His ambition was to be a senator. But, he was destined to be the first elected president in 1979. While in power, he was held captive by associates whose activities dented his administration. Alhaji Shehu Shagari was bidding his time. He wanted to use the second term opportunity to correct the lapses of the first term. Few months into the second term, he was overthrown by the military. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the life and times of the humble leader from the Caliphate.
The Caliphate is in a mourning mood. Its second most important political figure after the legendary Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, bade the world farewell at the weekend. The life and times of Teacher Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, who rose from a humble background to serve as the first elected president, were full of lessons.
Despite his privileged position, he maintained a rare humility and Spartan lifestyle. He was a hero, not only to Shagari village, which was founded by his illustrious grandfather, Ahmadu Rufai, but to all lovers of democracy, politics without bitterness, decency and moderation. He was not a prophet without honour at home. Shagari was made the Turaki Fula Sokoto in 1962 by the Sultan of Sokoto, the late Alhaji Siddiq Abubakar III.
Historians are ambivalent about his position in history. He sought to live by personal example. But, many believed that he lacked a club of disciplined associates and disciples. Popular reaction to the rascality of few people in his government has affected the perception of his place in history. Shagari, who died at 93, left a mark of honour and integrity. Ironically, he was an incorruptible leader who presided a virulently corrupt administration in national history.
A sheep in the midst of wolves, Shagari was helpless, unable to whip to line notorious ministers who indulged in sleaze. He was not materialist, but he seemed to lack the courage to discourage corruption. When he was overthrown by the soldiers and detained, the military could not find any incriminating thing against him and his loyal deputy, the late Dr. Alex Ekwueme.
The first indigenous leadership class is on the eclipse. That was the old brigade that relished party supremacy, party discipline and patriotism. Shagari’s colleagues in the First Republic Parliament are now few. Those alive are former Education Minister Richard Akinjide, who later served under him as Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, former Aviation Minister Chief Mbazuluke Amechi and the revolutionary chemist, Ayo Fasanmi, who became a senator in the Second Republic.
The eminent politician left behind a divided country grappling with a malevolent economy, an over-centralised polity that is inimical to the growth of a healthy and competitive federal spirit, a political class without an ideology, desperate operators who perceive politics as a lucrative career instead of vocation, and corrupt generation which has made the graft that characterised his regime a child’s play.
Throughout his long sojourn in politics, Shagari never struggled for power, unlike do-or-die politicians. Fate entrusted the responsibilities on him. He was a product of the North, who mirrored the conservative outlook of his mentors and leaders, Bello, leader of the defunct Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. He was loyal to the core North, although he was an advocate of national friendship and cohesion. His second party, the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN), led by the late Chief Adisa Akinloye, his colleague at the parliament and Council of Ministers, was evidently an offshoot of the NPC.
Shagari was born in 1925. He started his education in a Quranic before attending Yabo Elementary School. Between 1936 and 1940, he attended Sokoto Middle School and Kaduna College between 1941 and 1944. Between 1944 and 1952, Shagari attended the Teacher Training College, Zaria, Kaduna State. From 1953-1958, he worked as a visiting teacher at Sokoto Province. He was also a member of the Federal Scholarship Board from 1954-1958.
In 1951, Shagari entered politics, serving as the secretary of the NPC in Sokoto until 1956. In 1954, he was elected into the House of Representatives. He represented Sokoto West.
In 1958, he was appointed as Parliamentary Secretary to Prime Minister Balewa. He later served as the Federal Minister for Commerce and Industries. Between 1959 and 1960, Shagari was made the Federal Minister for Economic Development. Between 1960 and 1962, he was moved to the Pensions Ministry as the Federal Minister for Pensions.
From 1962-1965, he became the Federal Minister for Internal Affairs. Between 1965 and January 1966, Shagari was the Federal Minister for Works.
Balewa’s British friends had alerted him to the import of grooming successors. When he was asked about his plan in this regard, he said two names came to his mind-Shehu Shagari and Maitama Sule. Sighting the young minister and parliamentarian at the parliament premises, the former Prime Minister was said to have pointed at him with fondness and pride, saying: “Shagari, man of the future.” The prediction came into fulfilment in 1979.
Following the 1966 coup, Shagari returned home. In 1967, he was appointed the Secretary for Sokoto Province Education Development Fund. From 1968-1969, he served as Commissioner for Establishments in the Northwestern State.
Only few federal ministers agreed to serve as commissioners at the state level in tjose days. Another example was the late Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, who served as Education Commissioner in Lagos State. When the military governor of the EWestern State appointed Akinjide as commissioner, he declined because he was not consulted before the appointment was announced on the radio.
Between 1970 and 1971, Shagari was appointed by the military Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, as Federal Commissioner for Economic Development, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. When the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo resigned from the Federal Executive Council as Federal Commissioner for Finance, Shagari became Finance Commissioner.
In 1975, Gowon was overthrown. His successor, the late Gen.Muritala Mohammed, appointed Shagari as High Commissioner to Great Britain. He politely declined, apparently in silent protest against the coup.
During the transition programme, Shagari became a member of the Constituent Assembly set up to study the report of the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC). In 1978, he became a founding member of the NPN. His ambition was to become a senator. Bu, northern leaders, led by Alhaji Aliyu Mohammed, Makaman of Bida, prevailed on him to accept to serve. Other aspirants included the late Dr. Olusola Saraki, Sule, Adamu Ciroma and Prof. Iya Abubakar.
In the 1979 presidential race were Shagari (NPN), Awolowo (Unity Party of Nigeria), Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe (Nigeria Peoples Party), Waziri Ibrahim (Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) and Mallam Aminu Kano (Peoples Redemption Party). The Chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) was the late Chief Michael Ani. Instructively, the military Head of State, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, allegedly assessed the candidates and submitted that the best presidential material will not win the poll.
Shagari may not be in the class of charismatic leaders. But his sincerity was an assest. “He lacks the physique to be a mass orator, but his honesty and sincerity are conveyed by his calm manner and measured tones,” Williams said.
On of the challenges that confronted Shagari was the choice of a running mate. In his book, ‘President and Power in Nigeria: The life of Shehu Shagari,’ David Williams wrote: “Shehu Shagari, since the vice-presidential candidate was to come from the eastern states, invited an Ibo lady, a much respected educationist, to join his “ticket.” She, with great commonsense and modesty, told him that a woman was no greater an electoral asset in her part of Nigeria than in his; so, the choice fell on Dr. Alex Ekwueme from Anambra State, well known in Nigeria as an American-trained architect, but politically an unknown quantity and personally unknown to Shehu Shagari. In office, he has proved to be a great success.” Although the flamboyant politician, Dr. Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe, fondly called ‘man of timber and calibre,’ allegedly lobbied for the job, he was not considered.
Awo picked the late Chief Philip Umeadi as running mate. Zik picked Prof. Ishaya Audu, former Vice Chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University (ABU).
At the close of poll, there was a debacle. No clear winner emerged. But, Shagari was ahead in 12 of 19 states. Kano results were disputed. Awo challenged the results in the court. In the legal fireworks that ensued, Akinjide argued that Shagari won 12 2/3 of 19 states. The Supreme Court upheld Shagari’s victory. But, it said that the verdict should not be cited as precedent in any court of law.
President Shagari set up a broad-based cabinet; ethnically and religiously balanced. Co-aspirants-Ciroma and Prof. Abubakar became ministers. Sule became Nigeria’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations (UN). Mbadiwe became National Assembly Affairs. In Lagos State, the seat of the federal government, there was cordial relations between him and Governor Lateef Jakande. Thus, he was favourably disposed to the Lagos State Metro-line Project, which he launched, amid funfair.
When his Special Adviser on Political Matters, the late Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, chided Zik’s criticisms against the government as the ranting of an ant, Shagari objected to his reaction and mandated him to go and apologise to the old man.
In Shagari’s days as president, the party was supreme. At the NPN caucus meeting, which was always attended by Shagari and Ekwueme, Senate President Joseph Wayas, Senate Leader Saraki, Lulu Briggs, Olusola Afolabi, Alhaji Shettima Ali Mongono, Suleiman Takuma and other big wigs, Akinloye always presided.
It was a cabinet of talents. But, key ministers indulged in politics and primitive accumulation, instead of promoting good governance. The economy was ebbing away. The cost of living became high. The standard of living low.
Irked by the economic mismanagement, Awo wrote Shagari, warning that the ship of state was heading for the rocks. Awo complained about critical industries that were about to die. Akinloye yelled at his former leader in the banned Action Group (AG). He said although he knew Awo as a lawyer and administrator, but he did not know when he became an expert in steel rolling. Shagari dismissed Awo, saying that he was not serious. He said the economy was buoyant. Few months later, reality dawned on the Federal Government. President Shagari introduced austerity measures. Contract scams and bribery was the order of the day. Graft rose to the zenith. Umaru Dikko, Minister of Transport, was one of the most powerful an influential cabinet members. He was also in charge of the Presidential Task Force on Rice Importation, a mockery of the Green Revolution Programme.
Shagari was also cut up in the intra-party squabbles in the ruling party, which diverted his attention. Although he wanted the late Alhaji Suleiman Takuma to continue as NPN national secretary, he was displaced by the pompous Senator Uba Ahmed. He had to duplicate the office of Political Adviser to accommodate the loyal party man. But, for strategic reasons, he gave a non-negotiable backing to Akinloye, who wanted to keep the job of chairman at the party congress, wading off threats by his challengers, including Chief Moshood Abiola, Chief Gabriel Akin-Deko, Chief Ohu Akin-Olugbade and Gen. Adeyinka Adebayo.
As the political parties prepared for 1983 polls, the country was enveloped in anxiety. A new party, the Nigeria Advanced Party (NAP), was registered by Ovie-Whiskey’s FEDECO. In the ruling party, internal opposition was tactically repressed. While Abiola unfolded his presidential ambition, the party office was shut against him. Dikko mocked him, saying that the ticket was not for sale to the highest bidder. The business mogul had to withdraw from the race. The former minister also turned the heat on the opposition parties. He said while Shagari won by landslide in 1979, he will win by moonslide in 1983. Veteran soothsayer Prof. Godspower Oyewole said he saw in his crystal ball that Shagari will win because his name, “Shamgar” is in the Bible.
The opposition decided that it was time to wake up from slumber. The NPN/NPP accord had broken down, but some beneficiaries, including Speaker of House of Representatives Ume Ezeoke and Prof. Audu refused to quit their positions. But, Mrs. Janet Akinrinade and Paul Unongo left the cabinet. Akinloye said the marriage had collapsed because the junior wife refused to recognise her limitations.
Up came the Progressives Parties Alliance (PPA), formed majorly by UPN, NPP, GNPP and Imoudu faction of the PRP. Awo and Zik were still interested in the presidency. Majority wanted Awo as the joint candidate, but NPP governors of Imo and Anambra, the late Sam Mbakwe and Jim Nwobodo, said the NPP will not be comfortable with an arrangement that would leave Zik stranded. It was the end of progressive collaboration in the Second Republic.
The 1983 elections were a disaster in some states. The crisis that hit the UPN led to the defection of some Awoists to the conservative NPN. Chief Akin Omoboriowo, Pa Ehinafe Babatola, Clement Agunbiade and Dr. Bode Olowoporoku defected in Ondo. Chiefs Sunday Afolabi, Busari Adelakun and Lamidi Adedibu left in Oyo. Akinloye, who nursed presidential election in 1987 wanted to deliver some states in the Southwest to the NPN. Shagari was re-elected. His party made incursions into Oyo, where Dr. Omololu Olunloyo displaced the late Chief Bola Ige, in Anambra where the late Chief Christian Onoh displaced Nwobodo, and in Kaduna. In Ondo, where Omoboriowo was falsely declared by the electoral agency as winner, violence erupted. Scores of NPN chieftains, including federal legislator Olaiya Fagbamide, Chief Agbayewa, and House of Assembly member Tunde Agunbiade, were killed.
After securing a second term, Shagari wanted to maintain a clean break from the past. He could not halt the duplication of ministries; he even appointed a minister of students affairs, despite the fact that he had a minister and minister of state for education. But, he took some decisive steps to rejig the cabinet. He appointed a former National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) chieftain, who had quit politics, Chief Kehinde Sofola (SAN) as Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Commonwealth Under-Secretary General Chief Emeka Anyaoku as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Sule as Minister of National Guidance. The last portfolio was meant to check excesses and corrupt tendencies in government.
But, public complaint against the government grew in geometric proportions. On December 31, barely three months into his second term, Shagari was toppled in a bloodless coup, led by the late Brig. Sani Abacha, General Commanding Officer (GOC), Second Division of Nigerian Army, Ibadan. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari became the new military Head of State. The coup ended the political career of humble politician.
Shagari and his deputy were detained for almost two years. When he was released, he returned to Sokoto, his cradle, where he had remained a source of inspiration to the younger generation. He had distanced himself from controversy, although he brokered peace between the former President Obasanjo and the National Assembly when the executive/legislative faceoff heated up the polity.
Life was full of ups and downs for the former leader. His son, Bala, an Army Major, was given compulsary retirement after the coup. His long detention, the loss of four children in an auto crash, another son in a plane crash and death of one of his beloved wives were sad moments. But, as a true Muslim, he embraced the reality with understanding and philosophical calmness.
Shagari appreciated the mark of greatness in leaders who lacked the opportunity conferred on him by his creator. He held Zik and Awo in high esteem. He conferred the highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) on Awo, former Leader of Opposition in the First Republic.
The former president will be remembered for his simplicity, disdain for avarice, lack of permanent political hostility, contentment and belief in the unity in diversity.