Tag: Senators

  • Why senators oppose Buhari’s $1b security fund – Saraki

    Senate President  Bukola Saraki said  yesterday that lack of due engagement with the National Assembly  may force  the majority of senators to oppose President Muhammadu Buhari’s approval to withdraw $1 billion to fund purchase of security equipment.

    He blamed unending executive/legislature friction on lack of consultation and collaboration between the two arms.

    He said that some senators have already expressed their disappointment to him on Buhari’s approval of such a huge amount of money without recourse to the National Assembly.

    But he did not say whether the upper chamber will automatically block the use of the fund for what Buhari intends.

    Saraki spoke in Jos, Plateau State at a retreat on “Strengthening Executive-Legislature Relations”.

    It is expected that President Buhari’s approval of $1 billion for purchase of security equipment would be one of the topical issues for debate when the Senate resumes plenary on Tuesday.

    The Senate President who insisted that Nigerians must be prepared to defend and protect the institution of the parliament, noted that government was all about institutions and not individuals.

    He said that the number of blackmails some of them have received for doing the right thing was simply alarming.

    He said that it is obvious that the National Assembly is constantly under attack by individuals who abhor the principle of separation of powers as enshrined by democratic doctrine.

    Saraki insisted that protection of the institution of the parliament was the only way sustainable democracy could be guaranteed in the country “because without the legislature there will be no democracy.”

    He also stressed the need to always do the appropriate thing at the appropriate time for things to work in the country.

    Saraki said: “There is no way the security architecture of this country can work without a strong synergy between the executive and the legislature. When you see certain agencies who by their actions and utterances frustrate the relationship between the two arms, you begin to wonder what is going on.

    “What do we need to do? Do the police need more funding or more powers? Do they need new legislations to strengthen them? These are the issues where the executive and the legislature must work together. What do we need to do?

    “In a good environment, such an issue needed to have been discussed with lawmakers. Already, some senators are angry. They said they were not consulted by the executive before such a decision was taken. These are the issues we are talking about. Some people have already taken position because they were not consulted. That is why I stressed the issue of collaboration between the two arms. The issue of engagement is important.”

    The Senate President who said that friction between the two arms of government goes beyond party affiliations, noted that “even during the last administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, the executive and legislature, had some frictions.”

    According to him, “It means it is not about the party. It is not about any individual. It is about the system.”

    Saraki said that it seems officials of the executive arm have formed the habit of always blackmailing senators and members of the House of Representatives.

    His words: “In a situation where a particular arm of government stands up and calls people from another arm of government thieves, looters and other names, how can we work together? How? It is not possible. It is not realistic. If we collaborate, the country will be better for it.”

    He also wondered how President Buhari could write the National Assembly to endorse N4.6 trillion capital market bond without first discussing the issue with the leadership of both chambers.

    He said:”Imagine the federal government wants to raise a N4.6 trillion bond from the capital market. The leadership of the National Assembly first heard about it through a letter written by the President. This is what happens.

    “I needed to be here to speak on these issues. It is not just about today. Posterity will be here to judge us that what I am saying is true. If we do not change the way we behave, we will remain like this for many years to come.”

    Also on how heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) are allegedly frustrating the passage of the 2018 budget, the Senate President said that the executive arm should be held responsible.

    “If you want to strengthen democracy, the priority of everybody should be to strengthen the legislature. If you do not defend the legislature, there is no way our democracy will be strengthened because government is not built on individuals. It is built on institutions.

    “That is why in developed countries, governments can change, but it does not affect the stability of their democracy because their institutions are strong. We decided to run a presidential system of government. By its nature of checks and balances, there is bound to be frictions. The question now, how healthy is that friction?

    “If you take the 2018 budget for example, even before people had bothered to find out where the cause of the delay is coming from, people were already attacking and blaming the legislature.

    “When I led the leadership of both chambers of the National Assembly, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives to see Mr. President, he came to the meeting briefed as if the delay was that of the National Assembly. He was humble enough at the end of the discussion to render an apology.”

  • Saraki faults Lai Mohammed on tagging of Senators as looters

    Senate President, Dr Bukola Saraki has expressed  concern over the release of names of senators tagged as looters by the Minister of Information and Culture, Mr. Lai Mohammed.

    Saraki who spoke in Jos, Plateau State on Saturday a at retreat on “Strengthening Executive-Legislature Relations” said it was wrong for an arm of government to call members of the other arm looters.

    “In a situation where a particular arm of government stands up and calls people from another arm of government thieves, looters and other names, how can we work together? How?

    “It is not possible. It is not realistic. If we collaborate, the country will be better for it,” Saraki stated.

    He also wondered how President Buhari could write the National Assembly to endorse N4.6 trillion capital market bond without first discussing the issue with the leadership of both chambers.

     “Imagine the Federal Government wants to raise a N4.6 trillion bond from the capital market. The leadership of the National Assembly first heard about it through a letter written by the President. This is what happens.

    “I needed to be here to speak on these issues. It is not just about today. Posterity will be here to judge us that what I am saying is true. If we do not change the way we behave, we will remain like this for many years to come.”

    Also on how heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) are allegedly frustrating the passage of the 2018 budget, the Senate President said that the executive arm should be held responsible.

     “If you want to strengthen democracy, the priority of everybody should be to strengthen the legislature. If you do not defend the legislature, there is no way our democracy will be strengthened because government is not built on individuals. It is built on institutions.

    “That is why in developed countries, governments can change, but it does not affect the stability of their democracy because their institutions are strong. We decided to run a presidential system of government. By its nature of checks and balances, there is bound to be frictions. The question now, how healthy is that friction?

    “If you take the 2018 budget for example, even before people had bothered to find out where the cause of the delay is coming from, people were already attacking and blaming the legislature.

    “When I led the leadership of both chambers of the National Assembly, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives to see Mr. President, he came to the meeting briefed as if the delay was that of the National Assembly. He was humble enough at the end of the discussion to render an apology.”

    On confirmation of nominees, Saraki said that the executive must realize that the legislature has the constitutional duty to confirm, while nomination lies with the executive.

    He said that no attempt must be made to weaken the legislature in the interest of sustenance of democracy in the country.

  • Why senators may oppose Buhari’s $1bn security equipment fund -Saraki

    Senate President, Abubakar Bukola Saraki has said that lack of due engagement with the parliament may force majority of senators to oppose President Muhammadu Buhari’s approval to withdraw $1 billion to fund purchase of security equipment.

    Saraki also blamed unending Executive, Legislature friction on lack of consultation and collaboration between the two arms.

    He said that some senators who spoke to him on the approved $1 security fund were uncomfortable that the President would approve the expenditure of such huge some of money without recourse to the National Assembly.

    The Senate President did not however say whether the upper chamber will block the use of the fund for what President Buhari intended.

    Saraki spoke in Jos, Plateau State on Saturday  at a retreat on “Strengthening Executive-Legislature Relations”.

    It is expected that President Buhari’s approval of $1 billion for purchase of security equipment would be one of the topical issues for debate when the Senate resumes plenary on Tuesday.

    The Senate President who insisted that Nigerians must be prepared to defend and protect the institution of the parliament, noted that government was all about institutions and not individuals.

    He said that the number of blackmails some of them have received for doing the right thing was simply alarming.

    He said that it is obvious that the National Assembly is constantly under attack by individuals who abhor the principles of separation of powers as enshrined by democratic doctrine.

    Saraki insisted that protection of the institution of the parliament was the only way sustainable democracy could be guaranteed in the country “because without the legislature there will be no democracy.”

    He also stressed the need to always do the appropriate thing at the appropriate time for things to work in the country.

    On the approval of the $1 billion security equipment fund, Saraki said: “There is no way the security architecture of this country can work without a strong synergy between the executive and the legislature. When you see certain agencies who by their actions and utterances frustrate the relationship between the two arms, you begin to wonder what is going on..

    “What do we need to do? Do the police need more funding or more powers? Do they need new legislations to strengthen them. These are the issues where the executive and the legislature must work together. What do we need to do?

    “Just few days ago, the issue of providing funding for the purchase of security equipment was in the news. In a good environment, such an issue needed to have been discussed with lawmakers. Already, some senators are angry. They said they were not consulted by the executive before such a decision was taken. These are the issues we are talking about. Some people have already taken position because they were not consulted. That is why I stressed the issue of collaboration between the two arms. The issue of engagement is important.”

    The Senate President who said that friction between the two arms of government goes beyond party affiliations, noted that “even during the last administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, the executive and legislature, had some frictions.”

    According to him, “It means it is not about the party. It is not about any individual. It is about the system.”

    Saraki said that it seemed officials of the executive arm have formed the habit of always blackmailing senators and members of the House of Representatives.

    He expressed concern over the release of names of senators tagged as looters by the Minister of Information and Culture, Mr. Lai Mohammed.

    He said, “In a situation where a particular arm of government stands up and calls people from another arm of government thieves, looters and other names, how can we work together? How? It is not possible. It is not realistic. If we collaborate, the country will be better for it.”

    He also wondered how President Buhari could write the National Assembly to endorse N4.6 trillion capital market bond without first discussing the issue with the leadership of both chambers.

     “Imagine the Federal Government wants to raise a N4.6 trillion bond from the capital market. The leadership of the National Assembly first heard about it through a letter written by the President. This is what happens.

    “I needed to be here to speak on these issues. It is not just about today. Posterity will be here to judge us that what I am saying is true. If we do not change the way we behave, we will remain like this for many years to come.”

    Also on how heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) are allegedly frustrating the passage of the 2018 budget, the Senate President said that the executive arm should be held responsible.

     “If you want to strengthen democracy, the priority of everybody should be to strengthen the legislature. If you do not defend the legislature, there is no way our democracy will be strengthened because government is not built on individuals. It is built on institutions.

    “That is why in developed countries, governments can change, but it does not affect the stability of their democracy because their institutions are strong. We decided to run a presidential system of government. By its nature of checks and balances, there is bound to be frictions. The question now, how healthy is that friction?

    “If you take the 2018 budget for example, even before people had bothered to find out where the cause of the delay is coming from, people were already attacking and blaming the legislature.

    “When I led the leadership of both chambers of the National Assembly, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives to see Mr. President, he came to the meeting briefed as if the delay was that of the National Assembly. He was humble enough at the end of the discussion to render an apology.”

    On confirmation of nominees, Saraki said that the executive must realize that the legislature has the constitutional duty to confirm, while nomination lies with the executive.

    He said that no attempt must be made to weaken the legislature in the interest of sustenance of democracy in the country.

  • Two ex-governors, senators, others on list of 23 ‘looters’

    Govt avoiding the issue, says PDP

    WHO IS WHO ON THE LIST

    • Former NSA Sambo Dasuki: Based on EFCC investigations and findings alone (this is beside the ongoing $2.1 billion military equipment scandal), N126 billion, over $1.5 billion and 5.5 million British Pounds embezzled through his office.
    • Former Petroleum Resources Minister Dieziani Alison-Madukwe: In just one of the cases the EFCC is investigating involving her, about N23 billion is alleged to have been embezzled. She is also involved in the Strategic Alliance Contracts of the NNPC. About $3 billion was involved.
    • Lt.-Gen. Kenneth Minimah (retd.): N13.9 billion (N4.8 billion recovered by EFCC in cash, property)
    • Lt.-Gen. Azubuike Ihejirika (retd.): N4.5 billion (N29 million recovered by the EFCC)
    • Alex Barde, former Chief of Defence Staff: N8 billion (N4 billion in cash and property recovered).
    • Former Customs CG Inde Dikko: N40 billion (N1.1 billion cash and choice properties recovered).
    • Air Marshal Adesola Amosu: N21.4 billion (N2.8 billion cash, 28 properties and three vehicles recovered).
    • Former FCT Minister Bala Mohammed: N5 billion. Interim forfeiture order on some property secured.
    • Senator Stella Oduah: N9.8 billion. Interim forfeiture order on some property secured.
    • Former Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu: N1.6 billion allegedly collected from NSA.
    • Senator Jonah Jang, former Plateau State Governor: N12.5 billion.
    • Bashir Yuguda, former Minister of State for Finance: N1.5 billion. $829,800 recovered.
    • Senator Peter Nwaboshi: N1.5 billion
    • Aliyu Usman: Ex-NSA Dasuki’s aide: N512 million
    • Ahmad Idris: Dasuki’s PA: N1.5 billion
    • Rashidi Ladoja, former Oyo Governor: N500m
    • Tom Ikimi, N300 million
    • Femi Fani-Kayode: N866 million
    • Hassan Tukur, former PPS to former President Goodluck Jonathan: $1.7 million
    • Nenadi Usman: N1.5 billion
    • Benedicta Iroha: N1.7 billion
    • Aliyu Usman Jawaz, Dasuki’s close ally: N882m
    • Godknows Igali: Over N7 billion

    More names of Nigerians who allegedly looted the treasury during the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) administration were released yesterday.

    In response to the challenge thrown by the PDP to make public the list of “looters”, Minister of Information Lai Mohammed on Friday listed five and how they allegedly dipped their hands in the till.

    He listed PDP chairman Uche Secondus, who is threateneing to launch a legal battle to defend his integrity, Dr. Raymond Dokpesi, Mr. Olisa Metuh, Mr Waripamo Dudafa and Robert Azibaola as “looters”.

    Yesterday, Mohammed listed of 23 names, saying the lists are “not arbitrary”.

    The list is made up of three senators, five former ministers, two former governors, three ex-military chiefs, three aides of former National Security Adviser (NSA) Sambo Dasuki, a former Customs boss and a former permanent secretary, amon others.

    They are: Dasuki, Air Chief Marshal Alex Barde, Gen. Kenneth Minimah, Air Marshal Adesola Amosu, ex-Customs chief Inde Dikko, former FCT minister Bala Mohammed, former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke,   Senator Stella Oduah,  Senator Peter Nwaoboshi, Senator Jonah Jang, ex- Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu, ex-Oyo State Governor Rashidi Ladoja, , former Minister Bashir Yuguda, Former Minister Nenadi Usman, Former Minister Femi Fani-Kayode, Former Minister Tom Ikimi,  former Permanent Secretary Godknows Igali, former presidential aide Hassan Tukur, former Dasuki aides  Aliyu Usman and Ahmad Idris, former Dasuki associate Aliyu Usman Jawaz and Benedicta Iroha.

    The government said “the list of alleged looters which it released earlier was based on verifiable facts, including the amount involved, the date the amount in question was collected and from where it was taken.”

    Releasing a fresh list of alleged looters, in a statement issued in Lagos yesterday, the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, also said those complaining that the list was too short apparently did not understand that it was strategically released as a teaser.

    ‘’At the press conference where the list was released, I did say it was a tip of the iceberg. Apparently, this does not mean anything to people whose style is to comment on issues they barely understand, or just to shoot down anything coming from the government,’’ he said,

    adding that the Federal Government has a large number of alleged looters on its list.

    Mohammed slammed the PDP for daring to challenge the Federal Government over an issue that the party knows is its weakness: looting of public treasury.

    ‘’What was the PDP expecting when it challenged the FG to name the looters of the public treasury under the party’s watch? Did the PDP actually believe that the massive looting under its watch was a joke? Did they think it is April Fool?’’ he queried.

    The minister said the PDP’s reaction to the looters’ list showed that its apology was an election-induced act, contrived to deceive unsuspecting Nigerians to vote for the party in the 2019 general election, even when it has not come clean on its looting spree

    during its time in office.

    ‘’The hysterical and panicky reaction from the PDP has shown that the party is not at all sincere about its choreographed apology. Were it not the case, the party would have followed in the footsteps of one of its leaders, Senator Ibrahim Mantu, who simply owned up to his role in the party’s rigging in the past elections and said he had turned a new leaf.

    ‘’It is said that a true confession is done in humility with an attitude of repentance. It is clear that the PDP does not know this, hence its resort to hubris instead of humility and genuine penitence,’’ he said.

    Alhaji Mohammed said the Federal Government will neither be intimidated nor blackmailed into silence, adding that it will also not rest until all those who looted the public treasury have been brought to justice.

     

  • 2019: Fierce battles in the states as senators dare governors

    Across the country, many Governors and some Senators representing districts of their various states in the national assembly are locked in fierce political face-offs as the 2019 general election draws closer. In some states, the fighting Governors and senators belong to the same political party, while in others, the gladiators are of different political platforms, but one common denominator in all the places where these political battles are raging is the quest for political power.
    In this report, Dare Odufowokan, Assistant Editor, writes about how 2019 political ambitions are generating tension between some governors and a number of national assembly members.

    Ahead of the 2019 elections, state governors and senators elected to represent some districts in their various states, are at loggerheads over political ambitions and permutations. These developments have set the political firmament in many states across the country agog with the gladiators and their supporters engaging themselves in deft games of political manoeuvring.

    In some states like Kaduna, Kogi and Akwa Ibom, there have been cases of physical clashes between supporters of the combatants leading to destruction of properties and maiming of some supporters. The quest by governors and senators to outwit one another ahead of the next general election is so pronounced now that it has become a source of concern, not only to the leadership of the ruling party, but also to the handlers of the opposition parties with elected governors and senators.

    Perhaps because it is the ruling party at the centre which also control majority of the states across the country, the All Progressives Congress (APC) is worst hit by this fierce political struggle between governors and their senators. Aside Kaduna and Kogi where APC chieftains have thrown caution to the wind in their political battle for supremacy, the situations in Zamfara, Bornu, Ondo and Kano states are not better either.

    But that is not to say the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is not affected by the development. Findings by The Nation in the PDP-controlled state like Ekiti and Akwa Ibom revealed similar scenarios where governors are working round the clock to ensure that some serving senators are denied return tickets to the national assembly, come 2019, over political disagreements.

    While the causes of the acrimony differ from one state to the other, one thing that is constant in all the affected states remain the determination of the governors to truncate the ambitions of some senators to return to the red chamber for another term of four years.

    In some states, it is because the senators disagree with the governors over who should be the next governor of their state while in other affected states and senatorial districts, it is because the governors, or their anointed ones, are poised to take over the senators’ seats.

    There are also cases of senators eyeing the governorship seats of their states. This, The Nation learnt, has pitched them against the incumbent governors who are either seeking a second term themselves or interested in foisting an anointed candidate on their party and state at all cost. From one state to the other, the scenario differs, but in their fierceness, the contests for supremacy remain the same.

    The Nation also gathered that in some states, the current face-offs between have polarised their political parties into factions. In others, the state executive committees of the parties are divided into groups of loyalists of either the governor or the senators he has issues with. Just recently, the face-off between Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo and Senator Ajayi Boroffice, representing Ondo north senatorial district, resurfaced with both camps exchanging verbal missiles.

    And in spite of spirited efforts by the national leadership of the concerned political parties and other stakeholders to mediate in some of these clashes of interests and ego, it appears many of the disagreement will be carried into the next general election where both parties are ready for showdowns. Except in Zamfara, where a recent stakeholders’ intervention is said to be dousing tension, there seems to be no respite yet in most of the states where governors and senators are throwing brickbats.

    While the APC at the national level may be banking on the Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led national reconciliation committee to help nip some of the festering crisis in the bud before the 2019 general election, the national chairman of the PDP, Uche Secondus, is personally taking the bull by the horns in his determination to clear his party of internal crises, especially in states under the control of PDP governors, before the next general election.

    Borno

    The story from Borno State is very peculiar. It is a story of erstwhile political allies now turned arc-rivals. Between Governor Kashim Shettima and Senator Abu Kyari, who represents the northern senatorial district of the state, the 2019 general election is causing more than just ripples. According to reliable sources, the state chapter of the APC, especially in the northern zone, where they both hail from, is divided into two camps as loyalists of the duo line up behind their principals.

    Aside from both being chieftains of the ruling APC, they have been political associates for over a decade since they met in the camp of former governor of the state and controversial factional leader of the PDP, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff. Of a fact, they were united in the political battle that saw Sheriff losing grip of the political control of the north-eastern state before the 2015 general election.

    But today, free from the over-lordship of their former godfather, they are finding it difficult to remain political allies. Party sources claim 2019 ambitions appear to be at the centre of the face-off between the duo. Before now, the gladiators and their allies were careful not to expose the lingering feud which has been on for over a year now. But events of the past few weeks have shown they may have decided to throw caution to the winds and battle each other more fiercely.

    “Senator Kyari wants to be the next governor of Borno State. He is eminently qualified and he is a deep rooted party man. But Governor Shettima is opposed to his governorship ambition. He is supporting another senator from the party to succeed him in 2019. This is what is causing the problem between the two of them. And their supporters are all over the place making matters more difficult to resolve,” a chieftain of the party told The Nation.

    But our correspondent gathered that the matter may be more than just the wish of a sitting governor to impose his choice candidate on the party. At the centre of the crisis is an unwritten zoning arrangement. Both Shettima and Kyari are from the northern zone of the state. There is a gentleman’s agreement that the governorship will rotate among the three zones. It is this agreement the governor is trying to respect in his opposition to Senator Kyari’s ambition, The Nation gathered.

    “It is not true that the governor dislikes Senator Kyari. They are friends and very close political allies. But the governor feels another zone, aside from the north where the two of them hail from, should be allowed to rule the state. And he has said this publicly many times even before Kyari showed interest in the ticket. This is why people are saying he is supporting Senator Baba Garbai from the central zone for the governorship.

    “Garbai, to the best of my knowledge, is yet to tell us he wants to be governor. We know those who have confirmed their interest in the race aside from those whose posters we are just seeing. There are many people outside the northern zone who want to get the APC governorship ticket and the governor has a right to support anybody he wishes,” our source, a state official of the ruling party from the northern zone, added.

    Ekiti

    Senator Biodun Olujimi was one of the trusted allies of Governor Ayodele Fayose, especially during the trying period before he was re-elected governor of Ekiti State in 2014. In a show of appreciation towards her, the governor supported her senatorial aspiration on the platform of the PDP in 2015. Riding on the popularity of Fayose and the ruling party, she won. The two politicians remained very close allies until talks about the 2018 governorship election in the state threw spanners into their alliance.

    The situation between the duo is so bad that party sources claim the governor has made it clear that Olujimi should forget about returning to the senate in 2019, even if she fails in her current governorship ambition. The state leadership of the party is also said to be in agreement with Fayose on the need to checkmate Olujimi, come 2019. The senator, a governorship aspirant on the platform of the PDP, has been at loggerheads with Fayose over the latter’s refusal to support her ambition.

    Alongside other aggrieved PDP aspirants, she accuses Fayose of subverting the PDP constitution by planning to impose his deputy as the flag bearer of the party for the governorship election in the state. She is insisting on the conduct of free, fair and credible primary election in the state that would produce a popularly acceptable candidate if the party is desirous of retaining power in the state.

    “Governor Fayose has pitched his tent with Prof Olusola and he should be disqualified from playing any role. The relevant provisions of the Electoral Act and the PDP constitution should be followed strictly and arbitrary and illegal use of state apparatus like radio and television stations to subvert the truth must stop,” she said, while also accusing the leadership of the party in the state of dancing to the governor’s tunes.

    And just as sources claim Fayose is plotting to pay Olujimi back, come 2019, for defying him, the senator in conjunction with other aggrieved aspirants have been telling those with ears to hear that the consequence of Fayose and the party ignoring their complaints will be fatal to the PDP’s plans to hold on to power in the state beyond 2018.

    “Whoever says we are politicians that can be wished away will blame themselves because the result will be grievous. We don’t want to lose Ekiti but Governor Fayose is messing up the whole process. It was because people like us worked hard in 2014 that made the 16-0 possible for PDP. Prof Olusola was only a beneficiary of our sweat, he didn’t contribute anything and now he wants to be adopted against the party’s constitution, this we will not accept,” they had vowed.

    Kaduna

    In Kaduna, Governor Ahmed El-Rufai is fighting two senators at one go. According to party sources, the Kaduna governor, who is seeking a second term in office, will be extremely glad if both Senators Shehu Sani and Suleiman Hunkuyi, representing Kaduna Central and Kaduna North in the national assembly respectively, are unable to return to the red chamber come 2019.

    While the trouble in the state is actually over who occupies the coveted seat of the governor of the state after the forthcoming governorship poll in the state, El-Rufai, who has suffered untold criticism and condemnation from the camps of the two senators in recent times, is said to be working round the clock, not only to ensure he wins the APC governorship ticket, but to also see to it that neither Sani nor Hunkuyi gets the party’s nod to re-contest in their various districts.

    “The governor is the leader of the party in the state. It is not a good thing that our senators have been working against the governor. Now that election is coming, can we blame the governor for working against their re-election? We cannot. But the party is working hard to reconcile all of them in the interest of the party. The governor also needs them for his own re-election,” a party source told The Nation.

    Not a few were surprised when Senator Hunkuyi declared his ambition to displace El-Rufai from Government House. This is because he was a known supporter of the governor all the while. His criticism of the administration, however, increased drastically afterwards. He also led others to open the factional secretariat of the party which was later demolished by an agency of the state government.

    Speaking with our correspondent, the senator said he will defeat El-Rufai and take the gubernatorial ticket of the ruling party in 2019. The governor’s camp is not taking the threat lying low. And just as they are working hard at ensuring the APC governorship ticket remains within the grip of the governor, they are also scheming to further punish Hunkuyi by ensuring he doesn’t get the senatorial ticket even if he abandons his governorship quest.

    Trouble started between Sani and El-Rufai almost immediately after the 2015 general election. Stories have it that they quarrelled over the refusal of the governor to consider people suggested to him by Sani for appointments. El-Rufai compounded the issue when he publicly reminded Sani that the late President Yar’Adua died after fighting him. Sani on his part has been unrelenting in his criticism of the administration’s policy and actions.

    Several efforts to reconcile the governor and Senator Sani, by stakeholders within and outside the state, failed with the senator lamenting that “What is happening in Kaduna is simply tyranny. We don’t have an elected governor; we have a military administrator who thinks everything should go his own way. He engineered the party to suspend us, to suspend me.”

    Kogi

    As things stand today in Kogi State, not a few pundits are predicting an uneasy re-election bid for Senator Dino Melaye, representing Kogi West in the national assembly, as the 2019 general election draws closer. Such predictions are largely based on the unending political feud between the senator and Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello. Currently, a move to recall Senator Melaye by members of his constituency, allegedly engineered by the governor’s camp, is ongoing.

    It is common knowledge in Kogi today that while Melaye has joined forces with those opposed to the re-election of Governor Bello in 2019, the governor and his associates too within and outside Kogi West are poised to stop Melaye from returning to the senate for another term. Already, there are talks about some prominent APC chieftains gearing up to replace him as the ruling party’s candidate.

    In April 2017, there was a reported assassination attempt on the senator in his country home in Ijumu Local Government Area. The police arrested the sole administrator of Ijumu, Taofiq Isa, and released him on bail over the incident. But as we speak, Melaye, the complainant, is in court being tried for misleading the police through false information about the incident.

    Supporters of the two politicians have been involved in a series of violent clashes. A good example is the bloody clash that occurred after the senator delivered a speech at the Kabba Day celebration last year. While Bello insists Melaye is not representing the people of Kogi West well, the senator constantly calls the governor unprintable names while vowing to ensure he is jailed after leaving office.

    Reliable party sources claim with the court judgment ordering the senator to go and face the recall process in his constituency, those opposed to him are determined to ensure the logical conclusion of the process that may see Melaye losing his seat before the end of the current political dispensation. But supporters of the senator insist he will survive the recall process. “Melaye is popular with his people. He is not the type of politician they can recall like that,” an aide said.

    Speaking about the ongoing process to recall Senator Melaye, Governor Bello, once said, “the good people of Okunland and indeed West Senatorial District have learnt from a bitter mistake of not taming and curbing that social deviant (Melaye) and they have decided to take lawful steps in recalling him.” This is just as the senator insists the recall plot against him will fail.

    Among those alleged to be seeking Bello’s nod to be allowed to replace Melaye as APC senatorial candidate in Kogi West are Senator Smart Adeyemi, who lost to Melaye during the last senatorial election before defecting from the PDP to the APC recently, and Honourable Taofiq Isa, the incumbent sole administrator of Ijumu Local Government Area of the troubled state.

    Ondo

    Before now, the leadership of the APC in Ondo State tried to dismiss the existence of cold war between Governor Rotimi Akeredolu and Senator Ajayi Boroffice, the member representing Ondo north senatorial district in the national assembly. There are now strong indications that all is not well between the two party leaders.  Boroffice did not support Akeredolu’s election in 2016 and the governor has never hidden his disapproval of the senator too.

    The Nation learnt that there is growing mutual distrust between the camps of the two politicians. Amidst rumour that Akeredolu may have made up his mind to work against Boroffice’s re-election into the senate next year, the governor’s men are afraid that the senator may run against Akeredolu for the APC governorship ticket in the next governorship election in the state.

    “What is playing out in Ondo State is not unusual. It is all the outcome of suspicion amongst political gladiators. Boroffice is now seeking a return to the senate and the governor’s men are against him. One, because he opposed Akeredolu in 2016. Secondly, because they fear he may run for the governorship again in 2020 when the governor would be seeking a second term.

    “The idea may be that it is better to render him irrelevant politically now by preventing his return to the senate than allow him gather more political credence as a two-term senator which will put him in vantage position to challenge the governor especially as the governorship slot is still zoned to Ondo north for now. It is these political permutations that are causing ripples within the two camps,” Tunde Odere, an Akure based pro-democracy activist, explained.

    Akwa Ibom

    Senator Nelson Effiong represents Akwa Ibom South senatorial district in the national assembly. He was elected on the platform of the PDP. But in January 2017, he dumped the party for the APC, saying his decision was to enable him pursue his political career. “I was elected into the senate on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party, but over the past one year, this great party has disintegrated. No reasonable politician will allow his people to drift without direction,” he argued back then.

    But Senate Minority Leader, Godswill Akpabio, Effiong’s erstwhile political godfather, was angered by the defection. “We had rumours that this was going to happen; we engaged the senator in various discussions and we showed him the implication. We want the senate to note that the PDP in Akwa Ibom is on its way to court and we want to reclaim his mandate,” he said then.

    Even Governor Udom Emmanuel, according to sources, agreed with Akpabio on the need to curtail the excesses of Effiong political. Thus, a decision was taken, not only to recall him from the senate but to also prevent his re-election on the platform of any political party in the state come 2019. And if Effiong thought that was an empty threat, he was soon to start seeing signs that his former political associates meant what they said.

    Last week, the determination of Emmanuel and Akpabio to stop Effiong’s re-election bid resonated as prominent community leaders and traditional rulers from Eket senatorial zone of the state met and reiterated their resolve to ensure that the former PDP chieftains is not returned to the senate in 2019 to represent the zone. Rising from a meeting under the auspice of Eket Leaders of Thought (ELT), the group endorsed Governor Emmanuel’s second term bid and rejected Effiong’ re-election quest.

    The meeting frowned at what they described as the poor representation of the senatorial district by the lawmaker, and vowed to see the judicial process for the retrieval of the mandate freely given to his former party by the people, to the very end. “The recall process is on and we are in court. Aside that, we want to tell him we are in agreement with our political leaders that he should not be returned to the senate,” the group said, echoing the well publicised positions of both Emmanuel and Akpabio.

    “His action is uncharitable and unaccepted to the senatorial district. His defection does not affect in anyway the position and strength of the party in the senatorial district and the desire of the governor and support of the people to run for the second term. Besides, we are yet to see the dividends of his dumping the PDP which is the party of Akwa Ibom people for a strange party,” ELT declared.

    With these developments barely a year to the next election, nobody should be left in doubt that Senator Effiong will have to fight the political battle of his life if he desires to return to the senate on the platform of his new party, the APC. But associates of the lawmakers insist there is no cause for worry as “the real voters in Eket zone have made up their minds to stay with their senator in his new party.”

    Imo

    Imo State Governor, Rochas Okorocha, with his intention to contest for  the Imo West Senatorial seat in 2019,  has taken his political battle with the current senator representing the district at the national assembly, Senator Hope Uzodinma, a notch higher. Though Uzodinma is of the opposition PDP, talks about his desire to join the APC have been on for a while.

    But sources say Okorocha and his men in the ruling party have been frustrating moves by the senator to jump ship even when it is obvious he has severed political links with the mainstream leadership of the PDP in the state following the Supreme Court judgement that sacked Modu Sheriff as PDP’s national chairman. Currently, the camps of the two politicians are at loggerheads over the Imo West senate seat.

    Okorocha said his participation in the senatorial race will brighten the chances of President Muhammadu Buhari and other candidates of APC in general election in the state. “I have decided to run for the Imo West Senatorial zones because if I don’t, bad people will take the position,” he said, in what many have interpreted at a swipe at Uzodinma.

    But the senator’s camp firmly believes Okorocha cannot stop Uzodinma from being re-elected. According to an aide of the senator, “Okorocha should stop playing God. He is governor, yes, but he will soon become a former governor. He cannot decide for Imo West people. Even when he won elections on the platform of APGA and APC, Imo West voted against his party. So, he will learn political lessons in 2019.”

    The Nation, however, learnt that there is confusion in the camp of the senator over which political party to move to following Okorocha’s declaration that he will be annexing the APC ticket of the zone, come 2019. According to insiders, the senator is strongly considering joining the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) as a way of keeping his political dream alive. “And he may be doing that very soon,” our source added.

    Kano

    The raging political battle between Governor Abdullai Ganduje and his erstwhile political godfather and boss, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, remains a surprise to many observers of the politics of Kano State. For the two terms, they worked together harmoniously as a governor and deputy. But hardly had Ganduje been declared governor-elect than crisis brewed between the duo. Kwankwaso is the senator representing Kano central senatorial district.

    Party sources claim the genesis of the feud is the appointment of state executives by Ganduje. Against expectations, only one of the commissioners in Kwankwaso’s executive was retained by Ganduje. Following the escalation of open hostility between the two politicians, violent clashes among their supporters became the order of the day, and, at a point, Kwankwaso didn’t visit Kano for over a year.

    Although the former governor has announced his desire to contest the presidency in 2019, feelers within the party are that Governor Ganduje is making moves to wrestle the Kano central senatorial seat from the grip of his former boss. “The governor is the leader of the party. Senator Kwankwaso will not be re-elected as a senator and anybody he supports in Kano central will not win,” a party source said.

    In February, former PDP senator in Kano central, Basheer Garba Lado, defected to the APC. He was received into the party by the state governor, Dr. Ganduje, at a special reception held at Sani Abacha Indoor Stadium. While receiving the senator, Ganduje promised that he will replace Kwankwaso, the current senator for Kano Central, with Senator Lado in 2019.

    The governor, at the event, signalled his readiness to battle his former boss right in his home base, when he raised Lado’s hands, saying, in Hausa language, “Kano ta Tsakiya,” and the crowd replied, “Sai mun chanja,” meaning “We must replace the Senator for Kano Central.” Party sources said the governor’s camp are working round the clock to deliver the APC ticket to Lado ahead of Kwankwaso or anybody he may prefer to replace him.

  • Polls sequence crisis: APC leaders, senators reach truce

    The All Progressive Congress (APC) National Working Committee (NWC) and the party’s Senate Caucus ended a three-hour meeting yesterday saying they were close to a truce on the controversial election sequence crisis.

    Senate Leader Ahmed Lawan told reporters after the meeting that many issues tearing the party apart including the controversy over election sequence, were discussed.

    He said the party would soon constitute a caucus, comprising members of the executive, the legislature, governors and the party leadership, to resolve issues affecting the party.

    He said: “When you have everybody on the same page, you would have reduced misunderstanding to its barest level or eliminated it completely. There may be times when there will be disagreements. Such disagreements must not be allowed to become a clog in the wheel of progress.

    “The idea of bringing everybody to the table is to ensure that we are able to resolve any issues; issues at party, National Assembly and at the executive levels and with some of our governors. Should there be any issue, we should be able to discuss and dispense with it as quickly as possible.

    “The discussions centered around so many things, including the issue of election sequence. We are coming to a situation where that can be resolved. We are hoping that as soon as that caucus is constituted, this kind of issue will easily be addressed and resolved.

    “This is our government. This is our administration. We should not be fighting dirty in the public. If we have misunderstanding, we should be able to deal with it inside our house. It is not as if a political party will not have problems, what makes the difference is for the political party to manage such challenges that will arise from time to time. We are on top of the situation. We are going to resolve all our problems.”

    Lawan, who described the visit of the APC NWC to the Senate “as a father visiting his family, said the NWC requested for an interaction with the party’s Senate caucus to review events in the party and the country.

    He continued: “Senators took the opportunity to express problems bedeviling the party. The party will soon constitute a team that will comprise the Executive, Legislature, governors and the party itself. The meeting was worthwhile and the party was happy to be here this afternoon. It was a frank discussion.”

    National Chairman John Odigie-Oyegun, who led other members of the NWC, said they were in the Senate to discuss issues that bound them together.

    Oyegun said they were in the Senate “to listen”. “It is good to discuss issues that have arisen in the polity. There is election in less than one year. There is an interest that binds us together. We are here to listen and to strategise ahead of the elections coming up in February, next year.”

  • Senators’ earnings as mere symptoms

    Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, back in 2010, as CBN governor was the first to alert the nation of the danger the consumptive pattern of a National Assembly that cornered 25% of the national budget posed to the well-being of Nigerians and the growth of the economy. The National Assembly denied Sanusi’s claim but for over seven years refused to make public the breakdown of its budget despite public demand for transparency.

    We have however now been told that our senators, widely rumoured as the highest paid lawmakers in the world, only earn a modest N750,000, monthly and another N13.5m to be receipted for. Individual senators, we also now know, presides over how N200m constituency projects are executed annually.  Credit for these facts goes to Senator Shehu Sani, a very credible source whose claim that President Buhari was fighting corruption among his close allies with deodorant while using insecticides to wage the same crusade among his political foes was validated when the president, after initial vacillation was forced to sack Babachir Lawal, his secretary to government who was to be later recommended for prosecution over alleged corruption and abuse of office.

    But long before Shehu Sani finally laid to rest the controversy surrounding what our lawmakers pay themselves, suspended House of Representative Appropriation Committee chairman, Abdulmumin Jibrin had revealed  the 2016 budget was inflated by as much as N4b to fund constituency projects of members. However, his allegation that principal officers of the lower house including the Speaker, benefitted from such illegal diversion, did not throw much light on what the lawmakers pay themselves. Jibril himself suffered from credibility deficit as his allegations came after his suspension over his committee’s alleged unilateral removal or diversion of budgeted funds for Lagos-Calabar coastal railway.

    That what the lawmakers pay themselves was shrouded in secrecy was not the only source of worry to Nigerians. Consensuses among all those who have dealings with the upper and lower houses seem to confirm the two as houses of deals. Minister Raji Fashola disclosed how allocations in the 2017 budget to important federal projects including the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway which is critical to the development of the economy was slashed to accommodate lawmakers’ constituency borehole projects. President Buhari had also taken his frustration with the lawmakers to the court of public opinion by calling attention to how, in spite of his advice, the lawmakers frittered away public funds on state of the art expensive toys even after collecting personal car loans often retired through earned allowances. And finally, worried by the level of larceny going on the National Assembly, ex-President Obasanjo who was instrumental to the removal of about three senate presidents in quick succession over corruption charges described our legislators as ‘armed robbers’. Of course Obasanjo, now out of office should, from the benefit of hindsight, know better. He is not expected to have kind words for those who during his administration, deployed the instrumentality of government policy thrust to defraud the nation,  derail his energy sector reforms as well as the rural electrification contracts which they awarded to their own companies.

    But no matter how much we rail against thieving members of the National Assembly, they are mere symptoms of our crisis of nationhood. The fundamental question we have failed to address is why members of the governing elite have waged endless war against Nigeria since 1962. Since studies have shown people are indifferent and in fact work for the collapse of a system in which they have no stake, the most plausible explanation is lack of faith in Nigeria as a corporate entity by Nigerian critical stakeholders. Ahmadu Bello’s “the mistake of 1914 has come to play” following disagreement over Enahoros 1953 motion for “independence in 1956” more than captured this. And before him, Obafemi Awolowo had also admitted Nigeria was a geographical expression while Balewa was to later describe Nigeria as a British intention. In other words, Nigeria was nothing but an idea, first nurtured by the colonial masters and later by representative of nationalities that own the space described as Nigeria. But our ill-informed and ill-educated military thought the structural blocks designed to build the Nigerian nation were the problems and decreed them out of existence. Unfortunately, 60 years after the death of an idea, the military as represented by retired Generals Obasanjo and Buhari and their fronts – the major beneficiaries of the current anarchy, have continued to confuse symptoms with the fundamental cause of our crisis of nationhood.

    Their fraudulent claim we can literarily climb the palm tree from the top by imposing a nation on nationalities without first resolving the fundamental issue of how the nationalities want to live together, probably explains why, every emerging new set of the parasitic ruling elite, loyal to none but themselves, is often worse than the one preceding it.  For instance, as if they were not called upon to serve the nation, the 1999 set insisted on recouping funds they expended on fighting elections. The David Mark/Ekweremadu that followed supervised free looting of the nation with Mark going to court to defend his immoral confiscation of the senate presidential mansion for an amount EFCC alleged was far below market price of the structure.

    The Saraki/Ekweremadu set holds no pretence to any form of morality. Those who by their own accounts literarily sold off the victory of their party cannot be said to be driven by any lofty ideals or loyalty to the state. That they have resolutely stood against government’s pro-Nigeria policies in the last three years  more than demonstrate they are in office to serve none but themselves. The Senate’s spokesperson, Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi has even tried to justify the scandalous N13.5m senators’ monthly running costs by claiming “almost all holders of elective or appointive office have running costs allocated to their offices”  without citing where else in the world whether in a democracy or dictatorship  such practice is sustained.

    Thieving members of the executive, lawmakers or ‘armed robbers’, as Obasanjo calls them, or supreme courts judges that trade in justice as well as the compromised members of the fourth estate of the realm, are not the sources of our nation’s nightmare.  They are all symptoms of a state as an orphan.

    The truth is that we are today back to 1962 when those who had no faith in Nigeria seized the country. A clear evidence of this is the recent APC response to clamour for the restructuring of the country. The recommendation by its committee on restructuring headed by Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State that ‘indigene-ship’ be replaced with residency or citizenship in a federal constitution is a reinforcement of an old policy that has been successfully used for the pacification and assimilation of all the Hausa-conquered territories in the north. It is also a policy whose covert implementation in the unconquered Middle Belt territories has resulted in social dislocations among a people that are being prevented from taking their own destinies in their own hands.  APC’s ploy is nothing but another name for the military and its PDP political arm’s failed ‘mainstreaming’ gamble.

    Finally, modelling Nigeria, inhabited by unconquered nationalities that cherish and celebrate their different cultures and values after America, a nation conquered through force of arms by adventurers and criminals from Europe, amounts to intellectual fraud. If there is a lesson to be learnt at all, it has to be from our European colonial masters who, based on their own long history of internal strife and two devastating world wars, had advised us on path to peaceful co-existence, a path we traded for mainstreaming in 1962.

  • Senators’ N13.5m largesse

    SIR: The legislative arm of the federal government has seemingly remained a drainpipe that impedes economic growth in the country since the ongoing democratic system commenced in 1999. Comparatively, a Nigerian senator or member of the House of the Representatives earns several times more than their counterparts across the world. Still, corruption sways in the chambers. In fact, during the previous administrations, ‘Ghana-must-go’ bags with megabucks were practically turned into lobbying and legislative tools for screenings, confirmation of appointments and passage of budgets.

    Notwithstanding the gross aberrations, the lawmakers advantageously allocated outrageous allowances to themselves. The recently exposed monthly-running costs of a whopping sum of N13.5million to each senator which if allocated to visible developmental projects across all the constituencies will no doubt, concurrently boost development across the nation, remains a nightmare. It is indeed heartless, iniquitous and greed that as much as the amount is self-allocated and collected monthly by each of the senators separately from consolidated salaries on inconsequentialities. Some lawmakers once in a while will fix a quasi-amenity but file up fictitious copious receipts without substantiation. Meanwhile, the people in their constituencies remain in misery, joblessness and poverty. Then, additional N200million for constituency projects is allotted annually, yet the polity keeps appearing pitiable and abandoned. Perhaps, it should be appropriately renamed paper-projects since they are nonexistent anywhere. Irrefutably, the actions fell below the bar of civility.

    The fundamental question for the lawmakers is; how could the Public Procurement Act they passed into law specify how projects should be bid and executed but they indiscriminately allocated public funds to themselves albeit the council is yet to be constituted? Or is the country comparable to George Orwell’s Animal Farm where some animals are more equal than others? Section 16(17) of the Public Procurement Act 2014 provides that “a contract shall be awarded to the lowest evaluated responsive bid from the bidders substantially responsive to the bid solicitation”. By the way, how could the legislature prepare and pass its budget and also clothe itself with powers to override the president? Indeed, this is a blinder.

    Over the years, politicians often play on the sensibilities of the vulnerable citizens especially the youths during election periods. Interestingly, the red chamber is presently manned by unique identities; commonsense advocate, great anti-corruption crusader, voice of the new generation, defender of the down-trodden, economic empowerment strategist and many other titles who relentlessly criticize the executive every now and then. Yet, they collaboratively overlooked, concealed and promoted for several years the fraudulent running costs and constituency projects sufficient to improve the society in few years if prudently expended.

    Presently, the 2018 Appropriation bill presented to the National Assembly early enough, precisely on November 7, 2017 by the President to stimulate the economy that was critically hit by recession, sadly still hops up and down at the end of first quarter. Incontestably, the lawmakers work for their personal interests. The constituency projects astutely envisioned has constituted conduits to the treasury. The bicameral legislature itself is the grand drainpipe. As a developing democracy, Nigeria shouldn’t have clichéd the developed system verbatim but modify progressively.

    The anti-graft agency has a lot of work to do. No amount of propaganda should dampen the spirits from moving into actions towards recovering misappropriated public funds, however unselectively. It is absolutely ridiculous, height of aberration and totally unacceptable to enthrone mediocrity and expect developments. From 1999 since the running costs and constituency projects came into existence, it is rare to find any such projects anywhere except few that managed to complete a borehole in one community or repaint a community-market with giant sign-posts. It is fittingly inhumanity to man that lawmakers freely loot public funds while the masses they use satisfactorily during elections are drying up in hunger and hardship. Egocentricity has clearly defeated the objects of constituency projects solicitously aimed at spreading rapid developments to the grassroots through the representatives. Probably, this is where Charly Boy’s “OurMumuDonDo” initiative will appropriately and effectually make sense than the defunct ‘resume or resign’ crusade. Until the legislative arm is reformed, things may hardly fall in shape.

     

    • Carl Umegboro,

     Abuja

  • Looted funds, assets: FG launches fresh moves against ex-govs, ministers, senators

    Looted funds, assets: FG launches fresh moves against ex-govs, ministers, senators

    The Federal Government yesterday launched fresh moves to seize looted funds and suspicious assets traced to some former governors, ministers and senators in the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

    The Attorney-General of the Federation, Mallam Abubakar Malami (SAN), and the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Mr. Ibrahim Magu, left for Dubai last night to finalize the forfeiture process.

    The number of the affected Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs) under probe were said to be over 20.

    Although the names of those implicated were kept under wraps as at the time of filing this report, checks  revealed the following: a former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke;  a former Managing Director of the Pipelines and Product Marketing Company (PPMC), Mr. Haruna Momoh(eight suspected assets in Dubai ); a former Managing Director of the defunct Oceanic Bank, Mrs. Cecilia Ibru; a former First Lady;  Senators involved in London-Paris Club scandal; ex-PDP National Chairman; ex-CG of Customs; a former Special Assistant on Domestic Affairs to a former President;  about nine ex-governors and six former ministers.

    Nigeria had signed six agreements with the UAE on January 19, 2016 following a state visit by President Muhammadu Buhari.

    The pacts include Judicial Agreements on Extradition, Transfer of Sentenced Persons, Mutual Legal Assistance on Criminal Matters and Mutual Legal Assistance on Criminal and Commercial Matters (the recovery and repatriation of stolen wealth).

    Investigation by our correspondent revealed that the Federal Government had been collaborating with the UAE authorities on suspicious cash and assets allegedly owned by some Politically Exposed Persons (PEPs).

    A top source, who spoke in confidence, said the Federal Government had gathered enough evidence on some of the Nigerian suspects who had stashed public cash in Dubai with choice assets to wit.

    The source also said in some cases, the EFCC had secured court orders/Mareva injunctions for the seizure of some of the assets.

    Also the source claimed that financial intelligence had confirmed how public funds were wired to UAE by some of the suspects in question.

    The source added: “In the last two years, there had been shuttles to  Dubai by the AGF and Magu on some of the slush funds and suspicious assets.

    “We are now at the stage of attaching or seizing some of the cash and assets. We have hauled evidence to the place with a view to concluding the process of repatriating the looted funds. In fact, in some instances, a few suspects admitted owning some of these suspected assets in Dubai.

    “The UAE law is very strict on suspected assets and looted funds. Nigeria had to provide verifiable evidence before seizure can be allowed.

    “From the look of things, we are hopeful that the first set of seizures will soon be agreed upon by the two countries. Those affected are many.”

    Responding to some questions, the source added: “I think some cases are straightforward. It is  public knowledge that a former Managing Director of the defunct Oceanic Bank, Mrs. Cecilia Ibru, was convicted. The Federal Government is only trying to attach some suspected assets allegedly owned by her or  traced to her links. It is left to the UAE Government to verify through appropriate agencies whether or not the suspected assets in Dubai are hers.

    “The EFCC also has evidence of how some Senators benefited from the London-Paris Club refunds and the shop owners in Dubai used to launder such funds. The financial intelligence sharing by the two countries can uncover this. Apart from seizing the funds, those implicated can be prosecuted in Nigeria for money laundering.

    “There are some cases in which we have provided evidence, including some on ex-Minister Diezani, businessman Kola Aluko, a former PPMC MD, Momoh; a former First Lady, a former Special Assistant to an ex-President on Domestic Affairs and some ex-governors and ministers.

    “The assets allegedly identified with Diezani are marked as J5 Emirates Hills (30million Dirham) and E146 Emirates Hills valued at 44million Dirham.

    Those allegedly traced to Aluko are as follows: 4100 Le Reve Dubai Maria, Dubai;  Unit 1402, PS 14th Floor located at Metro TECOM near Internet City Metro Station, Dubai; Unit 712, ES 7th Floor located at First Central, Off Sheikh Zayed, TECOM, Al-Barsha 3 Dubai and Unit 512, 5th Floor located at First Group Marina Hotels, Al-Seba Street, Plot 394-426, Dubai AE-AJ.

    The list of the houses allegedly traced to Momoh  in the United Arab Emirates( UAE)  are at First Group Marina Hotels, Al-Seba Street, Plot 394-426, Dubai, AE-AJ United Arab Emirates;  Unit 503, 1 Bedroom Heritage, 5th Floor located at First Central Dubai Media City TECOM off Sheikh Zayed, TECOM Al- Barsha 3 Dubai; Unit 1910 ES Heritage, 19th Floor located at First Central Dubai Media City TECOM off Sheikh Zayed, TECOM Al- Barsha 3 Dubai; a Unit 2507 Dubai Sports City; Unit 314 Dubai Sports City; and Unit 1002, TECOM BARS 125616.

    Others are Unit 1402, PS 14th Floor located at Metro Central, TECOM near Internet City Metro Station, Dubai ( UAE);  Unit 712, ES 7th Floor located at First Central, Off Sheikh Zayeed, TECOM, Al-Barsha 3 Dubai( UAE); Unit 512, 5th Floor located at First Group Marina Hotels, Al-Seba Street, Plot 394-426, Dubai AE-AJ UAE.

    Sections 7 of 28 and 34 of the EFCC (Establishment Act) 2004 and Section 13(1) of the Federal High Court Act, 2004 mandate the agency to seize suspicious assets.

    Section 7 says: “The commission has power to (a) cause any investigations to be conducted as to whether any person, corporate body or organization has committed any offence under this Act or other law relating to economic and financial crimes.

    “(b) Cause investigations to be conducted into the properties of any person if it appears to the commission that the person’s lifestyle and extent of the properties are not justified by his source of income.”

    Sections 28 and 34 of the EFCC (Establishment Act) 2004 and Section 13(1) of the Federal High Court Act, 2004 empower the anti-graft agency to invoke Interim Assets Forfeiture Clause.

    “Section 28 of the EFCC Act reads: ‘Where a person is arrested for an offence under this Act, the Commission shall immediately trace and attach all the assets and properties of the person acquired as a result of such economic or financial crime and shall thereafter cause to be obtained an interim attachment order from the court.’

    Section 13 of the Federal High Court Act reads in part: “The court may grant an injunction or appoint a receiver by an interlocutory order in all cases in which it appears to the court to be just or convenient so to do. (2) Any such order may be made either unconditionally or on such terms and conditions as the court thinks just.”

  • El-Rufai, Ganduje, Bello under fire over ‘attack on senators’

    El-Rufai, Ganduje, Bello under fire over ‘attack on senators’

    Three governors – Yahaya Bello (Kogi), Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna) and Abdullahi Ganduje (Kano) – came under fire in the Senate yesterday.

    They were accused of unleashing unwarranted attacks on senators from their states. The lawmakers said the governors should be called to order.

    The senators took turn to describe what they tagged “despicable and unacceptable politically-motivated attacks on senators in various states.”

    They warned that except the trend was halted; there could be mayhem which would affect the 2019 elections.

    The position of the upper chamber followed the adoption of a motion by Senator Ahmed Ogembe (Kogi Central), who alleged disruption of his empowerment programme.

    Saying that mayhem was visited to his supporters, including the destruction of their houses in Okene, the lawmaker lamented that the Police Area Commander, Okene and the Divisional Police Officer of Okehi and Adavi local government areas were aware of the empowerment programme but refused to rein in the invaders.

    Ogembe said the programme took place on March 3 in Okene.

    He expressed worry that “indeed, political violence, kidnapping, killings, assassinations of my constituents and supporters in Kogi Central have become the order of the day and the police have chosen to turn a blind eye.”

    Hardly had Ogembe concluded his submission when another senator from the state, Dino Melaye, took the floor to speak on his ordeal in the hands of Governor Bello

    Melaye recalled how he was last week arraigned on the order of the Federal Government over alleged misinformation.

    Other senators who contributed to the motion narrated their experiences in the hands of their governors and insisted that Ogembe’s case should be used to cut the “excesses of governors.”

    Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu, who also narrated his experience in the hand of a former Enugu State governor said: “I want to tell our brother Ogembe that some of us passed through the route before, but by the grace of God, we are here and those oppressors are at home because it is God that gives power.

    “Sometimes in life, people think they are God. They play God because people have given them opportunity to superintend over the affairs of men. “So, they think that they became what they are by their special power and assume God. But ultimately, God intervenes to show them that they are not God.

    “So, the problem in Nigeria now is that our democracy is receding, and the international community needs to know this.

    “Who says that the Army cannot take over in Nigeria? It is possible. So, let us not joke with our democracy, especially with the way they going.

    Minority Leader, Senator Godswill Akpabio was uncomfortable with the mention of military intervention.

    Akpabio raised Order 23(4): which says a senator should restrict himself to the subject under discussion.

    He said: “The mention by the Deputy Senate President, saying, ‘who said that the military cannot take over’. We believe strongly that with the will of all Nigerians and the support of God, that we have confined the idea of dictatorship to the background and our democracy will thrive forever.

    “Never again shall we go into military rule. And that is not even contemplated in Africa, not to talk the most populous nation in the black race.”

    But Senate President Bukola Saraki ruled that Akpabio took Ekweremadu out of context.

    He said: “It is not really just about Kogi State but it is clear from what we are seeing that Kogi is coming to a point where it is becoming a threat to our democracy and we are going to be very serious about it; and it cannot be seen to be defying our democracy because this is not what our democracy is about.

    “For the role that we continue to play in the comity if nations, we must be seen to make good examples to other parts of the world. We must get to the bottom of this; we must take action that must stop this thing from happening, and we must condemn this in the strongest term because this kind of action is totally unacceptable. It cannot be allowed to continue because it just starts with one state.

    “Some of us have been privileged to be governors before; we are almost 20 years in democracy. This cannot be the democracy that we should be talking about after 20 years, and it is totally unacceptable. And we must make sure that we use this opportunity to address the issue.

    “We saw the case in Kaduna State, how a governor can proudly say that he is going to bulldoze a house in Nigeria. At this time… and we are all still keeping quiet. These are things that we must condemn totally.”

    The Senate resolved to set up an ad-hoc committee to investigate the disruption of Ogembe’s empowerment programme and the role of the police during the programme.

    It said the committee should submit its report to the Senate in plenary in two weeks.