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Tag: strategic

  • ‘How to inspire strategic agility, change’

    ‘How to inspire strategic agility, change’

    Ambassador Charles Crawford, Oxford and Harvard-trained British diplomat, is a former British Ambassador to Bosnia and Poland. He has inspired leaders globally on how to win in a world increasingly shaped by geopolitics and volatility. Crawford, and three other high-profile faculty members, including Prof. Rodria Laline, inventor of the first chip used on the first ATM card; Prof. Roger Delves, Board Member at Global Firm at the age of 30 and Dr. Alim Abubakre, Advisory Board Member of London Business School Africa Society and founder of TEXEM, UK, will team up to provide insightful perspectives at this month’s TEXEM, UK programme. In this interview, Crawford shares insights on how to inspire change and fuel sustainable success as a preview of the forthcoming TEXEM, UK programme

    How can your extensive diplomatic experience in post-communist Europe and your work in post-conflict reconciliation inform leaders on anticipating and adapting to market dynamics in rapidly changing environments?

    The Foreign Office library had no handy text-book on ‘How to Abandon Communism’ that we could read. The situation we faced was completely new, almost revolutionary. The drama of the situation compelled new thinking and in the early years after the Soviet Union dissolved some unusual urgency. We all had to try to think differently. To go back to first principles, in a sense. The problem was that we had no way of identifying what those principles in fact were! Our main mistake, and my own main mistake, was to have been too optimistic especially about Russia but then also Serbia. That’s a good lesson for business leaders operating in these increasingly volatile world: don’t think that buoyant market conditions are doomed to last for ever.

    What unique insights can participants gain from learning about leadership strategies from you, someone who has firsthand experience in managing complex transitions in volatile regions like the former Yugoslavia, Russia, and South Africa?

    Leaders are likely to be as good as their followers. Any major change programmes have winners and losers, and the losers tend to be highly motivated and disruptive. It’s important to be ambitious but also realistic. The Serbia Prime Minister Zoran Djindjić was assassinated because he underestimated his enemies. But then how do you make concessions to dangerous enemies without demoralising friends? You will glean fresh insights and challenge assumptions around this through this forthcoming TEXEM programme Strategic Agility and Inspiring Change: Fuelling Sustainable Success.

    Read Also: NDIC allays fears, gives Nigerian banks clean bill of health

    How does the concept of ‘strategic agility’ in business align with the diplomatic agility demonstrated by you during your service in regions undergoing significant political and social transformation?

    Diplomacy is typically not ‘agile’ and does not aim to be. Rather the emphasis is on patience and method, albeit with appropriate energy and ambition. Plus, it’s fine to be agile. But what if your agility makes you jump into a deep dark hole? Maybe it all comes down to willingness to take smart risks – and being good at taking smart risks! During this TEXEM programme Strategic Agility and Inspiring Change: Fuelling Sustainable Success we will discuss actionable insights that will help them win.

    What lessons can be drawn from your role as a speechwriter and communicator in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and thereafter for world leaders that are applicable to leading change and inspiring others in a corporate setting?

    Leaders have to mobilise and motivate followers. That normally comes through words that explain actions. Far too many speeches focus on sharing ‘information’ and ignore the importance of motivation. Speeches don’t need to give watertight answers. It’s often enough to pose new questions or challenge old thinking without giving answers – get the audience thinking for themselves! That said, no speechwriter gets far if the senior speaker does not want to take any risks or say something new and challenging. ‘Let’s play it safe today’ is always a tempting way to avoid responsibility.

    In what ways can the case studies of leaders who successfully led through chaos, presented in this programme, benefit from your experience dealing with the fall of communism and apartheid?

    Inside stories from these great political or diplomatic dramas are always interesting. They show how hard choices were there to be made, and what happened if those choices were embraced or avoided. One interesting problem is Trust – how to focus on delivering ambitious goals while not being naive about the intentions of the people you’re now unexpectedly working with? Lots of examples of these and many more will be shared leveraging TEXEM’s proven and tested methodology that makes learning, insightful, practicable, engaging, stimulating and fun.

    How does networking with a former senior diplomat like you and other illustrious faculty provide participants with unique perspectives on international market trends and leadership strategies?

    I want programme participants to go away with some new big ideas but also some practical skills they can apply the next day in a tough work context. Great programmes combine theory and practice in a lively thought-provoking package. This TEXEM programme will entail a methodology that encourages peer to peer learning, networking, improved self-awareness and stronger sense of purpose for leaders to achieve their goals more effectively and efficiently.

  • Enter 4-D model of strategic diplomacy

    Enter 4-D model of strategic diplomacy

    • The new approach will expand traditional diplomatic toolkit and reshape Nigeria’s foreign policy landscape for more dynamism

    It is the odyssey of a diplomat who has come full circle – a homecoming of sorts. As an illustrious son of Nigeria, his job is to bring the world closer to his homeland. And in the truest sense of the idiom, the appointment of Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, formerly Nigeria’s envoy to German (2017-2023) and now Minister of Foreign Affairs, has put a round peg in a round hole.

     Ambassador Tuggar, after his inauguration by President Bola Tinubu, gave an insight of what to come in terms of Nigeria’s foreign policy direction. In due time, he said, the Federal Government will unveil a new vision for Nigeria’s foreign policy: 4-D’s diplomacy. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs said FG is set to reset the policy to address challenges across the country. He explained that Nigeria will concentrate more on Development, Democracy, Demography and Diaspora (4-D diplomacy) to address challenges across the country.

     According to him, the Foreign Ministry is at the forefront of promoting Nigeria’s interest and protecting citizens abroad. “It is the highest honour to be asked to serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs by His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As a historically important Ministry, Foreign Affairs has long represented the highest standard of excellence. It is, therefore, our job to ensure those standards will never fail. These are turbulent times. From the unfolding political crises in Niger Republic to the regional insecurity and economic insecurity, we have a lot of work to do. In due time, we will also be unveiling a new vision for Nigeria’s foreign policy, four D’s diplomacy.

      “Through this doctrine centred on development, democracy, demography and diaspora, we hope to find modern solutions in order to address complex modern problems. I will be counting on your cooperation and partnership. And by the special grace of God and with your support, I am sure that we can place Nigeria where she belongs – at the pinnacle of visional and global decision-making,” Tuggar said.

     Since gaining independence in 1960, starting with Jaja Wachuku as the first Minister for Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations (later known as External Affairs), Nigeria’s foreign policy has consistently revolved around key tenets. These include a strong emphasis on Africa as a regional power, unwavering commitment to principles like African unity and independence, the ability to exert influential leadership within the region, promoting peaceful conflict resolution, adhering to non-alignment during the Cold War, refraining from interfering in the internal matters of other countries, and fostering regional economic collaboration and growth. It also includes the promotion of peace and stability, economic diplomacy, and active participation in international organisations – a policy thrust birthed in response to both domestic and international dynamics.

    While Nigeria has made significant contributions to African and global affairs, it has also faced challenges and criticisms in its foreign policy endeavours. Over the years, Nigeria has been criticised for its perceived ineffectiveness in resolving regional conflicts, particularly in West Africa. Despite its role as a regional powerhouse, Nigeria has struggled to bring about lasting solutions and peace to conflicts-ridden neighbouring countries.  Critics also argue that Nigeria’s foreign policy lacks consistency and clear direction, with shifts in leadership and changes in government having sometimes led to abrupt changes in foreign policy priorities, making it difficult to sustain long-term strategies to earn desired results.

     Although Nigeria has placed a strong emphasis on economic diplomacy as a key component of its foreign policy, it has not been without its fair share of criticism. The nation has been called out for its challenges in fully capitalising on its economic potential and effectively securing favourable trade agreements, with issues such as corruption and bureaucratic red tape acting as stumbling blocks in the path of Nigeria’s economic diplomacy efforts. Experts have also lamented that Nigeria has not consistently lived up to its self-proclaimed leadership role in Africa. This criticism is often linked to Nigeria’s domestic challenges, which have sometimes diverted its attention away from regional and continental issues. This is a crisis that is made worse by ongoing security challenges, particularly from terrorist groups like Boko Haram, which have questioned the effectiveness of Nigeria’s counterterrorism efforts and ability to contain and eradicate extremist groups within its borders.

     Despite Nigeria’s recognition of the significance of its diaspora community, some contend that the nation has not taken sufficient measures to actively involve and leverage the skills and resources of Nigerians residing abroad. Furthermore, Nigeria’s susceptibility to the fluctuations in global oil prices due to its dependence on oil exports is viewed as a vulnerability in its energy diplomacy. Critics argue that diversifying the economy and reducing the emphasis on energy diplomacy should be prioritised, rather than relying solely on it as a primary foreign policy instrument.

    Read Also: Six burial gusts hospitalised as building collapse in Ekiti

    Inside the innovative 4-D diplomacy model

    According to scholars in international relations and global governance, 4-D diplomacy is a modern approach to diplomacy, which goes beyond traditional state-to-state interactions and incorporates various actors and dimensions. The 4-D diplomacy, also known as the 4-D approach or Comprehensive Approach, is a foreign policy strategy that integrates four key dimensions: Diplomacy, Defense, Development, and Digital (or Information). It seeks to address complex global challenges by combining efforts across these dimensions.

     In the context of today’s highly interconnected world, leading scholars have significantly advanced the field of 4-D diplomacy, offering profound insights into its multifaceted aspects, its significance and far-reaching implications in contemporary international affairs. Among these notable scholars are John Kirton, a distinguished Canadian political scientist; Andrew F. Cooper, renowned as a professor of political science at the University of Waterloo; R. S. Zaharna, widely recognised for her expertise in public diplomacy; Jorge Heine, a respected professor at the Balsillie School of International Affairs; and Paul Sharp, a distinguished scholar in the field of international relations.

     As the world moved from the Cold War Era, characterised by intense military competition, and entered the Post-Cold War Time, global dynamics began to shift, making new thinking inevitable. Non-traditional security threats such as terrorism, transnational crime, and cyber-attacks emerged. The new challenges increasingly became too difficult to tame solely through traditional diplomacy and defense mechanisms. With greater interconnectedness, countries soon realised the need for a more comprehensive approach to foreign policy. The 4-D approach began to take shape as countries recognised that diplomacy, defense, development, and digital tools all have roles to play in addressing modern global challenges. Overall, the new model is a response to the evolving nature of global challenges, reflecting that traditional diplomatic and military tools are necessary but often insufficient to address complex issues such as terrorism, conflict resolution, and cyber security. Instead, a multifaceted approach that integrates these four dimensions is seen as more effective in today’s interconnected world.

     Apart from strictly political issues, contemporary diplomacy concentrates on the problems of trade, economic, scientific and military issues. As a tool for amassing increased inclusivity, 4-D diplomacy broadens the scope of diplomatic engagement to include a wide range of actors, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society groups, businesses, and individuals. Experts believe this inclusivity allows for a more comprehensive and diverse set of perspectives and ideas in diplomatic discussions. It is also useful for enhanced problem-solving, since it involves multiple stakeholders, which can lead to more creative and innovative solutions to complex global challenges. Different perspectives and expertise can contribute to finding effective ways to address issues like climate change, conflict resolution, and public health crises.

     This is where 4-D diplomacy comes in. 4-D diplomacy brings about improved implementation, because engaging with a diverse set of actors can facilitate the implementation of diplomatic agreements and initiatives. When various stakeholders are involved from the outset, they are more likely to have a stake in the success of the diplomatic effort and can contribute to its execution, experts said. The situation is not different in crisis management. In times of crises, such as natural disasters or pandemics, 4-D diplomacy allows for a rapid and coordinated response. Governments, international organisations, NGOs, and local communities can work together to provide humanitarian assistance and disaster relief more efficiently.

     For any nation desirous of increased transparency, 4-D diplomacy can promote transparency and accountability in diplomatic processes. When multiple actors are involved, there is a greater likelihood of information sharing and public scrutiny, reducing the potential for hidden agendas or corruption. That is not all. Any diplomacy that engages with a wide range of actors can help build a country’s soft power, which is the ability to attract and influence others through cultural, economic, and political means. By collaborating with diverse partners, a nation can enhance its global reputation and influence. The world is constantly evolving, and traditional diplomacy may not always be agile enough to address emerging challenges. 4-D diplomacy’s flexibility and adaptability make it well-suited to navigate the rapidly changing global landscape.

     Also, in preventative diplomacy, 4-D diplomacy makes it possible to engage various stakeholders in diplomatic efforts, which can help to prevent conflicts and crises before they escalate. Early warning systems and collaborative approaches can identify potential issues and work toward resolutions proactively. It promote global governance, since it is a model that supports the idea of global governance, where international challenges are addressed collectively through cooperation and coordination. This approach can contribute to a more stable and prosperous world.

     Several countries around the world have embraced the 4-D diplomacy or a multifaceted approach to their foreign policy, recognising that addressing complex global challenges require engagement across diplomatic, defense, development, and digital dimensions. The United States employs a comprehensive approach to its foreign policy, integrating diplomacy, defense, development, and digital strategies. It has a vast military presence worldwide, engages in development assistance through various agencies like USAID, conducts digital diplomacy through its State Department, and forms strategic alliances to address global security and economic issues. China’s foreign policy has also evolved to include comprehensive strategies that encompass diplomacy, military modernisation, economic development, and digital influence. It is known for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which combines economic development, infrastructure investment, and diplomacy across multiple regions.

     Also, the United Kingdom employs a multifaceted approach to foreign policy, engaging in diplomatic negotiations, contributing to international defense efforts, providing development aid, and participating in digital diplomacy initiatives. It leverages its status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Like its peers, France has a robust foreign policy that includes diplomatic efforts, military engagement in peacekeeping missions, development assistance through its development agency (AFD), and active participation in digital diplomacy initiatives. It plays a significant role in various international organisations. Russia employs a multifaceted approach to its foreign policy, including traditional diplomacy, military interventions, economic partnerships, and digital influence. It engages in digital diplomacy efforts to shape narratives and influence global opinion. India’s foreign policy encompasses diplomacy, defense cooperation, development assistance, and a growing role in the digital realm. It engages in military partnerships, provides development aid to neighboring countries, and leverages digital platforms for diplomatic outreach. Japan employs a comprehensive foreign policy approach that includes diplomacy, defense cooperation, development assistance, and a growing focus on digital diplomacy. It collaborates with international partners on various global challenges. Germany combines traditional diplomacy, participation in international defense efforts, development cooperation through agencies such as GIZ and digital diplomacy initiatives. Is Nigeria joining the big league?

  • ‘Insufficient reading culture on strategic, security and global economic, bane of politicians’

    Architect Chukwudi Eze graduated with triple-honours and a Phi-Beta-Kappa from Vassar College received the William Kinne Award during his master’s degree from Columbia University, New York and studied Creative Writing at the University of Toronto. He designed Obasanjo Presidential Library and was a design team member of the Enyimba City, Abia State. He is a member of Association of Nigerian Authors, the Canadian Authors Association and sits on the Advisory Board of Abuja Library Society. He has written five books; the most recent of which, The Return of Half-Something, was shortlisted for the 2018 ANA Literature Prize. Eze tells the captivating story of The Return of Half-Something in this interview with Deputy Bureau Chief, ONYEDI OJIABOR.

    Congratulations for the short-listing of your latest book The Return of Half-Something for the 2018 Association of Nigerian Authors Literary Prize. How do you feel about it?  

    For one, I was surprised. Two, I’m humbled to be shortlisted for the prize out of the many books considered. It is a kind of peer review – the highest prize given by literary authorities in the written craft. As you know ANA was started by Chinua Achebe and other great minds of Nigeria’s literary body in the 1980s. It has grown to become the vehicle that encourages excellence among writers. I feel fulfilled and satisfied.

    How do you describe your book, a fiction, a true life story or a biography?

    Actually this is my fifth book. My books tend to be what I call factions; they are fictionalised facts.  My books are an aggregation of different stories that happened to different individuals at different times and locations. They are brought together to create a brand new story using fictitious names.

    One of the book reviewers said you have broken new grounds for African literature. What exactly did you do to break new grounds?

    I think what he meant was that I had gone beyond the spatial constrictions that are prevalent in most modern African literatures, by reaching out into new frontiers of  multi-culturalism and cosmopolitanism without losing my African rootedness. He believes that I’ve produced an African literature, solidly grounded in terms of its cultural context, the proverbs used and all of that, without losing its New York and western connectivity. You have this duality between the West and Africa, between the Jewish and Nigerian culture and so many things that gave it international perspective.

    What is your take on the state of literature in Nigeria and by extension Africa?

    The writing culture in Africa and in Nigeria especially is quite robust and there are a lot of brilliant works out there. Ironically, our reading culture does not match up with the kind of excellent works that are coming out of Nigeria and the continent. We need to encourage our young ones to read more. I submit to you that a lot of the problems we have with our political class is insufficient reading culture on strategic, security and global economic issues. Our readership culture can be enhanced with the building of public libraries where the young ones can have access to books they may not be able to afford as well as encouraging literary clubs like the Abuja Literary Society that is doing fantastic work with our youths.

    Your book deals with complex themes: environment, racism, problems arising from inter-racial marriages and conflict between the modern and the old. How did you weave all these together?

    I try to deal with contemporary issues. Right now the world is increasingly becoming a global village with universities that are becoming a melting pot, where students from different parts of the world find their spouses. As a consequence, we have an upsurge of inter-racial and inter-sectarian marriages and this is creating opportunities and problems. I give you an example. A few years ago in Canada, a Pakistani immigrant father, killed his wife and their daughter because his daughter was dating a Christian. It’s called “honour killing.” So you have this growing problem that is global in its reach, demanding for our collective responsible response. Then you have the next level of conflict arising from the children of such inter-racial and inter-sectarian marriages. It brings us to the title of the book: Half-Something, because Emmanuel was a half-cast. The book highlights these things and describes the challenges they produce as well as how the love between Emmanuel and Rebecca destroyed the artificial barriers that confronted them. And as the world increasingly witnesses more bi-cultural, bi-racial and bi-sectarian marriages, we’ll be compelled to look at the issues that they pose. Hopefully, this novel succeeded through creative plot lines to weave a successful point of view.

    Are emerging issues of bi-racial marriages likely to change the world?

    Absolutely! The growing rate of inter-racial, inter-sectarian and inter-cultural marriages across the globe enabled by growing human mobility is producing a new set of mankind who the book called humanoid. Even in Nigeria, we have many inter-tribal marriages. These people own the future as Emmanuel said in the book: “people that are defined as half-something own tomorrow.” An example is Tiger Wood whose maternal side comes from Asia (Chinese and Korea) with a father’s side of blacks and native American Indians now married to a white lady. So, you tell me, what is his children’s race if not humanoids or earthlings? The challenges that these things pose as their population grows are interesting.

    Let us look at the title of your book, The Return of Half Something.  The book was initially titled: The Return of the Native Son, because Emmanuel’s father came from Umuati, somewhere in West Africa and went to study in America in the 70s where he gave birth to Emmanuel.

    The title The Return of Half-Something came as I went deeper into writing the book and realised that Emmanuel’s biracial, bi-cultural nature was central to the discourse in the book.

    You also delved into ecological issues and the devastations caused to the ecosystem due to oil exploration and exploitation. What about that?

    My book tried to address fundamental issues of concern regarding oil exploration and exploitation and their impact on the ecosystem. If you go to some places in Ogoni land and the Niger Delta, you will weep. There are parts that nothing can ever grow on the soil for the next 200 years because of the level of pollution.

    Emmanuel likened the scene to Hiroshima’s eerie landscape where almost everything is still as the graveyard. The beautiful tapestry of green foliage is here

    carpeted in dark canvass of crude oil. In that area, I was influenced by the excellent work being done by Bishop Matthew Kukah.

    May be it is a function of government’s failure to do what is right?

    Yes, yes, like Emmanuel said in the book, it is a consequence of the level of corruption that has eaten deep. Otherwise, there are very competent companies who are capable of exploration and exploitation of oil in a responsible way. So, we need to encourage those ones and we need to be responsive in our attitude to our ecosystem so that we can bequeath a descent environment to our children.

    Your protagonist, Emmanuel is a biracial child struggling between two cultures but was rejected by both. How was this conflict resolved?

    Emmanuel didn’t make himself a biracial child, the parents did. It is ironic that after suffering insults in New York, as a consequence of his bi-racial nature, some folks of  Umuati refused to accept him as a full breed also and almost killed him. He refused to be defined by an external entity. He kept saying to anybody who cared to listen: “I’m Emmanuel, the son of Uchechi, grandson of Tochi and great grandson of Ebuka the great son of Umuati.” So, he kept affirming and reaffirming his rightful ownership to his ancestral space without apology to anyone. And it was that determination that is consistent with the kind of zeal we have in the part of West Africa where he comes from, which saw him through all the challenges that he confronted.  Emmanuel was triumphant in the end.

    Yes, because he came back ultimately as a king. Again, I must say this book is an advocacy too. I would advise that parents whose children are abroad or diaspora parents who want their children to return, should read this book because there are a lot of things there that they’re going to need to help them cope with the challenges  that will arise. Emmanuel’s father did something that was excellent: he taught him the Umuati language from birth while in New York. That was what really helped him reconnected back with Africa. Because he could speak the language, his assimilation was easier. So, parents must make sure that they teach their children their local language.

    Why did you choose this thrust?

    This is because it is a fundamental problem. I have a friend from Anambra state who wanted to run for Senate. His mother is Irish and his father Igbo. You know, he couldn’t do something as fundamental as the breaking of the kola nut in Igbo language. That hurt him because he really wanted to be part of the political class. It is difficult to get elected in Igbo land without campaigning using the language with proverbs. My friend was frustrated that his father did not teach him their local language. Again, I didn’t just write for the sake of writing. I write for people to enjoy my work while learning new things.

    Did you encounter any challenge in the course of this work?

    Yes, the first challenge I encountered was that it took me six months to write the first four chapters and my friends in Toronto who are Nigerians advised me not to rush the book. So, I spent more time in research to give the book depth. At a point I realised that, although I had written four books without any kind of formal education, it was necessary for me to take a course in creative writing and learn the mechanics of the written craft. So, I registered in the University of Toronto where I studied creative writing. Of course, that took me to a new level of understanding because I now know the techniques that are necessary to do a better quality work.

    What do you think readers will benefit from your book?

    First, they’re going to find it an interesting read and secondly, they’ll learn a few important things. You won’t believe that there are some sentences that took me 30 minutes to craft. I write in prose and as an architect I bring my creative reflexes into my writing. While in architecture you build with bricks, in writing you build with words. But, in both cases, they must fit. There are architectonic issues of tonality, functionality, point of view, flow, context etc that I brought in to make my work a pleasure to behold, read and enjoy.

    Finally who has shaped or influenced your writings?

    Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart is clearly my earliest influence. Then, I had the persistent motivation by Odia Ofeimun to become more engaged with the written craft. Jenna Kalinsky, a professor of English in Toronto encouraged me with her wit and brilliance. I love Chimamanda Adichie’s doggedness and the path-finding niche she is creating on the global stage and representing our voices well. And then the big daddy of them all, is sharing a one-on-one personal conversation on writing with our mentor, Prof. Wole Soyinka. He is a colossus I’ve admired from my childhood.

  • Petralon appoints strategic advisor

    Petralon Energy Limited has appointed Mr. Constantine ‘Labi Ogunbiyi as Strategic Adviser to its board.

    Ogunbiyi founded First Hydrocarbon Nigeria Limited (FHN), where he served as chief executive officer between 2009 and 2014.  Before he started FHN, he served as deputy head of American law firm Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP’s Africa Practice.

    He worked with the International Finance and Banking Department of Magic Circle law firm, Herbert Smith Freehills for four years; served as an advisor to the Banking Association PPP Unit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and also offered strategic advisory services to The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) Business Group.

    He currently serves as Director to Newrest ASL plc and Interswitch Limited and is a Special Advisor to Babban Gona (an agricultural franchise, developed by Impact Investing Firm, Doreo Partners),and several upstream (Exploration &Production) companies, oil services firms, and investment firm in Africa.

    He holds legal certificate from King’s College, London, University of Passau, Germany, and the Oxford Institute of Legal Practice.

    As Strategic Advisor, he works closely with Mr Mutiu Sunmonu, Chairman of the Board and non-Executive Directors, Ms Edith Unuigbe and Mr Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede.

    Sunmonu has 36-year experience in the oil and gas sector, where he worked with  Shell Petroleum Development Company as Managing Director.

  • CNN embarks on strategic partnerships

    CNN International Commercial is expanding the CNN brand and generating additional revenue streams in English language learning and international money transfers through two new partnerships.

    Working with Germany-based learning solutions provider, Papagei.com, CNN is launching a dynamic English language learning service – CNNLearn English.

    Available on desktop and mobile, the subscription-based digital service, will facilitate English language learning by overlaying CNN video content with Papagei.com’s unique translation and learning aids.

    Content is focused on finance and business, spanning a range of subject matters and a variety of dialects.

  • ‘ICT strategic to Buhari’s change agenda

    The Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Communications and Technology, Dr. Tunji Olaopa, yesterday said that President Muhammadu Buhari considers Information and Communications Technology as an important tool to the success of his administration.

    Dr. Olaopa, who spoke at the opening ceremony of an in – house- training workshop organised for officials of the ministry in Abuja, said that Buhari was dissatisfied with the direction Nigeria took in the past.

    He, therefore, assured the trainees that the president will introduce changes that will be deliberate, spirited and reconstructive to reposition existing policies.

    Dr. Olaopa said: “It is within this broad policy indication of Mr. President that we are gathered today, to begin to set in motion a thinking process on how we should manage the change as it unfolds. This is coming against the background of the outcome of our 2014 end of year retreat and on-going effort to rethink our sector’s reform policies and programmes within the framework of the change agenda of the new administration as it unfolds.

    “This will ride on the on-going industry wide baseline study that we commissioned last year that will provide statistical basis for taking forward ICT sector development and contributions to the nation’s GDP in the next four years.

    “Mr. President has pronounced ICT as strategic to his change agenda. This change, from the statements of the President so far and measures already taken, arises from an acute dissatisfaction with the direction that the nation has taken in the last few years. Change therefore would mean a specific, deliberate and spirited reconstructive framework for recalibrating existing policies and institutional configurations as well as the values that underpins them.”

  • Nigeria is strategic to our business

    Nigeria is strategic to our business

    Executive Director, Mobile Business Group, Lenovo Technologies for Middle East and Africa, Mr. Shashank Sharma, says Nigeria is central to its business operations in Africa. He says management of electronic waste in the company’s host communities remains an important part of its corporate social responsibility strategy. He speaks about the industry and other issues with LUCAS AJANAKU.

    Electronic waste is a global challenge. What is Lenovo doing about this?

    You are right. We have a lot of initiative on environmental responsibility as well as social corporate responsibility. I don’t want to speak much about that now because details are sketchy.  Let me assure you that we are addressing the issue region by region.

    How is grey import affecting your business in the country?

    Grey market is something which happens when people outside your official channels try to import your products and the challenge with that is that the goods might not be properly taken to the consumers as they be buying them without the right warranty and service facilities. Again, the credibility of those devices is very difficult to ascertain. So we work closely with our local partners to make sure that we don’t allow such things to happen and partner community under retailers to try and ensure that they don’t sell products that are not coming from the official channel.

    What is the level of acceptability of your products?

    The acceptability of our smartphones has improved tremendously to the extent that we are thinking of raising the game. We have only four people on ground and we want to double that number in the next couple of months. That shows the confidence we have in the kind of response we got. Am very confident about Nigeria consumers appreciating the value this organization is giving to them the innovation, the scale and the quality promise we have

    Are your products region-specific or universal?

    We are a global company; it is a global scale and products of innovation. So our products are of global in nature so we try to design products for different people across the globe but then you also keep in mind the local customer in some countries. So there are countries such as Nigeria, India which their requirements are slightly different from other countries such as the United States (U.S) or Europe. You need to have a global scale but you also need to keep in specific local requirements so that the customers are fulfilled.

    What are your expectations in the short, medium and long term?

    See for any organisation especially as large as Lenovo, one has to look at responsibilities and survey carefully and be committed towards to their responsibility towards shareholders, your employers, your partners and your customers and your responsibility towards the ecosystem you operate. This is socio-economic environmental. Though I may not be able to answer you right now on Nigeria specifically but I will be very happy to give you the details on CSR activities which we do all over the world right now as Lenovo the kind of projects we have taken which are helping the local communities we work in

    What is your global market share?

    Our global market share in PCs is about 20 per cent; in Tablets, it is about 40.9 per cent and in phones we are number three I don’t remember our share right now .

    What percentage of the market are you looking at for smartphones?

     For the first two to four quarters, we want to be between 10 and 15 per cent market shares for smartphones.

    Lenovo is globally rated as the number one PC maker. What is your strategy to replicate this success with smartphones, especially in emerging markets?

    Yes Lenovo is the number one PC manufacturer in the world. We currently have 20 per cent market share and we are leading in that space, a position that we are very proud of. We are also one of the leading players in the smartphone segment, especially with our acquisition of Motorola. To lead in the smartphone segment it requires innovation and efficiency, and Lenovo has a great balance of these qualities. We possess the global scale that is required to compete and win in the smartphone segment. That, combined with the global supply chain, allows me to say that Lenovo is going to be a strong contender for the top spot in the world’s smartphone market. It is important to understand the market that one operates in. At Lenovo, we are coming up with products that have designs that are appealing to Nigerian consumers,as well as smartphones which have features that are required and used by Nigerians. We are making products with functionalities that are much in demand by Nigerian consumers, including flash and long battery life.

    Lenovo introduced three sets of smartphones into the market. What should customers expect from these devices in terms of quality?

    Recently, we launched three sets of quality phones from Lenovo, which include Lenovo S90, S70 and S 60.

    The Lenovo S90 is a product that we are very proud of. It is a very slim and stylish device. The S90 is a great phone for people who love taking selfies. It has an eight-megapixel front camera that is perfect for taking selfies, and I think this is an expression that will resonate with many people. The S90 also comes with Lenovo’s standard suite of applications including SHAREit, which allows users to share files and videos with others without an internet connection. The SECUREit also allows users to keep their data safe.

    The Lenovo P70 is a very lovely device for people who need to use their phone for extended periods of time. The battery of the device can last for up to three days. This is great for people who have a routine that does not allow them to charge their smartphone often. Also, in spite of the P70 smartphone having a 4,000mAh battery, it is not a heavy phone at all. It is slim and very light – much slimmer than smartphones with the same battery size. We are positive that our Nigerian consumers will really like this phone because a lot of people have this kind of requirement. Another unique feature of the P70 is that it can be used to charge other mobile phones. The S60 is a much slimmer device with an eye-catching form. It is easy to hold, light-weight and packed with features that showcase users’ fun and social sides.

    Wearable tech is the vogue. Any plans in this direction?

    Lenovo has been monitoring developments in the wearable technology segment very closely. We will be launching wearable bands this year. The devices will be able to track health and fitness parameters, among others. But the wearable technology segment is still evolving. There are innovations that we will see in the segment in the coming years but I believe that it is still in its nascent stage. We are yet to see the true dimensions of wearable technology.

    How do you intend to compete with established original equipment manufacturers?

    In every smartphone market, you will find other organisations that are already present and own percentages of market share. This has been our experience since we started expanding outside China in the last two years. We have gone into other markets with other brands already on ground so it is something that we are ready for and we believe that we are well equipped to compete and get mindshare and market share by providing Nigerians with products with the right kind of design, features and functionalities.

    In terms of sales, how has Lenovo performed in Nigeria since it began operations in the country last year?

    Without going into numbers, I would say that our targets and objectives for Nigeria in the last one year have been met and from this quarter onwards, we are already seeing exponential growth in demand for our products.

     What has the experience been like for Lenovo across African markets, especially here in Nigeria?

    The experience has been very good. We are happy with the response that our products have received till date in Nigeria, and based on the success we have had, we have actually invested more in this market. We now have more people on ground. We have strengthened our service network even more by investing in resources. The response we have received has been very good and we believe that Nigeria is right now in a good position to embrace the Lenovo brand even more, especially with the new products that we are coming out with.

    How will the recent acquisition of Motorola by Lenovo affect your smartphone business?

    Lenovo has always been a strong player in the global smartphone market, even before the acquisition of Motorola. With the acquisition, it has become even stronger. Motorola gives us a strong brand name, it gives us presence in major markets, it gives us a strong Information Technology (IT) portfolio and access to a huge pool of innovation engineers and researchers. For us, it is a great acquisition in every sense. With the help of Motorola, we are able to expand and have presence in markets where Lenovo products are not being sold today. In addition, our range of products for the customer, including wearables, have grown even bigger as a result of the acquisition

    How will you ensure that every mobile user group enjoy a great smartphone experience from Lenovo?

    There is a breadth of customers that are looking for suitable products in the smartphone segment. You will see that the products that we are coming out with in our ‘A’ series of smartphones, cater to individuals looking for devices that are affordable. We also have our ‘S’ series and premium vibe series smartphones that come with more features and more functionalities. We have a wide range of products at different price points that cater to the majority of users. Each product comes with its own unique functionality and the ability to deliver value while exceeding customer expectation.

    How affordable are your brand of smartphones?

    We consider affordability while design new products for manufacturing, even though we do not compromise quality with pricing. Our products have high qualities and at the same time affordable.

    In terms of smartphone market share, where do you see Lenovo Nigeria in the next one year?

    I believe that we will have captured between 10 and 15 per cent market share in the next one year. We have the right team, the right partners and the right kind of products to achieve this.

    What important factors that a buyer should consider when investing in smartphone?

    The smartphone buyer will always consider a reliable brand with a global scale that can protect the customers’ interest. This comes as a first point for me, and the second factor is the consideration of the kind of service that the brand is able to provide the consumer with and the third would be the features of the device, including display and battery life.

    Lenovo, as a major player in smartphone manufacturing and sales, always put these factors into consideration, when designing smartphones.

    What key trends do you see defining the mobile segment in 2016?

    The future is always difficult to predict, but I think that display technology will see some changes. We are already seeing a lot of innovation in this area and I expect that we will have more in the coming year. Also, we will see finger print security getting more acceptability. I think that we will see interesting things happening in these areas next year.

    Despite the ubiquity of smartphones, most consumers do not make optimal use of their mobile devices. Reports indicate that feature’s utilisation is at 30 per cent for the average consumer. What do you think can be done to help users integrate their smartphones more into their daily lives?

    Since the advent of smartphones, we have had increasing access to services that we did not have previously, from social media engagement to communication. People are using Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn and other social websites to interact and communicate with one another. But there are a lot of areas where devices remain unexplored. I think it is just a matter of time before most people get exposed to what they can do with their phone and start utilising it in more facets of their lives than they do today.

    Do you still see the survival of feature phones across the world as smartphones take over?

    All over the world, we are seeing the migration from feature phones to smartphones where customers feel they can get more value in terms of what they want from their mobile device. That trend began in Nigeria in the last couple of years and is now accelerated. There would be a small number of feature phones around in the next two to three years in Africa, but majority of feature phone users are going to migrate to smartphones within this period

  • AFDB reviews Strategic Crops in Africa project

    The Support to Agricultural Research for Development of Strategic Crops in Africa (SARD-SC) project, funded by the African Development Bank (AFDB) is  holding its Mid-Term Review this month.

    In a statement the project said  the Mid-Term Review (MTR) conducted by AFDB officials is to assess the progress made mid-way in the implementation of the project.

    Focus is on the achievements of the four  mandate crops ( rice, wheat, cassava and maize) and the impact of the value chains on enhancing  food and nutrition security  in 20 of the bank’s regional member-countries in Africa. Two teams from AFDB are undertaking the review.

    One of the teams led by Principal Agricultural Economist at AFDB, Dr. Jonas Chianu, will commence the mission  in ICARDA (International Center  for Agricultural Research in the Dry Areas), Tunis office, Tunisia.

    ICARDA is the implementing centre for the wheat value chain of the project. The second Bank team led by Chief Agricultural Economist and Task Manager for the project, Dr. Ibrahim Amadou,  is scheduled to visit Benin and Nigeria. They will first travel  to Benin Republic to  review progress on AfricaRice  activities on the rice value chain. The Project Implementing Unit of AfricaRice, the implementing center for the rice value chain, will make presentations and hold discussions on status of project implementation, critical issues and challenges.

    From May 13 to 14, a Stakeholders Consultation Workshop will be held in International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan; expected at the  event are partners, scientists, researchers, and other stakeholders. The workshop will enable the various stakeholders of the project to listen to the review findings and recommendations and contribute through group discussions to shaping the draft review report presented at the workshop.

    The draft MTR report and Aide Memoire for the mission will be finalised by the Bank team and the Project consultant.

    The SARD-SC project is a multinational, CGIAR-led  project  launched in December 2012, at  the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture, Ibadan, Oyo State, with an overall objective to enhance food and nutrition security and  contribute to poverty reduction in  the African Development Bank’s low income Regional Member Countries (RMCs).

    The target RMCs are: Benin Republic, Cote d’Ivoire, DR Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

    The project is a research, science  and technology development project  targeted at improving the productivity of and income from cassava, maize, rice and wheat.

    These are four of the six commodities that African Heads of States have, through the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP), defined as strategic crops for Africa.

    Consequently, the project would enhance  the productivity  and  income of the  four CAADP’s priority  value chains.

  • ‘SMEs should spend time on strategic issues’

    ‘SMEs should spend time on strategic issues’

    The Vice President of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry and founder of Toki Mabogunje and Co. (TMC), Mrs Toki Mabogunje, is a business-development consultant who is interested in the management and growth of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) on the African continent. Over the last 26 years, Mabogunje has been involved in commercial and business enterprise from both a public and private sector perspective. In this interview with Evelyn Osagie, she speaks on the problems bedevilling the sector. Excerpts: 

    You are an entrepreneur and business consultant with over 26 years of experience in consulting, helping small and medium businesses to thrive. Tell us how it all began.

    What happened was that I started my career in law, working for the government; and then left it to go and start a broadcast entity, Minaj Media Group. But I was working as a Company Secretary (Legal Adviser). After some time in Minaj, I decided I wanted to understand the business of broadcasting. So, I went to Stanford University and did some Executive Management programmes. I was then appointed to head Minaj’s operations in the United States. I now had the opportunity to start from the scratch a broadcast entity in the U.S.A. And that, for me, was a very motivating and captivating job. When I saw how much support one gets from the US when you want to start a business, I decided to come back to Nigeria and help Nigerian businessmen and women achieve the same level of success. So I left Minaj to start my consulting firm.

    How many of these SMEs have you worked with so far?

    Although I can’t count, TMC is 15 years now in the business. Honestly, I haven’t really counted, but it could be close to 2,000 enterprises. I am sure of this because we used to produce some newsletters that we were circulating to 1,000 enterprises which were our readership at a time. And that was years ago when we were still printing newsletters, but had to go online because of cost. And in those 15 years, we’ve also worked on major SMEs projects for international and local brands, such as World Bank and so on.

    The high turnover of SMEs or slow growth has been linked to the non-availability of loan and government support. What do you think are some of the gaps and weaknesses that hamper the growth of SMEs?

    One of their weaknesses is their lack of putting value to the services of the professionals who can help take their businesses to the next level. They have gap in managerial capacity. That is part of the reason they can’t access loans. They often assume because they’ve gone to school, they can be everything – from security man, accountant to human resources manager and legal adviser. Another is their lack of value in themselves, that is to say, they don’t invest in themselves. So, it is the knowledge they came out with from school that they still have 20 years later – no upgrading, no up-scaling, nothing! The third is their attitude to the business. I think because we are faced with so many challenges, such as power outage, many SMEs do not spend enough time on strategic issues. By strategic issues, I mean training and empowerment of their staff to run the business while they are looking for the money, and deciding which market to go into, or what new packaging to put on their product. They need to understand that they are supposed to be thinking strategy and empowering their staff that are foot soldiers to run the business.

    Do you think the government is doing enough for SMEs?

    The government is not doing enough, but I think they’ve done some things. There are certain funds available, and even though Nigeria is a big country with 170million people, much more needs to be done. The president started a YOUWIN! programme to encourage young people, which is nice. And although they did 1200 for three years, i.e. about 3600, it is like a tiny drop in a very large ocean. And I think they feel bad when people speak against them as if they are doing nothing. We all recognise they are doing something, but what we are saying is that it is not enough. They have to do a lot more.

    Like what?

    One: whether we like it or not, we have to get the issue of power right. Small businesses cannot carry the burden upon their shoulders. Government is not doing enough: the basic infrastructure is not there. Today, every small business is a local government: they do their own light; they do their own water and so on. It is not done like that in any society that wants to grow. Sometime in 2003, I went for an SME Policy programme by ILO with only two of us from Africa out 25 of us. During the project presentation at the end of the three-week programme, involving projects we intended to implement in our country when we returned, while presenting mine, I started with I will buy generator and the whole crowd started laughing, amazed. And they said: “But that’s not possible, it is your government responsibility to provide water.” And I said “Yes, in every other country, but Nigeria.” I said a businessman who has not taken care of power, water, road and a few other things on the side is not yet serious about doing business. And this is why Nigerian products are not being competitive enough because we are competing with people who are producing in a country where the basic infrastructures are in place. Two, credit needs to be released because all around the world, businesses thrive on credit. Our financial market is shallow; we don’t have long-term funds to encourage production, that is why almost every Nigerian is a trader. People are trading more than they’re producing. I dislike how warehouses and shops, and not factories, are growing in Lagos because it shows that we are consumers, and not producers. More of our products should be sold outside the country. I want to walk the streets of China and see made-in-Nigeria goods, the way I see made-in-China here in our streets. And the banks cannot borrow for too long because we don’t have long-term funds.

    Some experts are calling for a review of some policies on finance and industry, especially to include SMEs in unclassified sectors

    It is a global practice. Around the world, governments are amending and passing new legislations that would include SMEs. And that is because there is the growing realisation that SMEs are the foundation of any economy.  And we need such review in Nigeria. It would create business opportunities for SMEs, and by extension it would develop the economy. And government interventions should border on policy shift. There is need for some actual implementation of frameworks that are being released. I am amazed that with all the difficulties we have here, Nigerians are still managing to survive and make money. It should be commended! So, they have my empathy… my clients have my empathy all the time. So, in doing my job, I spend a lot of time counselling, directing and motivating them not to give up. SMEs need motivation because it can be very demoralising.

    Apart from encouraging young SMEs, what else does your consulting firm do?

    We work on four platforms: one is what we call training and capacity building. We do training and capacity building for all level of companies; large, small, medium and associations. I started getting involved with associations, like Lagos Chambers of Commerce, so that I can meet people in associations and to talk about capacity building of larger groups. We also do business and legal advisory services. I deal with their legal documents. If they have to sign a contract, I look at it. Some Nigerians tend to feel disadvantaged when they are dealing with a foreigner; and don’t often check their contract properly to find out later they’ve signed a contract they shouldn’t have. We are finalising an online shopping platform. We are also into publishing, such as workbooks on past training programmes. Next, we are into special projects, such as for nine years while Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) was in Lagos, we were the ones that did the due diligence of their employees. In the World Bank project on SMEs that I spoke about, we worked with close to 1,500 SMEs over the span of three years. And as member of associations, we’ve decided that we want to affect policy; so, since 2009, we’ve been running an all-round table on things that affect SMEs, involving 50 strong stakeholders – Central Bank, Bank of Industry, World Bank, the PMOs, Parcima, Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Ministry of Trade and Investment and so on. We would call the stakeholders made up of with arrowheads and directors into a room and pick a particular topic with the mind that you have spoken with 49 top people in the sector who have the power to affect the sector and are able to implement programmes discussed. We’ve had about four till date.

    As Vice President, how has the organisation been able to affect the lives of small and medium businesses?

    The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry is not a good example, because they’ve been around for very a long time and are not doing badly. They have got a little bit of deep pocket because they run the Lagos International Trade Fair. And they have properties in Lagos, and due to other events earn some income which they spend towards delivering service to members. But there are many associations in Nigeria that are not in that position. So they are really struggling to positively affect the sector. I am even involved in programmes by International Development Partners as consultant to build the capacity of associations to deliver service to their members. We are trying to encourage associations to have more of interventions that would impact on the business growth of members. However, the Lagos Chamber is trying to increase their membership, i.e. encourage more businesses to join; and have a platform for them to engage with other businesses from other places. It is constantly battling with Lagos State, and sometimes, the federal government on their policies. For instance, after setting up the advertising board, businesses that had their names plastered on their vans were asked huge amount, calling it adverts. We had to fight it off, insisting that there should be a difference between labelling one’s van and the actual advertisement. It was a long battle and now we’ve won.

    What type of leader does the business sector need now?

    It needs a leader who is focused on business and interested in the growth of the economy; one that is ready to pay serious attention to the issue of security – security of life, property and investment. Also, we need a leader that is serious about creating an enabling business environment which touches on infrastructure, such as power, good roads, access to water, houses and now our human capital. The ordinary man on the street is entitled to the best of education.

  • Perspectives & strategic responses to an emerging dictatorship in Nigeria

    Perspectives & strategic responses to an emerging dictatorship in Nigeria

    1.0     Background

    The Jonathan presidency emerged on the platform of a much touted ‘Transformation Agenda’ which was animated by his personal life story from poverty to power, from a modest background into the exalted office of President of Nigeria. He garnered massive support from Nigerians on the premise of this populist assertion. Recent undercurrents within the Nigerian populace however indicate that the country is drifting towards a precipice of chaos as the political and economic situation in the country are facing dramatic and somewhat catastrophic disruptions.

    Three years into his presidency, Goodluck Jonathan has shown numerous signs of an executive dictatorship that has threatened some provisions of the Constitution and weakened our democratic institutions. If left unchecked, his administration could erode the powers of other branches of government as he pushes through his political agenda on every front. Indeed there is a preponderance of evidence to back up the premise of a dictatorship being gradually established in Nigeria by the Jonathan administration which if left unchecked will erode the modest gains established by our nascent democratic journey.

    With a frightening display of executive highhandedness and excessive use of state power now in plain view and increasing daily, one is tempted to ask: Are Nigerians too busy focusing on their own individual survival during hard times than recognizing that the nation, in the hands of a veiled dictator is heading down the slope rapidly?

    2.0 Early signs of dictatorship

    The President sees principled differences by the opposition and even within his party as an affront to his person or office or both. He is increasingly becoming intolerant of alternative views, arguments or debates on important national discourse. In November, 2011 during a parley with members of the National Assembly, the President likened dissenting views of Governors at a meeting with him as similar to ‘activist and anti-establishment posturing of NGOs and civil society and human rights groups.’ This could be interpreted as a perception by the President that principled disagreement is not just an evidence of differences in opinion, but an affront on established order and official government position.

    In his attempt then to woo the members of the National Assembly into the oil subsidy agenda, the President failed to provide an evidence based and empirical logic to underscore his alarm that “the economy might collapse in three months if fuel subsidy is not removed.” At the meeting, the obvious negative response to his weak articulation and unconvincing presentation of his proposition seemed to drive him into frustration with an attendant tendency to take drastic decisions that were undemocratic and unpopular. It was clearly evident then that the president was gradually slipping into the deployment of power instead of persuasion to achieve his policy goals. It was clear for all to see that the otherwise cool and innocent mien of the President was beginning to give way to a ferocious insistence on his views in national discourse.

    3.0 A glance into history

    Most dictators are surrounded by an inner core of ruthless people who they believe are loyal and operate in absolute dedication. Hitler had his black shirted SS (Defence Detachment), Benito Mussolini had his Black Shirts. Saddam Hussein had the Republican Guard. Kim Jong-Il of North Korea who allegedly had nearly a quarter million people arrested during his rule and who is directly responsible for the starvation and deaths of millions of his countrymen was supported by such people too. Vladimir Lenin instituted the “Red Terror” or the systematic elimination of millions of people, including members of his own political party. Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia had no qualms about killing anyone he considered to be in opposition to his draconian rule.

    In Nigeria, our case may not have been that bad so far but you recall that we also had the IBB boys, and the OBJ ‘Kitchen Cabinet.’ Now, we have the Resource Control thinkers and the adopters of the Jonathan fashion sense of ‘Hat & Tunic’. In extreme cases, dictators have a subterranean band of enforcers that often employ force and violence to entrench unpopular views and silence opposition. When a leader surrounds himself with such a group of violent people who deploy extreme language in national discourse and are intolerant of divergent views, all coming from the same ethnic stock and wear the same costumes, there is the very real danger of tyranny and suppression of any form of opposition. Of course this type of leader explains this away by alluding to minority rights and resource control and the need to protect national interest!  The telltale signs of dictatorship and fascism abound in the nation today.

    4.0 Empirical evidence of

    emerging dictatorship

    The country is gradually slipping into dictatorship and in the typical Nigerian despondency, most people seem to say it cannot happen here, but the reality is that the culture of executive impunity is becoming too obvious to be ignored. We have witnessed increasing religionalisation of presidential politics, we have also experienced growing militarisation of state elections and executive expenditure outside appropriation at national parliament is a regular experience.

    The language of political discourse has become corrosive and laden with arrogance of power and contemptuous disdain for dissenting views. All views contrary to the governments in power at all levels are regarded as rebellious regardless of the merits and the facts of the issues raised.

    Federal and state government relations have become that of “might is right” and master-servant relations. The sound bite, body language and content of political leadership have become arrogant, divisive, ethnic, rabidly partisan and increasingly tyrannical.

    All things considered, it can be arguably said that Nigeria is gradually degenerating into a fascist dictatorship where the right of free expression, free movement is flagrantly abused by state institutions and actors that are constitutionally assigned to protect these rights. Over the years and recent times, the brazen acts of executive lawlessness, interference and dictatorship are on the increase. A few which seems to call for great concern will suffice at this juncture:

    4.1 Sacking of dissenting

    public officers

    The hasty removal of Lieutenant General (Rtd) Abdulrahman Dambazau, former Chief of Army Staff and other service chiefs on assumption of office despite public criticism showed the dictatorial side of the President. Also the suspension and ultimate retirement of Justice Ayo Salami of the Federal Court of Appeal against the strong advice of the advice of the former Chief Justice of the Federation who called for his reinstatement showed a leader with absolute disregard for laid down procedure and due process. And of course the standoff between erstwhile governor of the CBN Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (now Emir of Kano) and the President which led to his highhanded removal in controversial circumstances.

    4.2 Arbitrary arrests and

    human rights infractions

    Malam Nasir El-Rufai was arrested and detained by the State Security Service, SSS on January 27th 2014 for criticizing the government. It is worthy of note that in the past, ethnic loyalists of the President have made highly inciting public utterances but it took massive public outcry before one of such was invited for questioning and unheeded warning by pliant security operatives. Also at a conference in Kaduna on the 23rd of June, 2014, the Speaker of the House of Representatives was harassed by soldiers though public apologies were offered later by the National Security Adviser, NSA.

    4.3 Media Censorship

    Between June 8th and 11th there was widespread unwarranted seizure of newspapers and harassment of distributors of prominent media outfits especially those critical of some government policies in the past. The government only soft-pedaled after the Newspapers Proprietors Association of Nigeria, NPAN and the Nigerian public expressed outrage at the development. The newspaper houses are still counting the losses incurred in this 4-day siege on their legitimate operations.

    4.4 Draconian stance on live

    broadcast

    On May 30th 2014, the National Broadcasting Commission, NBC wrote letters to broadcast media organizations in the country on new modalities for operation. Part of new regulations according to the NBC was that broadcast stations must notify the commission in writing, at least 48 hours before transmitting a political programme live. This is no doubt an attempt to gag the media further and emasculate free speech. It is also an attempt to silence dissention and opposing political and ideological views. At present, most media outfits submit their lists of programmes quarterly to the regulatory body without any prompting. The new directive no doubt points to the antics of a government that may have graduated into full blown dictatorship.

    4.5 Politically motivated deployment of troops

    On November 27th, 2011, President Jonathan deployed troops to his state, Bayelsa without consulting the National Assembly. This led to the undue militarization of the state. The President was severely criticized for the deployment of federal troops to secure Bayelsa after tension allegedly erupted when the PDP banned former governor Timipre Sylva from seeking re-election under the party’s platform. A day earlier, governor Sylva had allegedly been harassed by security operatives. Hundreds of policemen and soldiers deployed to the state barred him from coming out of Creek Haven, the seat of the Bayelsa State government. Consequently, Sylva could not participate in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ward congresses ahead of the governorship primaries from which he had been barred by PDP’s National Working Committee (NWC). During the entire period of the siege, the economic life of the people was affected as fierce looking soldiers patrolled the streets.

    In January 2012, during the protests that greeted the fuel subsidy removal, the soldiers that President Goodluck Jonathan deployed to quell the protests in Lagos remained on the streets of the state despite pleas by eminent Nigerians including Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka asking the President to rescind the deployment. In the last Ekiti polls, over 37,000 security personnel comprising soldiers, policemen, civil defence operatives and SSS were deployed by the Federal Government to intimidate members of the opposition and voters.  Over the years, there have been other instances of needless deployment of troops at the pleasure of the President.

    4.6 The Adamawa siege

    On July 5th, 2014, armed operatives of the state including the police and soldiers reportedly invaded the residence of the Acting Chief Judge of the state, Ambrose Mammadi located at Masakare in Jimeta and at gun point coerced him into ratifying the formation of the 7-man investigation panel set up by the state assembly which was in the process of impeaching the governor, a known critic of the president. The Presidency did not deny the media reportage of the siege on the Judge’s residence.  Few days after, the dailies were also awash with reports that the president had urged the governor to apologize for his ‘misdemeanor’ so that the impeachment process could be aborted. The governor reportedly refused this overture. The police and soldiers also gave full security coverage to the panel all through their meetings at the behest of the Federal Government. It is no longer news that the state governor has been impeached which clearly shows that we have a President who would not relent until his wishes become reality.

    4.7 Impeachment train moves to Nassarawa

    Twenty out of the 24 legislators in Nassarawa State House of Assembly (dominated by the PDP) also recently initiated impeachment moves against the state governor, Umar Tanko Al-Makura, an APC governor. The lawmakers are leveling a 16 count charge against the incumbent with extra focus on ‘misappropriation of N13bn, extra budgetary expenditure and gross misconduct and abuse of public office.’ The speaker, Hon Musa Ahmed had to call the members hurriedly from their recess to attend a plenary session where the impeachment process was initiated on Monday 14th July 2014. Perhaps to lend credence to the widely held beliefs that the current impeachment process is only part of a script being acted by the PDP-led government to cause political quagmire in selected opposition states, newspaper reports have it that the helicopter of Mr President which conveyed him to the state landed barely a few minutes after the 13 minute legislative session. The President was in the state to commission a project that could have been handled by one of his subordinates or aides. The state attorney general, Lagi Innocent in a media interaction also criticized the impeachment process adding that the legislators ‘have a predetermined motive less than noble.’

    4.8 The comedy of errors

    in Rivers State

    On May 12th 2013, 5 anti-Amaechi lawmakers with alleged presidential support went into hiding to impeach the governor. Strangely, on April 29th the other 27 lawmakers loyal to the state governor including Speaker Otelemaba Dan Amachree were ‘suspended’ by the Felix Obuah- led PDP state executive. A year after, anti-Amaechi forces with invincible support are still waxing strong. On June 19th, 2014, another plot to impeach Amaechi hatched by 6 PDP legislators who met at Krisdera Hotel, Port Harcourt was also unearthed.

    4.9 The drama of parallel

    assemblies in Edo State

    Nine rebellious PDP members of the Edo state assembly backed by the police broke into the hallowed chamber (which is undergoing repairs) on July 7th 2014 and recruited two sacked staff of the Edo House of Assembly Service Commission as Sergeant-at-arms and Clerk-at-table respectively. Both had been sacked by the commission in December, 2010 and February 2011 respectively for certificate forgery. The media statement by Chairman, EDHASC, had stated that the rebel lawmakers were led by the minority leader and minority whip. The House had been in disarray since June 9th due to the suspension of 4 PDP lawmakers for alleged misconduct as provided for under Orders 38 of the Rules and Procedure of the House. The rebel legislators backed by security operatives in the payroll of the federal government have continued to make moves to scuttle parliamentary activities in the state. It still remains to be seen what the covert script of the FG will be in its unrelenting efforts at destabilizing the state and preparing it for the forceful takeover by the ruling party via an impeachment of the governor.

    4.10 Federal legislators not

    immune too

    On January 12th, 2014, Senator Magnus Abe, (APC, Rivers) was shot by the police when he attended a rally of the Save Rivers Movement, a political group in support of the state governor, Rt Hon Chibuke Amaechi, a critic of the Federal Government. A day earlier, Senator Ali Ndume’s convoy was attacked on a Saturday night by a fighter jet of Nigeria’s military.

    Ndume, an opposition lawmaker had been on his way to the scene of an attack by suspected Boko Haram militants when his convoy was allegedly bombed by the government jet.

    4.11 Grounding of aircraft and movement restriction of opposition state governors

    The jet of governor Amaechi was grounded by National Airspace Management Agency (NAMA) in Kano on June 8th 2014 at Kano International Airport due to ‘orders from above.’ His ‘sins’ appear to have been his private visit to congratulate the former CBN governor, Sanusi Lamido (another critic of the president) for his appointment as Emir of Kano. The Bombardier plane was not given takeoff clearance by the airport authorities. The governor had to travel by road out of Kano late at night.

    On April 26th 2013 his plane was equally impounded for 2 hours while he was on his way from the burial of late Ekiti Deputy Governor, Mrs Funmi Olayinka.

    During the recently organised Ekiti polls, two opposition governors were restricted from entering the state to attend a rally organized by the APC. On June 19th, Governor Amaechi was stopped by a detachment of soldiers led by an army Captain at Odudu, on the outskirts of Akure. His plane was equally stopped from flying out of Akure airport which was closed to traffic from 12pm, Thursday. Other flights were impeded that night.

    In the case of the Edo state governor, Adams Oshiomhole, on the same day, his chartered flight was grounded at Benin airport. The Governor was informed by the commander of the 81 Air Maritime Group, Benin City, Air Commodore Soji Awomodu that he received orders from above that no aircraft be allowed to fly out of Benin. The helicopter with registration 5N BQ8 later flew out of the city without its intended passengers.

    4.12 The takeover of Emir               of Kano’s residence by

    security operatives

    Between June 11th and 12th, 2014, the calm city of Kano erupted in chaos as a result of the assumption of throne of the new emir, Sanusi Lamido, a staunch critic of the federal government. Allegations that the Federal Government fuelled the crisis have not been laid to rest. The state Governor, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso stunned the nation when he said he had ‘credible information’ that the President had instructed his supporters to cause mayhem in the ancient city. Security operatives were deployed to seal off the palace of the Emir while he was forced to operate from the state government house while police details attached for his safety were unceremoniously withdrawn. There is no report that the president has publicly congratulated the new traditional leader nor denied the alleged covert intrusion of the Federal Government in the matter.

    4.13 The ‘politicisation’ of Maiduguri airport

    On the 11th of July, 2014, the Maiduguri airport which had been closed since June 27th due to security considerations by the Military was opened for the former governor of the state, Ali Modu Sheriff ostensibly as a result of ‘orders from above.’ At about the same time, due to the closure of the airport, the incumbent state governor, Alhaji Kashim Shettima, (an APC leader) with his entourage had to travel to Kano by road. It would be interesting to note that these events occurred just as the former governor, Sheriff declared his intention to join the PDP. The airport which had been off-limits for civilians for weeks was besieged by supporters of the ruling party while soldiers provided cover. The ex-governor who arrived in a private jet registered 5NBMH at about 1.32pm was welcomed by a military troop led by a garrison commander. The airport which was closed on June 27th could not be utilised by 276 pilgrims who had to travel to Kano by road to make alternative arrangement for their spiritual trip. On the same day, a chartered flight that brought the wife of the state governor, Hajiya Nana Shettima was forced to take off to Abuja empty even though Senator Ali Ndume, another government critic, was waiting to board it.

    5.0 Consequences of use of Federal might to oppress dissent

    The avalanche of cataclysmic events that characterize revolutions and mass uprisings are usually triggered by seemingly innocuous events like the 26-year old Mohammed Bouazizi, a street vendor setting himself on fire in the Tunisian city of Bouzid on December 17, 2010 over his frustration due to the worsening economic conditions under the failed leadership and dictatorship of former President Azedine Ben-Ali. What started as an isolated case of individual frustration became a regional revolution that spread like a wild fire to Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Jordan, Oman, Bahrain, Syria and swept away the regime of former President Hussein Mubarak as well as led to the fatal end of otherwise invincible Ghadaffi of Libya.

    The pervasive abundance of such events that could spark off a revolution of gargantuan proportion abounds in Nigeria on every street corner of our city slums and urban neighborhoods. Daily we stare at police brutality, extra judicial killings, the menace of Boko Haram, and kidnapping in the South-east, Niger Delta insurgences etc. These incidences could be real triggers of mass uprising that will blow the wind of revolution to Nigeria if care is not taken.

    Much more disturbing is the silence of the man at the helm of affairs in Africa’s most populous nation. In saner climes when issues that border on the welfare of the people are threatened by state actors, leaders in such places do all it takes to clear their names of culpability in such acts. Apart from unconvincing responses from the president’s media handlers that aggravate issues more, the president is better known for his disturbing silence at such critical moments. The silence of the president in the face of all these infractions only points to one thing: acquiescence. The culpable silence which is a tacit approval has the potentials of further driving Nigeria to a precipice of destruction which can only lead to a total breakdown of law and order.

    6.0 The failing state debate

    According to Wikipedia, common characteristics of a failing state include a central government so weak or ineffective that it has little practical control over much of its territory; non-provision of public services; widespread corruption and criminality; refugees and involuntary movement of people; and sharp economic decline. It is clear that Nigeria has most (if not all) of these traits under the present leadership.

    The Failed States Index of Fund for Peace of 2013 placed Nigeria in the ‘Alert’ category with countries like Somalia, Sudan, Yemen, Haiti, Zimbabwe and Iraq amongst others. The Index categorizes states in four categories of Alert, Warning, Stable and Sustainable with variations in each category. The categorization of ‘alert’ represents those countries that are most critical and imminent to fail.

    7.0 Perspectives & scenarios

    Before we write it off in the characteristically Nigeria manner of “it cannot happen here”; let us be reminded of the unpalatable outcome of similar events in other climes. It is in this context that we must never underrate the sad experiences that are visited on ordinary Nigerians due largely to the failure of government and leadership to deliver on promises and guarantee acceptable minimum living standards among the people.

    As 2014 builds momentum, it is perhaps timely to assess the state of affairs in the nation and build worst case scenarios of possible situations that may arise in the country with a view to knowing what proactive steps to be taken to cushion the impact of such negative development on Nigerians.

     7.1 Economic collapse of the Federal Government:

    President Jonathan in 2011 painted a picture of possible economic collapse of the FG if the oil subsidy was not removed within months. Though unsubstantiated with facts and figures, this position is consistently being touted by all the key officials of the FG including the Minister of Finance. Saddled with ballooning domestic and foreign debt obligations, there is a growing concern of whether the FG will have enough resources to meet the growing infrastructural deficit as well as the need for increased social spending to meet improved service delivery in the country. The situation is further exacerbated by falling demands for Nigeria’s Brent crude by USA and China. If the FG becomes unable to fund JAAC what will be the fate of states and what will be their coping mechanisms?

    7.2 Full blown dictatorship and silencing of opposition:

    This scenario now manifests in the total clamp down and iron fisted control of all arms of governance by the ruling party. The dispensation will further be characterized by the erosion of all democratic processes and the imposition of a unilateral agenda by the Federal government. The legislature and the judiciary, which hitherto formed checks and balances for the executive will become mere rubberstamp for the dictatorship. There will be the deployment of federal law enforcement agencies as tools of total suppression for opposition and an attempt at gagging the media. Recently, it would be recalled that an attempt was made to gag the media when soldiers, backed by the administration were deployed to the streets to forcibly seize copies of newspapers from vendors and newspaper distributors on a flimsy security excuse.

    7.3 Mass protest and civil unrest:

    The suppression of dissenting voices, violation of fundamental human rights coupled with inability of the citizenry to seek justice and redress in the court of law are danger signs in any democracy. A crucible is reached when this is coupled with poor governance and the complete dearth of the most basic social amenities. This could lead to mass revolt and the breakdown of law and order. The abduction of the Chibok girls, subsequent mass protests at government ineptitude and crackdown on some protesting groups by security forces is a pointer to this.

    8.0 The way forward

    It is pertinent to note that while the immediate reasons for the scenarios painted above are largely traceable to the Federal Government and the Presidency, the location of impact is in the states and local governments. This fact underscores the need for discerning states and geo-political zones to take pre-emptive rather than reactive action to forestall the impending danger of a dictatorship. Nigerians must prepare for another round of integrated and systemic rights activism. This should be the basis of intelligence-based governance and strategic response by all zones. The following are action areas for consideration:

    8.1 Advocacy & public enlightenment

    The Civil Society Organisations, CSOs, the media and non-partisan opinion builders have a role to play in energizing Nigerians to resist these aggressive attempts to subvert the will of the people through brute force and coercive means. There should be increased public education on the symptoms and risks of an emerging dictatorship through partnerships with the civil society. Also the facilitation of re-engagement of aggressive civil society activism against dictatorship is crucial including the awakening of the public on the re-encroachment of social injustice through manipulation of the judiciary.

    8.2 Repositioning and rebranding of the opposition

    Increased dialogue among opposition parties to form a strong coalition and become a bastion and frontier of resistance to dictatorship has taken place. The All Progressive Congress, APC should reform and prepare itself to be the new home for the growing ranks of disenchanted Nigerian political elite who are seeking more principled, more ideological and more people – oriented political platform. The elected members of National Assembly from minority parties constitute the single largest pool of this category of Nigerians. The conscious, strategic steering of the opposition to embrace more nationalistic participation and the accommodation of a broader base of political ideologies that cut across socio-cultural & ethnic boundaries should be underscored and enhanced.

    8.3 Cooperation amongst the public, CSOs and relevant stakeholders

    There should be an increased synergy between Civil Society Organizations, the public and relevant stakeholders with the view of forming an en bloc resistance to the present oppressive establishment. Also, the stepping up of research and collective action amongst the populace by putting in place legal, legislative, social & economic structures to test run collectively conceived ideas is crucial at this stage.