    It also implies that at the state level, more Southwesterners would be recruited, trained, and deployed within their region of birth to provide security and have a sense of patriotism and emotional attachment to their region and the nation-state.

    The anticipated constitution review is to pave the way for multi-layered policing. The relationship between the centralised and state police would have to be determined, and measures to guard against abuse at the sub-national level put in place.

    The Southwest appears to be rising to the occasion and the governors deserve the support of all and sundry – traditional rulers, who once lost four members to banditry in Ekiti; religious leaders whose colleagues have been victims in the North; security agencies who deserve continuous praise for facing the fire on the battle field; corporate organisations that need a conducive atmosphere to thrive; community development associations, and youths who are the future leaders of the nation.