Tag: STATE

  • Reps extends deadline for submission of memoranda on state, LG creation

    Reps extends deadline for submission of memoranda on state, LG creation

    The House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution has extended the deadline for the submission of a revised memorandum on state and local creation by interested Nigerians

    Chairman of the Committee and Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu said in a statement on Monday that the new deadline for submission is now March 26, 2025.

    Kalu said the extension is in response to public requests for additional time, adding that the Committee remains committed to supporting legitimate efforts that align with the constitutional provisions.

    The Committee also reminded proponents of state and local government creation that all submissions must strictly comply with the provisions of Section 8(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (As Amended).

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    Section 8(1) requires that a request, supported by at least a two-thirds majority of members representing the area demanding the creation of the new state, must be received by the National Assembly in each of the following: the Senate and the House of Representatives, the House of Assembly of the affected area, and the Local Government Councils of the affected area.

    He said that in accordance with Section 8(3), the outcomes of votes by the State Houses of Assembly and the referendum must be forwarded to the National Assembly for further legislative action.

    The statement also directed further enquiries to the Clerk of the Committee, Wali Shehu, stressing that it will only consider proposals that comply with the stipulated guidelines.

  • Cracking the legal tough nut of state creation

    Cracking the legal tough nut of state creation

    Apart from the Mid-Western state created during the First Republic by the political class after a referendum, all others have been created by the military. From 12 states by the Gowon administration to 19 states under the Murtala/Obasanjo government, to 21 and later 30 states under Ibrahim Babangida and finally 36 under Sanni Abacha, no major state creation decision has been taken by the political class. Many have attributed this to the stringent conditions which must be met. Since the return to democracy in 1999, the agitation gas continued unabated. Now, about 30 requests are pending before the House of Representatives. Will these states be created? TONY AKOWE examines the latest agitation.

    Section 8 of the 1999 Constitution makes provisions for conditions to be met before any state or local government can be created in the country.

    It also provides for similar conditions which must be met for boundary adjustment. 

    For state creation, it provides that: “(1) An Act of the National Assembly for the purpose of creating a new State shall only be passed if-

    “(a) a request, supported by at least a two-thirds majority of members (representing the area demanding the creation of the new State) in each of the following, namely –(I) the Senate and the House of Representatives, (ii) the House of Assembly in respect of the area, and iii) the local government councils in respect of the area, is received by the National Assembly;

    “(b) a proposal for the creation of the State is thereafter approved in a referendum by at least a thirds majority of the people of the area where the demand for the creation of the State originated;

    “(c) the result of the referendum is then approved by a simple majority of all the States of the Federation supported by a simple majority of members of the Houses of Assembly; and

    “(d) the proposal is approved by a resolution passed by two-thirds majority of members of each House of the National Assembly.”

    At plenary on February 6, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu who also heads the House Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution, reeled out requests for state creation spread across the country.

    Even though he read from a list containing about 32 names, Kalu was to say later that the requests were 30.

    The Nation observed that the request for the creation of Ogbomosho State was not on the list of states even though the bill seeking the creation sponsored by Olamijuwon Adedeji Alao-Akala has gone through a second reading in the House.

    Kalu drew the attention of members with such bills as well as Nigerians submitting memoranda for state creation the conditions spelt out in the constitution for such requests to be considered.

    The Northcentral leads the pack of agitators with Benue and Kogi seeking total balkanisation of the states into three parts each.

    Demand for FCT state

    However, of significance is the request by the people of the Federal Capital Territory for their state.

    Presently, the President serves as the governor of the FCT, while the National Assembly makes laws for the territory and approves its budget.

    In the last constitutional review exercise, they rejected a Mayoral position for the territory, while insisting they want their own state.

    The indigenous people of the FCT have argued that the Nigerian state has discriminated against them even though the constitution forbids discrimination under any guise.

    They argue they are the only people in Nigeria who cannot aspire to be either a governor, deputy governor, state Assembly member, speaker or deputy speaker of the state Assembly.

    The new demands for states

    The latest proposal is for seven states from the Northcentral, four from the Northeast, five from the Northwest, five from the Southeast, four from Southsouth and seven from the Southwest.

    The states being considered include Okun, Okura and Confluence from Kogi; Benue Ala, Apa-Agba and Apa from Benue, FCT state, Amana from Adamawa, Katagum from Bauchi, Savannah from Borno and Muri from Taraba.

    Others are New Kaduna and Gujarat from Kaduna, Tiga and Ghari from Kano, Kainji from Kebbi, Etiti from the five Southeast states, Orashi from Imo and Rivers, Adada from Enugu, Orlu from Imo and Abia and Aba from Abia.

    The rest are Ogoja from Cross River, Warri from Delta, Bori and Obolo from Rivers, Toru-Ebe from Edo, Delta and Ondo, Ibadan from Oyo, Lagoon from Lagos and Ogun, Ijebu from Ogun, and Oke Ogun/Ijesha from Oyo/Ogun/Osun states.

    Kalu said: “The Committee has reviewed the proposals for the creation of new States in accordance with Section 8(1) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).

    “This section outlines specific requirements that must be fulfilled to mutate the process of State creation.

    “Advocates for the creation of additional Local Government Areas are also reminded that Section 8 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), applies to this process.

    “Specifically, in accordance with section 8(3) of the Constitution, the outcomes of the votes by the State Houses of Assembly and the referendum must be forwarded to the National Assembly for further legislative action.

    “Proposals should be re-submitted in strict adherence to these stipulations.

    “The committee remains committed to supporting legitimate efforts that align with constitutional provisions and will only consider proposals that comply with the stipulated guidelines.”

    Previous recommendations

    The 2014 National Conference convened by former President Goodluck Jonathan made far-reaching recommendations on the issue of state creation.

    Like many others before it, the Conference identified issues of minority questions, cries of marginalisation and the need for equity among others as reasons for agitation for more states.

    The report said: “In the early years of independence, minorities in the country continued their agitation for the creation of their states.

    “Over the years, the issue of the rights and freedoms of minorities and ethnic nationalities concerning marginalisation and exclusion has come to constitute a serious challenge to national cohesion and development.

    “The sustained agitations have roots going back as far as the commencement of the amalgamation processes which culminated in the unification of the Southern and Northern Protectorates and the Colony of Lagos in 1914.

    “In all, the ethnic minority and the National Question are, the products of the balkanisation of nationalities resulting in their spread across states and even international boundaries.

    “However, despite the provisions of constitutional safeguards for the protection of minorities and other forms of discrimination, some minority groups have remained disadvantaged by lumping them together with powerful hegemonic groups who monopolised political and economic power – thus provoking their persistent and consistent demands for the creation of additional states and/or re-adjustment of boundaries in the existing states.”

    According to the report of the 2014 constitutional conference, the subject of State creation has remained a huge political issue in Nigeria.

    To address the issue, the conference recommended the creation of about 18 new states.

    It said: “Conference examined the Reports of the 2005 National Political Reform Conference and the Report of the Presidential Committee on Review of Outstanding Issues from Recent Constitutional Conferences 2012 (the Belgore Report) and after wide consultations and extensive deliberations and in the interest of equity, justice and fairness.

    “In addition, Conference therefore resolved that In the spirit of reconciliation, equity, fair play and justice, there shall be created an additional State for the South East Zone and that all other requests for State creation should be considered on merit.”

    The conference also set criteria for the creation of new states.

    It said: “Any new state sought to be created must be viable. In considering viability, any new state should be economically viable; it should have human, natural and material resources; it should have a minimum land mass/water mass; and the viability of the existing state(s) should be taken into consideration as well, so as not to create a situation where new state(s) would leave the existing state(s) unviable. 

    “It also said that state creation should be on the basis of parity between the geo-political zones to ensure equality of Zones. Additional States should be created in each of the six geo-political zones to bring the number of states in each zone to nine.”

    It recommended the creation of Apa State from the present Benue State; Edu State from Niger State; Kainji State from Kebbi State; Katagun from Bauchi State; Savannah from Borno State; Amana from Adamawa State; Gurara from Kaduna State; Ghari State from Kano State; Etiti State from the present South East Zone; Aba State Abia State; Adada State Enugu State; Njaba-Anim State from Anambra and Imo States; Anioma State from Delta State; Ogoja State from Cross River State; Ijebu State from the present Ogun State and New Oyo State from Oyo State.

    SANs speak

    Constitutional Lawyer, Prof Mike Ozekhome (SAN), described the state creation move as a joke.

    He said: “How can they be talking of creating additional states when over 2/3 of the present states are unviable entities on life support and are merely dependent on the federal centre for monthly oxygenation under section 162 of the 1999 Constitution?

    “How can we be talking of going through the stringent provisions of section 8 of the 1999 Constitution for a meaningless exercise that adds no value to a nation gasping for existential breadth?

    “How can they be talking about creating new states when hunger, starvation, squalor and melancholy envelope inhabitants of the present minion states that literally beg for crumbs from the Abuja master’s table?

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    “All that Nigeria needs now are only two things to correct the inherent injustices in our warped federalist system and move towards growth and development: one additional state in the Southeast to equal others; and a brand new Constitution that is legitimate, people-driven, autochthonous, credible and referendum-compliant to help correct our deep fault-lines and lopsided federation that make some states mere vassals consumers of the national cake without knowing or caring how the cake is baked.

    “The National Assembly should immediately drop this provocative, funny and phoney butterflies-chasing and stop insulting our collective intelligence. Their present venture amounts to rubbing hot pepper deep inside Nigerians’ already bruised bodies of gaping sores.”

    Former Second Vice President of the Nigerian Bar Association, Monday Ubani (SAN) said there was no justification for new states.

    He said: “The motive behind the current agitation for more states is not a good one. Except for the Southeast, which ought to be given one more state to keep it on par with the other regions, Nigeria doesn’t require new states. 

    “Fortunately, the other areas where we require constitutional amendments are currently receiving attention from the committees that have been set up to look at constitutional provisions.

    “These include the administration of justice generally, local government autonomy, revenue generation and sharing, creating a proper federal structure to strengthen the states and local governments and fiscal policies such as granting states derivative formulas for all mineral resources in their domain.

    “The above are issues that deserve constitutional amendments, not the creation of states where such proposals have not met the constitutional requirements.

    “Most existing states are not viable, so asking for new states is not in the country’s interest.

    “It doesn’t make sense to ask for more states when many existing ones do not meet their financial obligations.

    “Some of them ought to be merged to make them more viable.”

  • Imperative of state and community policing

    Imperative of state and community policing

    • By Chris Biose

    One of the major challenges in contemporary Nigeria is heightening insecurity which has overwhelmed federal security agencies. Many innocent citizens are killed every day by unknown persons. Every responsible government is duty-bound to protect the lives and property of its citizens as utmost priority. Therefore, each level of government must be constitutionally empowered to maintain peace in its area of jurisdiction through a decentralized policing system.

    In a speech at the Resumed Constitutional Conference on Nigeria held at Lancaster House, London, in September 1958, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was then leader of the Action Group and Premier of Western Region, outlined the position of his delegation on several constitutional issues, including regionalisation of the Nigeria Police. He presented several logical and factual grounds for the establishment of Regional police, but for reasons of space, I will cite only three in this discourse:

    First, said Chief Awolowo, it is “wrong in principle to vest a government with responsibility for the maintenance of law and order and, at the same time, refuse to provide that government with the necessary executive instruments for discharging its responsibility.”

    The sage also said that the centralisation of Police “has no parallel or precedent in any part of the British Commonwealth with a Federal Constitution, save Malaya, where a perpetual state of emergency has necessitated an extraordinary policy in police matters.”

    On the claim by colonial administrators, which continues to be parroted by some Nigerian politicians that state police would be politically biased, the late sage averred, “I consider it a gratuitous insult to Nigerian leaders for high-ranking British officials in Nigeria and British spokesmen in Britain to suggest that, if the Police are regionalised, they would be used as instruments of oppression against political opponents. It seems to me grossly illogical and untenable to maintain, as British protagonists of centralisation of Police have done, that while political leaders in the Regions are incapable of making responsible use of the Police Force, these same leaders, if they happen to be in the Central Government, would automatically undergo some inexplicable metamorphosis, which would transform them into new beings sufficiently responsible to administer the very subject which has been denied them in the Regions.”

    Nigeria is a vast country covering diverse geographical zones and cultural groups and it is absolutely impossible for the Federal Police in Abuja to ensure security in all nooks and crannies in all parts of the country. No amount of vain and hypocritical exhortations by politically biased IGPs will bring about the much-desired peace and security in Nigeria. By its consistent refusal to facilitate the establishment of regional, state and community policing, the Federal Government constitutes itself as the chief promoter of insecurity in Nigeria.

    Moreover, it is futile to invite police officers to fight crime one thousand kilometres away in a country that lacks efficient communication and transport systems. It is dysfunctional to post officers from other cultural groups to perform policing functions in states where cultural gaps create difficulties in understanding local issues by those acculturated outside those areas.

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    Decentralisation of policing as practised in other countries with a federal system of government is the panacea to encroaching insecurity. No amount of deployment of soldiers to perform policing duties will promote security in the country.

    Drastic reduction in the crime rate in the country will only be achieved when those closest to the scene of crime are allowed to fight it. With state and local policing in place, it would have been very difficult for the Boko Haram terrorist sect to incubate and build up its forces in Sambisa Forest over a period of several years without being detected by the security apparatus in Borno State. Their organisational apparatus would have been nipped in the bud.

    Borno State spans an area of 70,898 km2 and more than double the land area of five South-East states put together. Even though most of the land is unoccupied, it is unrealistic to expect the ill-staffed, ill-equipped and ill motivated Federal Police at Abuja or the state command of the Federal Police at Maiduguri, to effectively monitor the vast area.

    With state policing, the constant massacre of peaceful villagers in Benue, Taraba and some other states by Fulani herdsmen militia would not be possible.

    With state police, failure of security would no longer be blamed on the Federal Government. It would no longer be tenable to accuse Nigerian soldiers and Police of colluding with Fulani militia to kill people in various parts of the country.

    Attention would shift to how well state governors provide security for their states.

    Under that condition, no one would reasonably blame a President for failing to provide security in states. The Nigerian Armed Forces would concentrate on its constitutional duty of defence of the country rather than be deployed to intimidate road users at roadblocks, on election duties and as security guards for politicians and rich people.

    Based on the above premises, I submit that the first step to bringing about a reasonable level of security in the country is the establishment of regional, state and community policing. This will place the enforcement of laws in the hands of states and officers who know the terrain and who are closer to the people.

    •Biose is a sociologist, human rights activist and author, from Asaba, Delta State.

  • State governance: a call for accountability

    State governance: a call for accountability

    At the current pace of events in Nigeria, it is crucial to scrutinise the actions of the 36 state governors and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) concerning the significant and improved allocations they receive. Some may question the inclusion of the FCT Minister in this scrutiny. The reason is straightforward: although the minister doesn’t belong to the class of state chief executives who gather in Abuja each month to share billions from federal allocations, the FCT’s annual budget is passed and approved by the National Assembly. The achievements of the current FCT Minister, Mr. Nyesom Wike, over the past 11 months should prompt any reasonable person to demand accountability from the governors.

    Wike’s efficient use of budgetary allocations has consistently resulted in impactful projects for Abuja residents. This raises the question of why most governors are not replicating similar efforts in their states. Often hiding behind the excuse of ‘paucity of funds,’ many of these leaders have depleted their states’ resources without demonstrating significant developmental achievements. The brazen manner in which some governors exploit state treasuries is a subject worthy of study for those interested in Nigeria’s unique brand of political maneuvering and deception.

    Constitutionally, governors bear key responsibilities, clearly outlined in the constitution. They are tasked with executing laws, making appointments to state judiciary and other regulatory bodies (subject to state assembly approval), managing the state’s day-to-day affairs, and performing other duties to improve the citizens’ living conditions. These responsibilities are formidable, and it is clear that much is expected from anyone aspiring to be a governor. It is not a leisurely endeavour but a significant commitment to serving humanity in the best possible way. The critical question is whether those vying for these positions fully comprehend the magnitude of the tasks before them. I, for one, have serious doubts.

    It seems that a largely complacent populace has tolerated the governors’ excesses, leading many of them to forget the reasons they were elected. The media is replete with stories of how these elected officials have become quasi-demigods, worshipped not only by sycophantic state assembly members but also by the people they were elected to serve. The saying that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely, is exemplified by the governors’ callous and unfeeling exercise of authority. Astonishingly, some of these officials believe that taking the oath of office entitles them to treat the state treasury as their personal property. But can we blame them entirely when lawmakers, who should exercise checks and balances, often become the governors’ early morning ‘parishioners’, seeking favours and pledging unwavering loyalty?

    If state executives strictly adhered to their constitutional responsibilities, the public outcry against bad governance, often directed at the Federal Government, might not be as intense. Nigerians frequently overlook that the country’s revenue is distributed among the Federal, State, and Local Governments based on an agreed percentage since the advent of this democratic experience on May 29, 1999. Therefore, each level of government is expected to judiciously use these funds for the people’s benefit, including paying salaries, developing key economic sectors, providing infrastructure, welfare programmes, education, health services, and security. This combination fosters a well-run nation where governance centres on the citizens’ wellbeing—an essence of democracy practiced worldwide.

    However, in Nigeria, the situation is chaotic, fueled by years of elite disinterest in populist ideals. Take, for instance, the ongoing demand for responsive and responsible governance, where the blame is primarily directed at the central government. Amidst the clamour for change, people conveniently ignore that state governors have received increased revenues compared to the previous administration. With the removal of fuel subsidies and a substantial rise in monthly allocations to states and LGAs, it is surprising that few question the governors on how they manage these increased resources. Would the naira’s freefall against the dollar be as severe if governors were not converting allocations to dollars in Abuja, paying salaries, and embarking on incomplete or poorly executed projects? Has anyone questioned the rationale behind the conversion of naira into dollars and what they do with it? Some even act as though paying salaries is a significant favour, despite the dire treatment of workers under some administrations. Meanwhile, these governors allocate millions to themselves for security, drive the finest SUVs, and fly private jets funded by state resources. Have they been held accountable? Interestingly, those summoned by anti-corruption agencies often escape with minimal consequences.

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    Why, if I may ask, did the governors react strongly when the Supreme Court ruled that monthly allocations to local governments should be paid directly into their accounts, as mandated by the 1999 Constitution (as amended)? Shouldn’t governors be relieved that a significant burden has been lifted from their shoulders? Instead, they act as if they were saviours of the 774 local government councils, despite being the ones draining the lifeblood from these councils. Even the state capitals they oversee and claim to have developed are mere shadows of what they could be compared to well-managed counties abroad. Let any governor tour local council-built infrastructure in places like Dallas, Texas, and compare it to the substandard projects they boast about here!

    Despite the substantial revenue increases, these same mismanagers of state funds claim they cannot afford the newly approved N70,000 national minimum wage. Why? The answer is simple: it limits their opportunities to embezzle funds, unlike some former counterparts who now reside in government houses to avoid the law or have fled abroad to escape the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission’s scrutiny. It’s astonishing that those who previously said they couldn’t afford a N30,000 minimum wage are now implicated in stealing billions to maintain a luxurious lifestyle post-office. Some have even amassed more wealth than the states they governed!

    A recent report by The PUNCH Newspapers revealed that states have seen a positive increase in revenue allocations since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office on May 29, 2023. Data from the Federation Accounts Allocation Committee showed that within a year, about 10 states received over 50 percent more in monthly allocations, while 12 others saw a 40 percent increase. The National Bureau of Statistics corroborated this, indicating that total allocations to the 36 states rose by 27 percent to N4.5tn, up from N3.58tn in the corresponding period under Buhari.

    Given the significant revenue surge following the removal of petroleum subsidies, the question remains: what have the states and LGAs done with the funds? Why were 15 states unable to pay the previous N30,000 minimum wage for years despite the available resources? What exactly are they doing with the money?

    While it is crucial to continue questioning the Federal Government’s efforts to address the worsening economic crisis that has caused widespread pain and suffering, it is equally essential to hold the governors accountable for the billions entrusted to them for the people’s welfare. Why, for instance, should governors wait for the Federal Government to distribute rice to the states? With proper management of state funds, they could easily provide food and other services without appearing as beggars to Abuja. Moreover, rumours suggest that even the Federal Government’s distribution of 740 trucks of 25kg rice bags has been misappropriated by some governors, leaving the most vulnerable without access. Must everything be governed by political patronage and pettiness? How can the poor thrive when those in power fail to recognise the critical situation their greed has created in Nigeria? How?

  • Of fractured partnership between state and citizens

    Of fractured partnership between state and citizens

    • By Temitope Omoakhalen

    I recently boarded a mini-bus from Ogba to Alausa and was surprised to encounter unexpected traffic congestion on the lanes, even though it was not rush hour. The traffic was moving slowly, but the air in the mini-bus was thick with frustration as passengers, driven by impatience urged our driver to take the notorious “one-way”. They complained that other drivers were already driving against traffic. “So why not us?” They queried.

    In an economy grappling with soaring fuel prices, the passengers could not understand why our driver did not adopt a more ‘efficient approach’ like his peers. I was the lone voice asking the driver to stay on course and I was met with insults. Eventually, the collective dissatisfaction prevailed, and our driver succumbed to the pressure, deciding to drive against traffic. Unsurprisingly, we reached our destination faster than law-abiding drivers.

    I couldn’t, however, help but ponder the potential consequences of such lawlessness. What if our driver had caused an accident or harmed a pedestrian? The blame would likely fall on the seeming inadequacies of traffic regulators like LASTMA officials or the perceived incompetence of the traffic police. It would be a sorry case of “this government sha, they create laws but don’t implement them”. Yet, the real reason for that traffic jam was an alliance between not just danfo drivers but private vehicle owners pirouetting through the centre of the road, picking passengers as if the roads were their personal driveways.

    So, when I heard about the media chat coming up with Mr Governor, I was excited! I saw it as an opportunity to understand the roots of the fractured relationship between the state and its citizens.

     As a Fellow of the Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy (LJLA), I had the privilege of attending the media chat with Mr. Governor, tagged, “Sanwo-Olu Speaks.” The presence of media personalities like Reuben Abati, Mrs Sola Kosoko and Babajide Otitoju, hinted at a session that would be real, straight to the point and people-centric. I was not wrong. In that room, as Mr Governor responded to burning questions, there was an air of sincerity that cut through our hearts because we saw a leader who could be touched by the pain of his people. It was a heart-to-heart conversation. His words were not empty promises on paper; they were tangible initiatives aimed at the greater good for the greater number of people.

    As Mr. Governor expressed his deepest empathy for the anguish and suffering experienced by his people, a profound emotion stirred within me. He commended our capacity as citizens to rise and demand accountability from the government, as we demonstrated during #EndSARS, even though the movement did not originate from Lagos. He celebrated our creative and innovative approach to soar above every limitation life throws at us. He saluted our resilience and acknowledged our tenacity because he understood that without a State-Citizen partnership, leadership becomes pointless.

     Indeed, we are powerful beyond words and we proved it when we came out en masse to protest against police brutality but we lost that power when we became the bullies ourselves, destroying public properties and reducing them to ashes. We are a formidable coalition when we remove the robes of religion and ethnicity to dialogue intellectually but we became exposed when we lost sight of our togetherness and instead opted for bigotry and selfishness. We burned down BRT buses, vandalised private and government buildings, and set ablaze symbols of our collective identity as Lagosians. As we blame the government for inefficiencies, we forget that we are enablers and I daresay catalysts. Otherwise, how do you explain blocking fire trucks that could have saved the spreading inferno in Old Mandilas Building on January 21, simply because some would not obey traffic rules and regulations? We obstruct traffic movements with our wares yet when the Ministry of Environment comes to clear roadside sellers to ensure that road space remains unobstructed, we throw tantrums. Or why do use the hashtag #JusticeForMohbad when the reason we cannot get DNA forensics done easily is because during #EndSARS we burned down the Lagos State DNA & Forensic Centre set up to use DNA analysis to improve the investigation of crime in the state, the first of its kind in West Africa?

    We prank call the emergency response systems till they get frustrated but when they snap, we are so quick to blame them. Yet, the same rapid response team we criticise for inefficiency recently helped a woman deliver a child on the streets. Both mother and child are alive and well. We are, in a sense, active contributors to whatever decadence we see whether we own up to it or not. But we can do better, we can be better. We are so much more than the pain, hurt and despondency we daily experience.

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    Blaming the government for every woe has become a cultural reflex. One could ask whether traffic would even be a concern if the government did what it was supposed to. Perhaps not! But I cannot help but question our own contributions to the daily melee. Why should the government be faulted for traffic if we clog the roads with reckless parking, transforming thoroughfares into impromptu bus stops? Would rain-induced traffic be mitigated if we ceased littering the roads from our vehicles, preventing drainage blockages and subsequent flooding?

    Perhaps, if we remember the words of Robert A. Heinlein that “citizenship is an attitude, a state of mind, an emotional conviction that the whole is greater than the part and that the part should be humbly proud to sacrifice itself that the whole may live”, we will become more conscientious in our approach as citizens.

    It is easy to forget that elected officials are just one side of the governance coin and that we, the people, hold the other half. Do we understand that these elected officials are but custodians of our collective well-being? As citizens, we, the people, own the majority shares in this governance enterprise called Lagos. Citizenship is not just a label; it is an active participation in shaping the destiny of our dear state. Therefore, our attitude as residents of Lagos must be founded on responsibility and patriotism, because we all have our individual roles in shaping the city we call home.

     As the media chat came to a close, Mr Governor laid out his agenda, unveiling a comprehensive plan that includes flexible working hours, transport support for teachers, early pension payments, reduced transport fares, extensive food palliatives and the ambitious endeavour of building the biggest [agricultural] logistics hub in Sub-Saharan Africa, which is already 65% completed.

    Will we allow these policies to thrive for the greater number of people or will we circumvent them to latch on to loopholes to exploit? Will we step into our regalia as the custodian of a culture of brotherhood or will we descend into the abyss of narrow-mindedness? As Mr Governor aptly puts it, “In times like this, hope is the sure anchor for our souls, without it, our envisioned tomorrow vanishes”.

     As we repair the fractured roots of our collective responsibility, it is time to rethink our roles as citizens.  The quality of leaders we produce will always be dependent on the quality of citizens. After all, every leader must first be a citizen. Therefore, instead of only demanding change, let us actively embody that change. I do not turn a blind eye to the daily struggles, pains and hardships we experience. I am simply choosing to hope; to hope in the possibility of a state free from hunger, free from gridlocks, free from the triggers of stress and pain on its citizens.

    •Omoakhalen, Fellow, Lateef Jakande Leadership Academy is currently with the Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa Lagos.

  • Bail-out strategy through state-owned dead capital

    Bail-out strategy through state-owned dead capital

    • By Abiodun Owonikoko

    I was compelled to write this piece, and set about it, in the third week of February. That was after the Aboki fruit seller at the road junction to my office in the suburb of Lekki unapologetically refused to allow me to price down one unit of red apple. My Aboki friend had offered to sell one at N500, but, just back in December 2023, he sold me four pieces of the same quality for N800. Was I jolted! 

    I, however, held back closing this paper until today to benefit from listening to Prof Kingsley Moghalu OON’s, keynote speech at the Leadership Conference and Awards at Congress Hall, Transcorp Abuja on the topic “An Economy in Distress; Which Way Forward.”

    My unorthodox thoughts after listening to the erudite lawyer-cum-development economics professor became even more. He is the author of the seminal book: “Emerging Africa; How the Global Economy’s Last Frontier Can Prosper and Matter”. Since I first encountered him in his days as Central Bank Deputy Governor about a decade ago, he has never ceased intriguing me with the clarity of his original hypothesis on overcoming Afrocentric economic development challenges. 

    Being a roadside economic animal, and using Prof Moghalu as a sounding board, here is my perspective. Nigeria is only an aspirational private sector-led economy. The fundamentals that should underpin its superstructure are fragile.

    The structural defect is arguably reversible. But that may only result from an intentional, sacrificial, audacious, strategic and visionary investment of appropriate resources in human, intellectual and engineered processes of change, across critical sectors to achieve competitive and sustainable growth. By nearly all economic parameters, Nigeria is now an under-developing economy – our year-on-year and decade-on-decade regressing GDP statistics alone say it all.

    Over the last year, Nigeria’s money supply ballooned to an all-time high of N93. 72 trillion as of January 2024, which amounts to a 76 per cent surge from the N53.14 trillion recorded in January 2023. We prodigally created more money without producing a matching quantity of goods and services to buy them with.

    Having neither worked harder or smatter nor produced more than we previously did, there is no prize for guessing why the bubble liquidity is chasing after less than the previous year’s GDP’.

    These alarming statistics must be recognised as a doomsday warning. It must task the economic managers (on the fiscal and monetary sides) to swiftly course re-direct towards repositioning and gaining re-admission of the country into the family of developing countries in the medium term.

    The resultant effect of this misalignment of means and ends manifests in a distorted socio-economic system which hardly responds to orthodox neoliberal Western-style management tools. The challenge has never been more starkly presented than what the country is currently experiencing – the twin fiscal and monetary policy decisions of fuel subsidy withdrawal and dollar market fusion for pricing parity across the financial market.

    This is consistent with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s campaign promises and manifesto encapsulated in the Renewed Hope Agenda (RHA). That audacious move required to be prosecuted by thinking outside the box to “fetch water from a dry well”.

    Bt as Prof Moghalu wrote in his referenced Book, “Many development indicators are published and tracked, but as informative as they are, it is paramount for success that the portfolio of measures used to track the performance of the strategy are those that matter for understanding progress toward the nation’s strategic destination.”

    The unintended but easily predictable consequences of not following through with the required rigorous articulation and heavy-lifting value creation, that should accompany the twin policy choices are Galloping Inflation, Forex Volatility and vulnerability, unmanageable sovereign debt, unprecedented descent into multidimensional poverty by a majority of the population; and now, lately – a jarring food insecurity and threat to peace and security posed by non-state actors. 

    The time has come for a decisive, all-hands-on-deck, strategic plan of action to be proactively iterated and articulated. That is a move that compels unconventional urgency with the intent to onboard and implement well-defined deliverables by all stakeholders. I am regrettably afraid, that we are, instead, staring at a recipe for an atrophied economy and a state tending to ultimate collapse.

    With dwindling foreign reserves largely resulting from progressively contracting revenue from the nations’ mainstay – crude oil, Nigeria is unravelling as less self-sustaining, less productive, less confident of its steps and less predictable for long-term business plans. It is struggling, so badly, to create new opportunities for increased prosperity on a scale necessary to keep more of our people out of poverty (rather than taking them out of that territory). This is despite our geometrically expanding population.

    The urgency of the dire situation commends the exploitation of immediate low-hanging homegrown opportunities; those that we have the capacity and competence to explore and swiftly activate. It will be akin to President Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s which rescued the USA from its worst economic depression in history and led to its emergence as the world’s enduring economic superpower. That Deal can be contrasted with the Marshall Plan contrived as an economic reconstruction aid package for post-World war II Western Europe.

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    So, as an emergency national agenda for economic self-reliance, my vote will be for the Roosevelt Way (aimed at rekindling our self-belief) rather than an aid-dependent Marshall Plan as the preferred lead option. External support by way of foreign investment attraction should only be a sweetener for a country that is sinfully underutilising its enormous indigenous potential. The mantra should be to banish our loss of self-belief and empower Nigeria to confront our fears with daring courage; so that, as that wheelchair-bound President Roosevelt said to his fellow Americans in their lowest moment of economic depression, the only thing to fear … is fear is itself.

    Regeneration proposal

    It is contended that for immediate hope-re-envisioning and impactful outcomes, the route to go is NOT by experimenting with fanciful palliatives and tokenistic programs or initiatives. The challenge calls for a rollout of audacious, visionary, focused and engineered strategic PROJECT OF FUNDAMENTAL ECONOMIC REBIRTH away from crude oil revenue dependency. This is what informs the proposed PROJECT 3-in-3 RHA. It identifies and nominates three strategic economic sub-sectors for game-changing reinvention in three years. The project will be scoped and kicked off for implementation in a matter of three months with the full participation of a broad spectrum of the populace. All those whose inputs as critical stakeholders outside of government are vital to elicit their unflinching buy-in and involvement must be brought on board.

    The project is to achieve predetermined deliverables around a unique publicly promoted ( but not state-funded) massive investment in the development of Railway lines (linking all state capitals), Housing ( to be a mix of quality commercial and social mortgage-ready stock, to incrementally reduce housing deficits) and Agriculture ( encompassing the allied cottage industries and value chain) for recalibration and diversification of the Nigerian economic landscape.

    It is to be delivered in the first phase over three years – starting from 2024 – effectively from the date when the Implementation Coordination Team (ICT) (which must be corporate governance complaint) submits the framework that targets the creation of at least 5 million (direct and indirect) new full-time, living wage jobs as a catalyst for reviving our fast vanishing middle class and create two new thriving economic sectors as providers of revenue sources for reinvesting in massive associated infrastructure assets and spin-off businesses in the second phase replicating the proven template.

    This project will draw principally from our most underutilised but abundant domestic endowments and capacities (with land as the pivot). The project 3-in-3RHA is to be deployed to reposition the national economic base from consumption and overdependence on offshoring and foreign support; and to lessen pressure on external reserves which may then be reprioritised for use in funding the acquisition of complex high-tech machinery, know-how; with preference to those genuinely unavailable economic input services that the country lacks competitive, practical or suitable alternative domestic substitutes for.

    The broad framework will involve the following actionable tasks:

    * Constitution of Project 3-in-3 RHA Implementation Coordinating Team (ICT) with the mandate to generate and submit “Project Scope Statement of Work” within 3 months. The team must subscribe to adherence to transparent corporate governance rules and be insulated from bureaucratic public service constraints.

    * The “Project Scope Statement of Work” must shift attention to subnational as engines of economic revitalisation by providing competitive, peer-to-peer capacities for states to deepen their productive economic potentials thus becoming less dependent on federally allocated revenue and appropriations to more effectively meet their governance mandates as suits a properly structured federating states.

    The target candidate productive sectors (Rail, Housing and Agriculture) are identified as derivatives of land surface resources (not import or forex dependent). Happily, the country has fallow land in abundance. It is still largely socialised under the Land Use Act, such that it can be conveniently aggregated, mapped for use and dedicated to the project with minimal complications and constraints.

    * The three project sectors are outside of exclusive federal control and mandate. This makes for flexible empowerment and diversified intervention by sub-national governments and private sectors under federal overarching coordination as the prime fiscal and monetary policy enabler.  

    * States and local governments as anchor implementers are to leverage their control of land assets as dead capital for conversion into credit for creating a cost-effective financing scheme to fund the Project 3-in-3 RHA. The aim is to convert their dead capital into financial resources for investment in productive, 

    high-impact, fast-trackable sectors of the economy. My simplified descriptive term for dead capital, first coined by the Peruvian Economist, Hernando de Soto Polar is Idle Asset. In the hands of the rich, it must be appropriately taxed; and in other respects it must be mobilised and invested for optimal return.

    * The tripodal economic course re-direction project must be productivity-focused, value- and merit-driven; insulated from legacy cultural constraints of prebendal political patronage syndrome and with preeminent participation of the street-level private sector players and segmentation to accommodate different levels of business models and sophistication for micro-small and medium enterprises. For this reason, the Project must leave out big players who can crowd out the targeted sectors that need the empowerment and grooming. It should embrace an all-inclusive, and party-neutral paradigm.   

    * Affordable credit guarantees on the back of predictable and credible data-driven inventories and receivables for off-takers of the commercial outputs and services from the projects by leveraging on a robust application of Secured Transaction In Movable Assets Act, of 2017, boosting consumer credit and enhanced financial inclusion to restore peoples inflation-eroded purchasing power and support domestic demands for the sectors’ outputs.

    * The Federal Government will have to commit to commission a broad implementation framework, templates and targets to be adapted by each sub-national to suit their local circumstances; and also provide seed credit guarantee through securitisation of inventories and receivables from Project 3-in-3 RHA to raise sovereign bonds in the capital market at market rated (but government subsided single digit) medium tenor interest rates to the tune of TWENTY TRILLION NAIRA (N20,000,000,000,000.00) for disbursement in predetermined tranches through commercial banks to support sectoral milestones over the project timeline.

    *The interest subsidies on the bond will cease after the initial five years by which time they will be priced and traded on competitive capital market rates without government underwriting. It is intended to be a creative avenue for mopping excess liquidity driving extant galloping inflation in the economy and to reinvest those idle funds in the ring-fenced productive sectors targeted under the project with the attendant multiplier effects in the subnational space. The expected short-term outcome is that the project will turn the entire 774 local government areas in the 36 states of the country into satellites of productive and quality work sites thus boosting their economies simultaneously.

    In the medium term, it should serve to reverse the uneconomic internal migration of unemployed, unskilled and unemployable demographics at state capitals and urban centres in search of perceived opportunities that do not exist. These are the marginalised, hapless citizens feeding crimes and creating an antisocial army of recruits posing security threats across the country.   

    * The Federal Government will at the same time facilitate a credible audit of accessible domestic and open-source technical research resources immediately usable to drive the project in collaboration with states across relevant research sources and institutions in the respective states.  

    * There is a need to produce and issue a presidential executive order for mandatory collaboration and patronage of indigenous academic and research bodies imbued with resources and relevant consultancy expertise in close proximity to operational bases of eligible entities. This should be incentivised by its stipulation as a prequalification requirement to access or draw on Federal Government supported credits, grants, subsidies or procurements related to the respective areas of focus under the Project.

    The added benefit is to facilitate the creation of a functional and structured interface between town and gown in the candidate sectors as model templates for eventual adoption generally in other segments of the economy. It is anticipated that this strategic innovation will lead to a better appreciation of the scientific imperative of a workable plan for national development as the economy expands in sophistication and depth in line with the goal of the Project. It is unimaginable that any well-conceived plan to revive the country premised on indigenous effort and self reliance will not assign a crucial role for our centres of knowledge and research to play as development partners and facilitators. 

    * Deliberate effort must be made to reverse the Brain-Drain conundrum’ and retain, in-country, our best and brightest for the new phase of socio-economic revitalisation. As at 2023, Nigeria had 170 universities comprising federal-, state-, and privately owned in a ratio of 43, 48 and 79, respectively. Similarly, there are over 160 accredited polytechnics; they are spread all over the country producing technical and vocational professionals with adaptable skills and competencies in the three candidate sectors of the Project 3-in3 RHA. A considerable proportion of the products of these institutions are presently engaged in flexible online jobs as trollers, content creators, skit makers, bloggers, and data miners, or awaiting their emigration papers to “japa” with their underutilised skills and youthful creative minds. 

    The project thesis

    What Project 3-in-3 RHA proposal seeks to deliver is to extract latent value in the states-owned dead capital (Land vested in states as trustees under the Land Use Act), and use it by way of adaptation of the financial engineering technique in the oil and gas industry to fund and bail out Nigeria from its desperate existential economic crisis that entered steroids territory in 2023. 

    The Project is conceived to deploy a subnational idle and under-utilised asset – LAND- as a substitute for proven reserves applied in the oil and gas industry for Reserve-Based Lending (RBL) as an extra-budgetary financing mechanism to raise economic revitalisation investment capital. The model will finance Project 3-in3 RHA by mimicking the financing technique that oil exploration and production businesses deploy for huge project funding. The designated land as a readily available collateral asset is to be aggregated and committed in place of RBL as a “borrowing-base” type of loan, sized on the basis of the projected Net Present Value (NPV) of cash flows to be generated by the underlying assets and investments under the Project 3-in-3 RHA business plan.  

    By this strategy, the Land Use Act provides a diamond in the raw which can be converted into a unique asset class available to states for productive investment as against the constraining role it has played for so long in stultifying efficient exploitation of land for real estate value amplification since its promulgation in 1978.

    It is comparable to the hidden value recently unlocked by the NNPC Limited in structuring and collateralising its forward sale to secure lending from Afreximbank in the region of $3.5billion for advance dividend payment to the Federal Government. In the present proposal, fairly long-term funding is to be originated, structured to be repaid from domestic economy that is not dollar-denominated. It will nevertheless be priced attractively enough to whet the appetite of even Foreign Portfolio Investors (FPI), as a repository for repatriated/laundered funds, as well as add to investment baskets of diaspora remittances.

    While RBL financing exploits extractive resources vested exclusively in the Federal Government under the constitution (mineral oil); the target asset in this Project is surface right over land vested exclusively in the sub-nationals – the 36 federating states that are performing sub-optimally relative to their true potential as economic enablers. With the exception of Lagos State, being the 5th largest economy in the continent, most of the states are cost centres feeding off federal grants sustained through burgeoning and unsustainable ways and means- while their humongous internal potentials for wealth creation are left unharnessed.

    Proof of concept

    The audacious Eko Atlantic City in Victoria Island and the Dangote Refinery Complex Corridor at Ibeju Lekki, both erected on expensively reclaimed land from the sea in collaboration with the host state government as their landlord are examples of how viable the land-asset-backed Project may prove to be against the backdrop of land that is ready and available for use from get-go across the 36 states of the federation.

    The replication of such bold, ingenuous, rigorous and gusty creative thinking that birthed those signature multi-billion dollar projects in Lagos, is what the present circumstances of Nigeria nation need at this desperate time. But it must now be one that has diversified sectoral application designed to positively impact the fortunes of the entire federation, in order that the country may escape a looming economic collapse.

    Expected outcome

    Igniting the subnational economic potentials by optimizing their dead capital to reflate and recalibrate their economies productively while taming cost-push, and forex speculation-driven inflation. In addition, it is to provide a robust foundation for a new economic base.

    Project 3-in-3 RHA promises validation and seamless translation of the Renewed Hope Agenda for real value creation vide state-backed strategic investment in Railways, Housing and Agriculture over the next three years. It will constitute the nucleus of a new productive economy. It is from its base that other critical economic sectors now struggling or moribund are to be jump-started and resume flourishing for the ultimate restoration of the country on the path of sustainable prosperity. 

    Proscript

    The second part of this thesis will address options for de-dollarising the Nigerian economy with a view to optimally benefiting from the wider and fairer international trade currency regimes free apron strings of the dollar for settlement of cross-border and multilateral financial obligations. The ultimate goal is to create a respected Nigerian convertible currency tied to a basket of foreign convertible currencies most connected to the Nigerian balance of trade objectives.

    •Owonikoko, SAN, FCArb, can be reached at synergylaw2@yahoo.com

  • Politics of state creation

    Politics of state creation

    Opinion is divided on the agitation for state creation. To many people, it is a call for the proliferation of states. It thus becomes undesirable and unviable because of the economic realities of such persons.

    But to those who believe the creation of new states will be the answer to their yearnings, the push is legitimate and desirable. To such persons, having new states will redress grievances arising from their perceived structural imbalance in the federation and marginalisation in their present states where they are lumped with other non-compatible ethnic groups without linguistic affinity, contiguity, and cultural assimilation.

    There are many Nigerians who see the periodic constitutional amendment as a peculiar jamboree, a waste of time, energy, and public resources. To them, it is a fantasy and an exercise in futility. But they did not come to this conclusion without reason. Perhaps, it is because civilian administrations in the Second and Fourth republics were unable to create states, unlike the military, due to some impediments.

    Predictably, no region is leaving anything to chance. In the Southwest, old provinces and divisional councils are calling for an upgrade into states. In Ogun State, Ijebu and Remo divisions want a separate Ijebu State to be carved out of the Gateway State. In Oyo, Ibadan, and Ibarapa districts are mobilising support for the birth of Ibadan State.

    In Lagos State, some political leaders from the coastal areas are promoting the cause of Lagoon State.

    The leaders and people of Ile-Ife and parts of Ijesa are rooting for Oduduwa State.

    In the Southsouth, there is agitation for a New Rivers State. In the Southeast, some people want Wawa and Anioma states, while in Benue State, there are agitations for two new states.

    There are arguments for and against the creation of new states. For example, the Southeast is aggrieved that it has been shortchanged by what the indigenes call the lopsided distribution of states whereby the Northwest has seven states and the other four regions have six each. In contrast, the entire Igbo land has only five.

    Revenue allocation is majorly based on the number of states, which are federating units. The implication is that fewer resources, compared to other regions, are channelled to the Southeast. However, those who oppose this argument point out that a state in the Northwest, Niger, is bigger than the entire Southeast in land mass. Also, the population of Southeast cannot match other regions.

    The strength of federally-run countries lies in the sub-national units of government that are coordinate with the distant central government. States connote a sort of autonomy as they legislate on residual items in the federal constitution which prescribes that the national government can legislate on the Exclusive List, while both the central and state governments can legislate on the Concurrent List.

    The general principle of state creation also relates to the legitimate agenda for identity preservation and concern for the peculiarities in a highly heterogeneous country. More importantly, it is generally believed that state creation will bring government closer to the people.

    The post-independence era has been characterised by the intense clamour for more states. However, the only region that was democratically created was the Midwest. It was created after a plebiscite. Yet, the minorities of Edo, Itsekiti, Uhrobo, Ijaw, Isoko, and others who started cohabiting in the region remained distinctive. The mutual suspicion and fear of domination persisted. Evidently, the real reason the Midwest was created was to reduce the sphere of influence of the Leader of Federal Opposition, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. While a region was carved out of the West, the prayers of the minorities in the North and East for new states were rejected.

    Awo did not oppose state creation. He was irritated by the refusal of the Prime Minister to also carve out states from the expansive Northern Region.

    The next exercise was during the outbreak of the Civil War. The then military Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, created 12 states out of the four regions. He also appointed military governors to administer them. It was a ploy to weaken the secession bid of the Biafran warlord in the old Eastern State, Col. Emeka Odimegwu-Ojukwu.

    Since then, the agitations for more states have intensified. The pattern of creation was lopsided, as the old Northern Region had more states than other regions. Besides, some Ekiti/Igbomina/Ebolo Yoruba towns were merged with other tribes to forcefully fuse with the old Northwestern State (in today’s Kwara and Kogi states).

    Since the premise was also population or numerical strength, the census became a casualty of the intense struggle. Thus, since then, the headcounts were usually rigged, thereby rendering the figures useless as they could not be used for proper revenue allocation and other relevant political and economic parameters.

    In 1976, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, who toppled Gowon in a bloodless coup, created a 19-state structure. During the exercise, more local governments and federal constituencies were also created, based on the numerical strengths of the states.

    The trend showed that state creation had become a major characteristic of military rule. States were created by force by the soldiers in power. To that extent, some of the states were products of imposition.

    In the Second Republic, moves to create more states did not bear fruits. There was no consensus to determine the number of people living in any particular area.

    The elite are coordinating the battle. Thus, observers perceive a hidden agenda. Although the agitators hinge their struggles on the need for easy administration and development, the  belief is that the elite are clamouring for more access to power and resources through state creation. They derive motivation from the fact that, if state creation is possible, each of the six geo-political zones will benefit from the exercise. Therefore, they are leaving nothing to chance.

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    The prayers of state creation champion were marginally answered by self-styled military President Ibrahim Babangida, who, on September 23, 1987, created two states: Akwa Ibom and Katsina. On August 27, 1991, he also created nine more states: Abia, Enugu, Delta, Jigawa, Kebbi, Osun, Kogi, Taraba, and Yobe, bringing the number of states to 30.

    Indisputably, the agitation for state capitals was also a divisive issue, which the military tackled with an iron hand. Objectivity was sometimes jettisoned as personal interest took the central stage. While the Justice Irikefe Panel recommended Sagamu as capital of Ogun State, top military officers preferred Abeokuta. Some towns became state capitals as part of rewards for military attainments and gifts to in-laws. Some villages, hamlets, and streets were named headquarters of local governments to please traditional rulers and other military lackeys and confederates.

    The maximum military ruler, the late General Sani Abacha, who shoved aside the inept Interim National Government (ING), led by Ernest Shonekan, created six more states on October 1, 1996. This followed the recommendations of the National Constitutional Conference (NCC) on the need to ensure balance in the number of states in each geo-political zone. Consequently, Ebonyi, Bayelsa, Nasarawa, Zamfara, Gombe, and Ekiti states came into being. More local government areas were also created. Unlike the previous exercise, the states were not given any take-off grant. They shared the same allocation with their “parent states”.

    After the 1996 creation of additional states, reality dawned on the South that the North had profited more. This has led to a feeling of injustice, inequality, and lack of equity. For example, while Lagos has 20 local governments, the old Kano State, which comprised Kano and Jigawa states, has 76 local governments.

    Two problems thrown up by state and local government creation are asset sharing and boundary dispute. These problems generated bitterness and unleashed tension, with contiguous communities being decimated by incessant violent clashes.

    State creation under a civilian government is a hectic exercise. The obstacles are always insurmountable. These have reinforced the feeling that the federal legislators who are warming up for another round of piecemeal constitutional amendment may be chasing shadows.

    The states and local governments are listed in the 1999 Constitution. Therefore, any constitutional amendment targeted at creating more states is likely to meet a brick wall due to the regression to the subsisting North-South dichotomy and lack of consensus.

    Besides, so tedious is the process that the concurrence of two-thirds of 36 states is required for constitutionalamendment on core matters germane to the structure of the country. It is a tall order.

    But, how viable are the states?

    The majority of them can hardly survive on their own without federal allocation. There is lack of creativity by some state governments as they fail to explore alternative avenues for revenue generation. Governance in many states is at a low ebb with some governors converting their states into fiefdoms where they rule as Lords of the Manor. They delude themselves into thinking that the mandate conferred on them translates to the ownership, monopolisation, manipulation, and abuse of state resources. Thus, many states are not fulfilling the dreams of their “founding fathers” who fought many battles for their creation.

    A shortcut to meeting the yearnings for state creation is the creation of additional local governments, which some governors have attempted through the creation of Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs). Through this approach, marginalised towns and ethnic groups can receive succour and achieve a sense of belonging.

  • Decline of the Sunshine State

    Decline of the Sunshine State

    • By Olu Ayela

    Barrister Oluwarotimi Akeredolu is a household name. He is debonair, outspoken, and candid. At the Nigerian Bar Association where he was chairman, he was known for his incisive analyses, erudition and agility. When it came to discussing human rights, his place was on the front row. These clouts, no doubt, recommended him to the good people of Ondo State, the Sunshine State of Nigeria, when he canvassed for votes to be elected governor. The campaign was flawless, and when the election came, he was victorious. But little did the politically enlightened people of the state know that it was a pyrrhic victory and that they had shot themselves in the foot!

    For all who may care, Ondo State is blessed with both human and natural resources and should be one of the richest states in the country, if properly managed. Alas, mismanagement, avarice and calculated attempts to subjugate the people and the truth have turned a once growing state, and one of the privileged oil producing states in the country, into a Siberia, a state of extreme difficulties and lamentation, one in which civil servants are not sure of their wages at the end of the month. Thanks to Ogbeni Akeredolu and his cabal who, by their actions and inactions are destroying the state.

    Ondo State currently illustrates the potential risk philosophers predicted would befall a state if allowed to function without direction. It is a dictum that where there are no laws, there would be no sin. Philosophers had centuries ago foreseen that a state without a rudder would fall into anarchy. The laws of the land are there to guide those at the helm of affairs. Today, Ondo State presents an evidence of what those philosophers claimed.

    In fairness, only God is immune to sickness. Akeredolu, like all mortals, had fallen ill. He was in Germany for months, and during the period handed over to the deputy governor as dictated by the 1999 Constitution (as amended). But since he returned, the state has been without any one in particular governing it, yet he is one of the nation’s legal luminaries. Just when the Constitution would have vetoed that the deputy governor takes over the reins, Akeredolu was brought back to Nigeria, and bundled to Ibadan.

    No one has seen him near Ondo State since then. Surprisingly, his wife Betty Anyanwu Akeredolu and his son, and some selfish politicians have formed themselves into a cabal ruling the state. They are even eager to cite the case of Turayi Yar’Adua and Buhari as instances. Many appointees of Akeredolu have lost their sense of reasoning and do not see anything wrong in what is happening in the state.

    Imagine 31 of his appointees passing a vote of confidence in him, a man they have not seen at Government House, Akure, since his return from Germany; a man who has not called or presided over any Executive Council meeting since his return?. They say in a statement on November 17, 2023;

    “We unanimously declare our unflinching trust in Mr Governor and endorse his impactful leadership. As a united front, we remain steadfast in our support for Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, SAN, CON, and pledge to continue working collarboratively towards the advancement and prosperity of the state. We express our gratitude to Mr Governor for his selfless service and courageous leadership.”

    Its gratifiying that one of his commissioners disagreed with them. Mr Akinwumi Sowore, his commissioner for commerce, industry and cooperatives, faulted his colleagues’ claim

    “I don’t have any issue with the governor, and he is our governor in the state. Infact, they don’t allow the man to rest. There has been no exco meeting, the governor is far away in Ibadan and the deputy is embattled far away in Abuja. So, nobody to chair the executive council meeting in the state. Even if am around, I will not have signed because I’m supposed to tell them what they are supposed to do. No exco meeting had been held, except during the period the deputy governor was acting governor. But since the governor had resumed duty on 7th September, no exco meeting has been held.” Sowore said.

    The lawlessness going on in Ondo State is contrary to the social contract the citizens signed with Akeredolu. For a truth, Akeredolu is to blame for his shenanigans. When he was hauled back into the country without being  fit to perform his constitutional function as governor, as a learned gentleman, the right thing to do was to hand over to his deputy, but he refused. Truly, power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely. But the heat is now on him. The price of hanging on to power at the detriment of the people is higher than he ever thought. Whether he or his cabal likes it, as long as the state economy, infrastructure and security are not at acceptable level, Akeredolu’s surrogate cannot claim to be winning the peace, and of course, like Macbeth, they have murdered sleep.

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    Let it be emphasized here, that the battle for the right thing to be done in Ondo State is far beyond that of the deputy governor who has been castrated and treated like a leper when it comes to appurtenances of office by non-elective surrogates. It should also be recognized by all that the illegal occupation of the governor’s office by this so-called cabal is a threat to the survival of the state indigenes. The heavy groanings in the state about the absurdity are welcome but the indigenes should do more than lament. There is need for affirmative action; incidentally, history is on the side of the people. If you fold your arms and refuse to take a responsible course of action, those who had vowed to run Ondo State to the ground would continue in the subjugation of the state wide sovereign.

    It is no longer news that when you see a façade of governor’s entourage anywhere in the state be sure it is either Akeredolu’s wife or son racing about in state apparati, sucking it to the people, “we have come to suck you dry.” It was a bitter experience the other day, when the entourage swept past and we all thought the governor was back and raced after him, only to discover it was the governor’s son and his friends inspecting projects in the state capital. You begin to wonder how a young man with lively imagination and with a very short attention span can be regarded as possessing the qualities expected of a brilliant academic or law guru. The bravado and other schemes are just like using antibiotics to fight common cold; the people no doubt, will just be more resistant rather than being sympathetic.

    Go to any part of Ondo State now, what you see all are people who are downcast and people whose suffering is clearly visible in their faces. Their strange stares seem to ask why they were been so silly-beaten just for the error of voting the wrong person into the seat of power. A rhetorical question only Akeredolu and his cohorts could answer. More than ever, the misery sweeping through the state is unimaginable. The masses of the people are hitting their heads against pillars of corrupt politicians and posts erected by shameless state cows milking the poor citizens.

    The utter chaos Akeredolu’s wife and her cabal have turned Ondo State into is highly unbecoming. The question to ask is what is the role of the governor’s wife in the scheme of things in a peaceful state? What power has the governor’s wife to wrestle all the apparati of office from a sitting deputy governor? These anomalies  are only possible in Ondo State.

    What did the Constitution say about the office of the deputy governor and that of the wife of the governor and in the absence of a governor up to five months, how should power transit from him to the next line of authority? These are questions begging for answers in Ondo State.

    Unfortunately, the Ondo State House of Assembly seems to have sold its soul to the highest bidder. All sorts of stories are flying about with regards to what has handicapped the assembly from doing the right thing. Their job is very simple, if not blinded by poisonous gifts. Is there any clause arrogating the passage of governorship power to the wife or son of Ondo State governor, otherwise, who is benefitting from the current absence of power structure?

    It is high time All Progressive Congress leaders intervened to restore order and good governance. The constitution is the nation’s supreme law and most be obeyed. Enough of political bravado and rascality. Ondo people have suffered enough and in the words of Milton Obote’s opus, Cry My Beloved Ondo State for your agonies have reached the high heavens.

    In this regard, the advice of a group, Ondo State Patriots, based in Lagos which is aghast with the goings-on in the state is timely and should be heeded. President of the group, Chief Samuel Olanrenwaju who is a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police, has warned that the state must not be allowed to slide into anarchy as a result of the small mindedness of certain individuals. He urged the state assembly to thread the path of common sense, by installing immediately the Deputy Governor, to continue to act pending the time the governor would be fit to resume duties in Akure.  

    ●Olu Ayela, Veteran Journalist, based in Lagos

  • State, LG police: What Buhari must do, by Ozekhome, Shittu

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Chief Mike Ozekhome, and a law teacher Mr Wahab Shittu, have urged President Muhammadu Buhari to send an executive Bill to the National Assembly for the amendment of the 1999 Constitution to allow for state police.

    President Buhari received a report on the reform of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) prepared by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) Presidential Special Panel on SARS Reforms.

    The report recommended, among others, the establishment of state and local government police.

    Ozekhome said: “First things first. President Buhari merely directed further action. Mr President cannot unilaterally set up state and local government police without the necessary constitutional amendments to that effect under Section 9(1) of the same 1999 Constitution.

    “This section requires two-third majority approval of the bicameral National Assembly made up of 109 Senators, 360 House of Representatives members and also two-third majority approval by the 36 Houses of Assembly and the FCT.

    “Sections 214 and 215 of the same Constitution establishes the Nigeria Police Force, giving it powers and duties and its major operatives, such as the Inspector-General of Police and State Commissioners of Police.”

    According to him, the police is a “non-performing behemoth, unwieldy and elephantine organisation” that needs to be broken up into smaller units as exists in some parts of the world.

    Shittu also faulted the current centralisation of the police. He said: “State police in the context of the peculiarities of Nigerian federation is a desideratum. This is because all offences are local and easier to police by elements familiar with the terrain.

    “The present arrangement whereby our policing is centralised may have contributed to the upsurge in the rate of criminality in our society.”

    He urged the government to take steps to amend the constitution. “Governors as chief security officers of states have no control of police in states under their control. Reference to governors as chief security officers in the context of our federation as presently constituted is indeed a mockery.

    “Police are under the control of the Inspector General (IGP) at the centre and this means our federation is in the reverse gear and a betrayal of the autonomy of states,” he said.

    He continued: “However there is no way we can have state police under the present constitutional arrangement without an amendment of the Constitution.

    “If government accepts the recommendations on state police, issues a white paper on same, government has to follow the process through by introducing an executive bill embodying the proposals to amend our constitution.

    “Can this be done? Yes. Is it desirable? Yes. lf achieved, it will go a long way in reducing the rate of criminality in our society.”

  • State woos Chinese government, business community

    The Ekiti State government has canvassed the partnership of the government and people of China to achieve sustainable development in the key sectors and delivery of its four-point agenda.

    Deputy Governor Bisi Egbeyemi stated this while addressing representatives of the Chinese government and business community at the celebration of the Chinese Lunar Year in Lagos.

    The lunar year celebration also featured discussion on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and production capacity cooperation between China and Nigeria.

    A statement yesterday by his Special Assistant (Media), Odunayo Ogunmola, said Egbeyemi spoke on business and economic opportunities in Ekiti for potential Chinese investors and the business community.

    The deputy governor listed areas Ekiti would need China’s support to include training and retraining of workers, mechanised and commercial agriculture, healthcare delivery, development of educational institutions and establishment industries to absorb unemployed youths.

    The forum was attended by the Ambassador of China to Nigeria, Mr. Zhou Pingjan; Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki; the Director General of Lagos Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (LACCIMA), Mr. Muda Yusuf; the Director General of Nigerian Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA), Mr. Ayoola Olukanmi, among others.

    The deputy governor said the state has human and inherent natural resources for the development and sustenance of capital investment in the state.

    Revealing the intention of the Kayode Fayemi administration on mechanised and commercial farming, Egbeyemi said Ekiti State was blessed with vast virgin land and yet to be accessed natural resources that could boost the economy of the country, if properly harnessed.