Tag: so long

  • So long, Baba Alagbado?

    It was a bit of “Agbado revolution”, and it wasn’t pretty.  Some seething youths, angrier than a brood of vipers, descended on the Osun Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) state secretariat in Osogbo, burning flags and disrobing that building of any form of PDP paraphernalia.

    News soon after had it that the angry had the sympathies of Iyiola Omisore, former Osun deputy governor, former senator of the Federal Republic, eternal gubernatorial contender,  Baba Alagbado of the 2014 Osun gubernatorial campaigns on account of his soap box stunts and, if he makes it as guber candidate this year, newly minted techie, all fresh and smoking from Barcelona, Catalonia, with the latest arcane theories in pubic-private sector-participation (PPP), for which he has earned a PhD!

    Are Baba Alagbado and his darling PDP, which the guber veteran dismissed as nothing without federal power during the Ekiti electoral scandal of 2014, finally “porting” (in telecoms-speak) from each other?

    Omisore insists he is still a PDP member, despite Hurricane Agbado that tore its secretariat into virtual shred.

    But seizing a moral high ground, the new Adagunodo-led Osun PDP executive decreed an Omisore apology or outright expulsion, imposing a deadline to walk its tough talk. That was up from the humiliating plea-whining of previous days, when Chairman Adagunodo appealed that Omisore should not bite the PDP finger that fed him, after his old Alliance for Democracy (AD), on which platform he was deputy governor (1999-2002), had thrown him into the wilderness.

    O, those were the days of PDP high magic!  Omisore behind the bars and facing trial as one of the suspects for the assassination of Bola Ige, then sitting federal attorney-general under President Olusegun Obasanjo, romped into a ferocious victory, even in Ige’s Ijesa segment of the Ife-Ijesa senatorial district, officially known as Osun East.  P-D-Peeeeeeee … PAWA!

    From there, Omisore would ramp another stupendous victory in 2007, peaking as Chair, Senate Appropriation Committee, from where he plotted a glorious return as Osun governor.  But Rauf Aregbesola’s legal triumph, against the PDP gubernatorial heist against him in 2007, put paid to all that.

    From then on, Omisore returned to the doldrums, though still loud and bolstered by federal power — P-D-Peeeeeeeee….!

    But all that again changed with the fiasco of 2015.  “Prophet” Omisore was spot on: PDP is nothing without power.  As it turned out, a prophet is not without honour, except in his own country, among his own people …  Now, see how the Osun PDP now treats our revered Baba Alagbado, despite his new techie status?

    To be sure, between Omisore and the Adagunodo Osun PDP executive, there is no love lost.  As Adagunodo’s election as Osun PDP chairman was brewing, news came from Omisore’s Facebook campaign page that a mighty force was coming from Abuja to stop all that nonsense.  It turned a classic fake news — in Trump-speak — from Alagbado studios!

    Shortly after, Hurricane Agbado struck at the PDP secretariat.  Then talks made the round that a miffed Baba Alagbado, tired of PDP ingratitude, was “porting”.  Then the counter “I dey kampe” (to parrot Obasanjo, author and finisher of the great PDP power magic years) from the Omisore camp.  Then, the recant-and-apologize-or-else… from the Adagunodo front.  It’s all so exciting!

    However the Agbado Osun PDP civil war ends, it would appear an era is coming to an end.  The big question: is Baba Alagbado “porting” from the PDP knowing the party is “nothing” without federal power?

    Stay tuned — but don’t get stunned — for fresh reports from the battle front.  Pee-Dee-Pee …!

     

     

  • So long, Lancey, 1948—2017

    So long, Lancey, 1948—2017

    This past Friday, in the idyllic rural paradise of Ijesha Isu Ekiti, the remains of Ebenezer Moyosoretoluwapesefunmi Ogundipe, a.k a  Lancey, were committed to mother earth before a scanty crowd of admirers, friends, family  and well wishers who had come to pay their last respect to one of Nigeria’s most gifted children.

    It was not as if Moyo would have resented the absence of the chattering and nattering class. As a matter of fact, he would have relished it as the ultimate irony of a nation that pays scant compliment to genuine talent; a nation that has little or no regard for its most genuinely gifted children. Long before he died, Moyo had seen through the social, political, intellectual and spiritual hypocrisy of a nation that canonises mediocrity at the expense of merit; a nation permanently rigged against rational procedure and reason. He would have none of it. He made his own rule and stuck by them.

    He was not going to be fazed by the social conventions of a philistine society he held in sublime contempt. In fact in his last years, he seemed to have relished cocking a snook at societal norm and its sartorial etiquette often turning up at the odd society event he chose to grace with his presence in his custom made tradesman jeans and open shirt, quietly soaking the inanities of the high and the mighty with a poker-faced delight.

    Beyond his ears, a few murmured and muttered their embarrassment. Some of his old acquaintances  that had made some money and fame in the intervening decades steered clear of him. Others preferred to point at him from a distance as if he was a bearer of a deadly contagious disease. A mutual lady associate dismissed it all as the antic of arrested development, of a boy who refused to become a man. Lancey couldn’t give a hoot about the objections. Many of us were willing to lionize and fete him even if he chose to appear in pajamas. We knew what drove him.

    Having sworn to the oath of self-seclusion and recluse-like existence, Lancey stuck to it, particularly after he returned to Nigeria after a long hibernation in the US. Not even many people knew he was back and was teaching in joyous obscurity at Bowen University in Iwo. A man of immense gregarious charms, Lancey could also be an obsessively private person. It was hard to lure him out of his liar. But snooper succeeded twice.

    Once after a funeral in Ilesha, he was cajoled into following yours sincerely to his country home together with his childhood friend, Chief Ishola Filani, a.k.a I-Sho, the PDP juggernaut. Thereafter followed three days of eating some rural delicacies and drinking, listening to the animals chatter all night and the birds singing at the break of daylight.

    Each morning, the scantily clad Ekiti nobles looking like stalwart farmhands would start raising hell, demanding breakfast and traditional respect for elders from snooper who had obediently vacated the master bedroom for them. Yours sincerely finally sent the duo forth with the firm assurance that they must not return very soon. When you connect with Moyo at the right angle, he was such a delightful human being with no airs or pretensions.

    A man of spectacular endowments, Lancey was too self-assured to care about what they think about him.  Poet, painter, sculptor, playwright, filmmaker, raconteur and University professor, Lancey  was  a prodigy even among prodigies. As it has been famously observed, talent does what it can but genius does what it must. Lancey did what he thought he had to do.

    The word genius is not to be lightly invoked, particularly in a society that cares little for genuine talent, not to talk of the very summit of human endowment. Yet the word genius comes popping up in several tributes to Moyo by friends and admirers. Akin Oyebode, his old schoolmate and titan of International Law, describes him as “a self-effacing genius who demonstrated traits of greatness at an early age and who definitely made his mark before his transition”. Niyi Osundare, his friend and classmate at Christ School, concurs in a deeply moving obituary.

    But if Moyo Ogundipe had little time or regard for the local scene with its hustlers and wannabes, its diabolical conspiracy against artists of genuine worth, he was quietly scornful of the international scene and its hollow rituals.  A moving tribute by his younger friend and mentee, Moyo Okediji,  a professor of African Art at the University of Texas at Austin,  explodes like a simmering volcano:

    “The perfect artist, he was never a hustler….But he did not realize that contemporary art is not about talent or brilliance; it is about who could shout the loudest, who sleeps with whom, who knows you, and who  you know. It is about mediocrity, sycophancy and frivolity, wrapped in the cover of racial, gender and sexual discrimination”.

    Having plied his trade in America for several decades, the younger Moyo should know. It will take perhaps another century to properly evaluate the horrendous damage the west has inflicted on African intellectual self-esteem and the integrity of its artistic production. But Lancey took it all in his stride refusing to care a hoot for local and international recognition knowing that in the fullness of time all injustice done to genius will be fully restituted.

    Having made up his mind to shun the society and its chicanery, Moyo retreated to Iwo to teach in a  private university  and mentor the young ones. Perhaps he was hoping to catch them young before the Nigerian Disease caught up with them. He might have succeeded beyond his own expectations, given the outpouring of emotion among the students’ community on his demise and the gale of tributes testifying to his inspirational leadership.

    Lancey would have been surprised to have himself described as a leadership candidate and would have fixed them with a look of quizzical bemusement. He never considered himself a leader of anybody or any group. He was not interested in leading anything. He considered himself a free artist of a free world.

    He never quite outgrew a fierce independence of spirit and a Bohemian contempt for formal structures and conventional politics. Yet anywhere he berthed, whether in secondary school, or at the NTA  Ibadan where he was an inspired and inspirational manager of human resources and fountain head of creative innovations, he always attracted a sizeable crowd of admirers and disciples who aspired to walk like him, dress like him or adopt his unique gait of thespian royalty.

    It was at the old University of Ife where his political star shone the brightest when he contested for and won the post of Secretary  General of the Students’ Union in 1970. It was a landmark election which swept away the cobwebs of the geriatric order that had dominated student unionism in Ife since the inception of the university. With the telegenic and aristocratic Egba Owu prince, Sunmade Akin-Olugbade as president, Remi Olowu nee Komolafe as Vice President and Bola Ladapo latterly Bola Awe as PRO ,it was as if Kennedy’s Camelot had come to Ife.

    With Ogundipe in the driving room of change as Secretary and with Akin-Olugbade electrifying the students’ crowd with his superior phonetics and dazzling mannerism of delivery, the administration laid the foundation and the template for radical and purposeful Students’ unionism for which the university would become famous in the next two decades. At the end of it all, not a whiff of scandal surrounded the Sunmade Akin-Olugbade administration which also set the benchmark for accountability and integrity in students’ administration.

    There was always something about this charismatic and tantalizingly talented fellow which stood him out from the crowd. He had what is known as star quality. Star quality can be improved upon and honed to perfection, but you are either with it or you are not. It cannot be faked or duplicated. It is the ability to do ordinary things in a way that makes them look unique and extraordinary.

    It is the magical power of defamiliarization, of making the familiar to become unfamiliar in the crucible of genius, a creative neurosis which some ancient Russian fathers believe holds the key to the power of poetry itself. From the ordinary language known to everybody, the great poet creates extraordinary language which extends the frontiers of the language until everybody gets there only to find that the poet has moved on.

    The restless quest for excellence and perfection often turns the committed artist into a compulsive-obsessive character.  An arch perfectionist by nature, Moyo was also notoriously reclusive, despite the easy, charming manners and urbane insouciance making him a difficult and virtually impossible person to live with on a day to day basis. Each work has to be honed to perfection. It is the finished and polished gem that the world knows and not the pains and trauma that go with their gestation and production.

    What made this unique man tick? If you look at the picture with his parents and older brother, it is the portrait of the young man as an artist specially marked for divine grace. Even as a boy, Lancey already had star quality. One can already glimpse the self-assurance of the man. Given the enormous age differential between him and his brother, it was obvious that the artist was seen by his parents as a special gift from God, hence the name: Moyosoretoluwapesefunmi.  I am glad about the bounteous gift that God has granted me. The Christian name, Ebenezer, has a ring of firm, filial finality.

    There is a lot about the psychology of the adult which can be glimpsed from the socialization of the kid. The truth of the matter is that unlike most of his contemporaries who emanated as village yokels from rustic, agrarian background and who have managed to fill the vacancies created by Chief Awolowo by sheer dint of brilliance and back-breaking diligence, Lancey came with solid and impressive middle class credentials. His father, Paul Anjorin Ogundipe, was one of the early graduates from Ekitiland and was a senator in the First Republic. In the picture, he was clutching a prized possession: a transistor radio. It is a far cry from the eighth  senate of the Fourth Republic.

    There was nothing more for this illustrious son of illustrious parents to prove. And there was no need for primitive accumulation.  The Ogundipe have already been made. There was nothing more to struggle for. In the history of modern revolutions, the most determined and frenzied assaults on middle class values have always been mounted by scions of the middle class: Lenin, Leon Trotsky, the great Russian revolutionaries who constituted the bulk of the Bolshevik , Fidel Castro and Che Guevara must come to mind.

    This is why in Nigeria , the bulk of social reformers and radical redeemers come from the established and much storied Yoruba middle class. We must recall The famous Kuti family, the Thompsons, the Fawehinmis, the Sapara-Williams, the Macaulays, the Braithwaites, the Aka-Bashoruns, the Dares etc.

    As Moyo Ogundipe joins their departed forebears in this Hall of Fame, may God grant all of them sweet repose. Their story is the story of how a new class rises, settles, solidifies, atrophies and then unravels only to be redeemed and reinvented by revolting scions.  Adieu and so long Lancey.

  • So long, Dr. Jonathan

    So long, Dr. Jonathan

    THE came. He saw. Too bad, he failed to conquer. Certainly, he had some useful initiatives and managed to perform some symbolic acts. However, in his most important self-imposed task of transformation, the verdict of objective observers is that Dr. Jonathan failed woefully.

    President Jonathan’s failure may be due to certain contradictions within the system which he wasn’t able to resolve. It may also be due to his limited understanding of the task that he assigned himself. The lesson here is that leaders must have a thorough understanding not only of the society they lead but also of the goal they labour to achieve. In the case of Dr. Jonathan, this means an understanding of Nigeria and of the meaning and requirements of transformation.

    The dictionary meaning of transformation is “alteration, conversion, change, revolution, renovation, makeover, etc.” To transform is to alter or to change completely. To preserve, on the other hand, is its polar opposite. The object of transformation or preservation is a pre-existing condition—human, place, or thing. Transformation and its opposite are equal opportunity descriptors.

    From the foregoing, we may infer that continuity or preservation politics is the opposite of transformational politics. While the former preserves the status quo, presumably on the belief that it has worked well and no need to rock the boat, the latter opts for fundamental changes away from the status quo, and by definition, towards a better society. To transform is to achieve a better quality of the entity in question. This is what Dr. Jonathan claimed he wanted to achieve for Nigeria.

    The 2011 presidential election was a clear mandate for Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. With support from the north to the south, there wasn’t a shortage of tremendous goodwill and lots of advice from supporters, opponents, and neutral voices. As one of the neutral voices, I wrote a three part column on transformational times, transformational leadership, and transformational followership urging him to seize the moment and establish a lasting legacy.

    I suggested that we were in transformational times when fundamental changes were desirable and required. I defined fundamental changes as those that go down to the foundation and fix its rottenness and argued that cosmetic changes will not be a fitting substitute.

    I made reference to the United States which in 1787 went through a fundamental transformation after the revolutionary war. Adopting a constitution which agreed on a federal structure was a huge deal. The confederalists lost out, and that solid foundation has taken the greatest democracy on earth places ever since. With respect to that change, subsequent changes would appear less fundamental.

    Yet with regard to what they replaced, these other changes could also be fundamental and transformational. The American Civil War was fought and won by the union government to end slavery and keep the country together. It was a fundamental change to this extent. But it was to restore a value and a nation to its prior status. The Civil Rights Act in the last half of the last century belonged to the same category. It was a change to restore the national value enshrined in the constitution, a value that had been destroyed by racism. It was fundamental to the extent that it reconciled political principles and political practice.

    Get the fundamental right, and whatever desirable transformations occur should be a good fit. It is the fundamental that Nigeria has not got right, and what is needed therefore is a fundamental change to get it right. Cosmetic changes cannot do the job.

    I made reference to some items on the list of Jonathan’s priorities. Power was one of them. I observed that the reason the nation has failed after 50 years in the matter of power has to do with the wobbly limbs on which it stands. We hear of gas line saboteurs, generator importer saboteurs, etc. There are reasons why these thrive. We have not got the fundamental right. Why, for instance, do we have to insist on a central approach to powering a nation with more than 360 square miles of landmass in the first place?

    I wagered that the black gold was the mainstreamer-in-chief.  In spite of the various close-calls we’ve had recently; in spite of the warnings that we’ve received; in spite of the apocalyptic predictions; we have not moved an inch towards a genuine diversification of the economy. Nor have we used the proceeds of oil revenue for the development of our human resources or our infrastructure. Now, with dwindling oil revenue, Jonathan is leaving the treasury empty for his successor.

    I thought that we were in transformational times and that the stars were well aligned for fundamental changes in our body politic. I prayed that the political will be summoned so we can still nurse the hope for the country becoming a great nation, which is much more than being one of the advanced 20 economies in 2020. The greatness of a nation is a combination of several factors, including its system of justice, its democratic credentials, its welfare system, and its promise and practice of human rights.

    I concluded that piece by noting that it was the right time for the transformation of Nigeria with a deliberate effort at rebuilding her from the foundation up.

    The president came up with a so-called transformation agenda, one that focused not on the foundational problem of structure and its attendant alienation and moral degeneration. Rather, by transformation, Jonathan embarked on the cosmetics of economic growth, including the mechanics of procurement to prevent corruption. As Ben Nwabueze, the respected constitutional lawyer, puts it:  “National or social transformation implies the creation of a new society. The creation of such a new society would entail change of two types – a radical transformation of the material conditions of society and what has been called an “inner mutation”, i.e. a spiritual or mental transformation in the attitudes and behavoural patterns of the individual members of society. The “inner mutation” called for goes beyond transformation in mental attitudes, and must extend to radical change away from the present prevailing moral degeneracy or moral bankruptcy, as manifested in crimes involving fraud or dishonesty, like examination malpractices and certificate racketeering; corrupt practices in all its forms, including bribery and money laundering; sexual immorality; juvenile delinquency; etc, all of which, in the main, originated or become accentuated in the unbridled quest for money and the money culture it gave rise to.”

    Unfortunately, for four years Jonathan did nothing of the sort and corruption became a badge of honour with the president declaring that “stealing is not corruption.” The government itself promoted ethnic and religious bigotry with the president appealing directly to southerners and Christians for support. Impunity was at its highest and while the security of the nation was severely compromised (more than 200 school girls are still in captivity) security chiefs were in collaboration with the presidency over the shift in the date of the just concluded elections.

    Double standard prevailed and was glorified by Team Jonathan who relished the power to do evil. While they used the police to prevent democratic institutions to operate in Ekiti State, in Ondo the impeachment of the deputy governor was carried out without the police raising a finger. Now, a candidate who scored big in the 2011 elections has suffered woeful defeat in the 2015 elections. And he’s heading back to Otuoke.

    Did he learn any lessons? Unfortunately, I think not. Hiding behind the legal façade of still being in charge, Jonathan chose his last days to launch what amounts to unethical conduct, the type that caused him the presidency, firing old hands and hiring new ones to work with the new administration. Can anyone go lower than this? It just confirms the marketplace belief that what we had thought of as a heroic concession of defeat was anything but, having being forced by powers outside the nation’s boundaries.

    The Buhari/Osinbajo team must learn from this tragic outcome. Don’t gamble with Nigerians’ goodwill! Don’t take our people for granted!

    So long, Dr. Jonathan!

  • NITEL…so long, too long

    The unsuccessful attempts by the Federal Government to privatise or liquidate the Nigerian Telecommunications (NITEL) and its mobile arm in the past 10 years are worrisome. The Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) made five attempts. All of them crashed. As a last resort, the National Commission on Privatisation (NCP) opted for “Guided Liquidation” as strategy for the privatisation of the national telecom firm.

    NCP, which formulates policy guidelines for BPE and approves the privatisation of government companies, said the liquidation approach was arrived at in view of the huge liabilities of both companies and in the absence of viable financial alternative presented by the management of NITEL/Mtel.

    But, the National Assembly has kicked against the new approach and ordered BPE to stay action on liquidating NITEL/Mtell. The decision has thrown BPE into a state of confusion over what to do with NITEL/Mtel privatisation.

    Chairman Senate Committee on Privatisation Senator Gbenga Obadara (ACN Ogun Central) told The Nation that: “We say no to liquidation because it is against the national interest. The guided liquidation approach adopted by NCP was meant to dispose NITEL at a give away price.

    “We stopped them because they failed to tell us the present value of NITEL and its sister company M-tel. If they know the debt of the company, they should be able to tell us its worth,”Obadara said.

    According to him the Senate decision was borne out of the way and manner NCP sold NECOM House, Lagos, against Presidential directive on May 16, 2007. The edifice was sold for four billion naira (N4bn}. This amount did not worth the land, the structure and the facilities therein. The transaction was shrouded in controversy.

    Obadara blamed government agencies for the failure of NITEL, saying they refused to pay their bills after using the company services. “The Federal Government is responsible for the insolvency of the company. NITEL has shrunk to a fraction of its worth as new private sector entrants have snapped up market share and deployed new technology while its equipment deteriorated due to disuse and poor maintenance.

    “The Senate won’t authorise the going forward of this liquidation. To start with, the concept of ‘guided liquidation’ seems suspect. Liquidation takes place when a company is severely indebted and can no longer earn or borrow the funds to finance its operations and pay its debts. The sole aim of liquidation is to recover as much as possible, from selling the assets of the companies to pay debts,” Obadara explained.

    The House of Representatives Committee on Privatisation has ruled out guided liquidation approach in disposing NITEL assets. Chairman of the committee Mrs. Khadijat Bukar- Ibrahim said, in a telephone interview with our correspondent, that” though our final report is not ready but we have told NCP to forget guided liquidation.”

    Defending the privatisation approach before the Senate committee, Chairman NCP Technical Committee Atedo Peterside explained that liquidation is to successfully privatise NITEL for the benefits of both the investor and the Federal Government. According to him, liquidation means that someone can buy off the company and be protected from the creditors.

    “Liquidation is making it attractive to be able to sell NITEL without the risk. Nobody is willing to invest in a business with such huge debt burden, but liquidation will make it attractive and competitive, that is the only way you can get investors to come in”.

    Obadara believes liquidation is not the answer. The Senate, he said is considering contracting out the management of NITEL or giving it out through concession. But before doing this, the whole entity would be evaluated, we will know the worth of NITEL through asset probing or auditing. It is after these steps have been taken that we can know who owe NITEL and who the company owes.

    Peterside disclosed that NITEL at the moment is being owed N35billion, while the company is indebted to the Federal Government to the tune of N178 billion. Details of the debt given include N179 billion owed Asset Management Company of Nigeria (AMCON), Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and others. The liabilities also include N65.2 billion indebtedness to equipment vendors, N81 billion bank claims and N24 billion for others. He also told the committee that Federal Government was paying N600 million to NITEL workers for doing nothing.

    Experts have spoken in favour of privatisation or liquidation of NITEL. The president of the Association of Telecommunications Companies of Nigeria (ATCON), Mr Lanre Ajayi told our correspondent that the a new auction process should be the next thing for NITEL.

    The immediate past president of ATCON, Mr Titi Omo-Ettu, said the major value in the embattled national telecom firm is its First National Operator (FNO) Licence it is holding and a component of assets and liabilities which are figures that have to be computed by technical minds. He noted that the FNO status has not changed very significantly while other assets of NITEL and liabilities have run almost to zero. According to him in 2008, NITEL was evaluated at $2.2 billion for 100 per cent sale.

    NITEL’s value today is not less than $1.8 billion, Omo-Ettu said. He explained that the major changes that count since 2008 and now were the coming of Etisalat and the two submarine fibres- Main One and Glo 1. They will cause some depreciation, but not significantly as to make it worthless. First National Operator Licence is a huge asset for those who can use it to good effect. That is the value. NITEL as a brand will no longer fly and whoever buys the licence must not do any other thing than to use it as FNO.

    “We should not be thinking that NITEL still exists except in law and on paper, but the FNO it is holding and wasting is the key value that should make meaning to us. Whoever buys the licence would re-brand the FNO and set at business. Hopefully BPE would have set the conditions which must not be flouted”.

    The telecommunications expert is worried about the long time it has taken government to sell NITEL and cautioned BPE against doing anything that could ridicule the FNO, insisting that if the sale is not handled professionally, it will lead to monopoly of the license, which he said would devalue the nation’s First National Carrier. Omo-Ettu advised BPE to auction the licence and allow the best bidder to buy NITEL.

    His position perhaps makes sense when juxtaposed with the fact that even in its present form, the Federal Government has realised over N101 billion from the company.

    Director-General of BPE, MrS. Bolanle Onagoruwa, revealed this fact at the opening of a two-day investigative hearing on the activities of Mtel/NITEL’s management board, status of its investment as well as revenue generation from ongoing services rendered to other telecommunication companies in Nigeria held by the House Joint Committee on privatisation, finance, communications, public procurement and information technology.

    The BPE boss noted that National Council on Privatisation (NCP) is favourably disposed to adopting “guided liquidation” against the injection of $1 billion for the re-activation of the two telecoms companies as alternatives.

    Onagoruwa argued that the debt profile of the public parastatal stood at N354 billion. But IIlyasu-Sa’ab put the total debt profile at N182 billion of which NITEL owed N79 billion while Mtel owed N103 billion.

    She disclosed that $3,668,561.70 was generated from Sat-3 submarine cable, $2,855,091.81 remitted in the domiciliary account, $521,990 generated from British Telecoms, $290,230 from cable and wireless services while $1,249.84 was realised from interest.

    According to her, the companies liabilities include N65,227,595,681 on equipment vendors; N81,711,196,994 on bank claims; N183,403,439,256 for government agencies and N24,504,836,126 for others.

    She added that Federal Government raised N68,248,884,000 through Debt Management Office, DMO, to offset outstanding salaries totalling N54.2 billion, leaving a debt profile at N122,448,884,000 with Assets Management Corporation of Nigeria, AMCON.

    Khadijat Ibrahim, chairperson of the committee and her colleagues in the joint committee, queried BPE over the N172 billion differential in the debt profile compiled by both parties.

    Ibrahim said: “I see no reason why the Federal Government cannot put money into NITEL and Mtel and resuscitate them.”

    What is the way forward now that the Senate has halted further action on the liquidation move?

    BPE spokesman Chukwuma Nwoko said the bureau is awaiting directives from NCP on the way forward regarding privatisation of NITEL/Mtel.