Tag: subterfuge

  • Subterfuge over nomination forms

    SOMEHOW, it has become trendy for top political aspirants to coax their supporters into underwriting the purchase of nomination and expression of interest forms for the 2019 polls. It is the latest subterfuge in town, an indication of the political decline and ethical crisis sending Nigeria’s pampered political elite into a swoon. They were barely through with their indiscriminate defections from one party to another, contemptuous of ideological affinity or how well those parties were run; now by initiating this drama, they suppose themselves adept at fooling everybody. President Muhammadu Buhari and ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar typify this latest display of needless and uniquely Nigerian subterfuge.

    Nigerians are, however, unlikely to be fooled. They know that those milling around the political elite, and applauding their achievements and false sense of importance, were in fact put up to the deception of buying forms. But since the aspirants to high office seem to enjoy the melodrama of nomination forms being bought for them by supposedly selfless and passionate followers, the country has played along shyly, it seems, but nevertheless unquestioningly. The joke is however on the aspirants. The President claimed to have taken a bank loan to buy himself a nomination form in the 2015 election. He gave no indication how he repaid the loan. It would probably feel awkward, he reflected, for a president who has had more than three years in office to take another bank loan to buy nomination and expression of interest forms. So a different device had to be procured. And what better stratagem than a public display of popular and selfless, if not fanatical, support. It is sheer political drama.

    The former vice president was even more mawkish. Probably relieved and overjoyed that his men had matched the president’s, the tearful Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) aspirant publicly welcomed the show of affection by supporters who procured the forms for him as a love offering. Since the president and former vice president set those unfortunate examples, a few governorship aspirants and other aspirants to legislative offices have also mined that sentimental hogwash to convince a wary public that the widespread support they claimed, evidenced by the purchase of nomination forms by excited supporters, should not be belittled. It is possible that all the aspirants who have had forms bought for them so far are popular; but since no one can tell what artful devices they would not mind deploying in their political struggles, the public would prefer not to give them the benefit of the doubt.

    Alhaji Abubakar is widely believed to be at peace with the wealth he has made, and has never once apologised for it, nor pretended to be averse to luxuriating in it. Even those who have tried to make him feel guilty about his wealth have met with short shrift. He should be commended for his forthrightness, regardless of whether anyone finds it offensive or not. But President Buhari has all his life apologised on behalf of the wealthy while not being incommoded by, nor averse to, their excessive generosity. Parsimonious, contemptuous of wealth at least on the surface, and censorious about its origins, it is perplexing indeed that he has sometimes put himself at the receiving end of people’s generosities. If Alhaji Abubakar saw nothing amiss in his supporters’ donations, seeing that he himself is no stranger to both generosity and sacrifice, no one should blame him for not denouncing prohibitive nomination fees.

    On the other hand, not only is President Buhari alarmed by wealth, a strange feeling not assuaged by reason or economics, he is head of a government that is in a position to set standards for reasonable behaviour in setting nomination fees. To suggest that a high fee of N45m would discourage frivolous aspiration is absolute buncombe. The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) cannot claim that managing some 100 aspirants, if it came to that, would befuddle its famed administrative ability, especially with the scathing and sometimes sardonic Adams Oshiomhole in the saddle. It is clear that as far as the president and Nigeria’s leading elite see it, anyone who wants to run for the presidency should put his money where his mouth is.

    What is even far more worrisome is that if the elite could not manage the ethical nuance of prohibitive nomination fees and the damaging effect of poor intra- and interparty relationships in a poorly regulated electoral environment, how can they ever be trusted with something much higher, say, leadership? In 2009, a former American ambassador to Nigeria, Princeton Lyman, remarked at a colloquium organised in the United States in honour of Chinua Achebe that Nigeria’s elite were both incapable of managing the wealth of Nigeria and were tentative about its future. The ambassador is widely and repeatedly quoted for warning that Nigeria was running itself into a cul-de-sac, even total irrelevance. His warnings then and now retain enough urgency and potency, but they have been largely ignored.

    Among other poignant observations, Ambassador Lyman had advocated: “…Among much of the elite today, I have the feeling that there is a belief that Nigeria is too big to fail, too important to be ignored, and that Nigerians can go on ignoring some of the most fundamental challenges they have, many of which we have talked about: disgraceful lack of infrastructure, the growing problems of unemployment, the failure to deal with the underlying problems in the Niger-Delta, the failure to consolidate  democracy and somehow feel will remain important to everybody because of all those reasons that are strategically important. And I am not sure that that is helpful.”

    He continued: “So if you look ahead ten years, is Nigeria really going to be that relevant as a major oil producer, or just another of the many oil producers, while the world moves on to alternative sources of energy and other sources of supply. And what about its influence, its contributions to the continent?  As our representative from the parliament talked about, there is a great history of those contributions. But that is history.  Is Nigeria really playing a major role today in the crisis in Niger Republic on its border, or in Guinea, or in Darfur,  or after many promises, making any contributions to Somalia? The answer is no, Nigeria is today NOT making a major impact, on its region, or on the African Union, or on the big problems of Africa that it was making before. What about its economic influence?”

    After about 19 years of imperfect democracy, Nigeria is still not any nearer peaceful polling, or even the observance of the rule of law, or sane, consistent and coherent economic policies, indeed public policy as a whole, or the enactment and execution of patriotic and nationalistic measures that bind the country together, defuse tension, reduce hate and suspicion, and harness the country’s huge potentials for development in a restructured polity. Instead, divisions have widened, with much of the country unsure whether the president is not himself, by his strange appointments, deliberately widening the rifts into an insurmountable chasm. It used to be thought that some of the presidency’s self-imposed problems like the intransigent National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) boss, and the replacement of a southerner director general of the Department of State Service (DSS) with a northerner were unforced errors. Now, it is believed in many circles that the many ills plaguing the Buhari presidency are probably orchestrated, a product of design rather than incompetence.

    Even the rather simple matter of restructuring, as the recent unproductive arguments between Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and former vice president Abubakar indicated, has been dichotomously upgraded into an incomprehensible logjam where fiscal federalism is differentiated from geographical restructuring. Nigeria’s elite can’t get more inscrutable. To worsen the quagmire, at the rate the Buhari presidency insatiably gorges on foreign loans to rebuild broken infrastructure, Nigeria may find itself entangled in another debt trap not many years after it managed to exit one. The simple truth is that Nigeria’s elite is truly and unquestionably irresponsible, gross, short-sighted and ignorant. The Buhari presidency should not fool itself to think it is different or that it has come on a rescue mission. It is merely a variant of its predecessors. It may not be as grasping as those who came before it, even though that conclusion is controversial, but it is probably as unenlightened and perhaps more sanctimonious.

    Ambassador Lyman is right to suggest that Nigeria is pushing itself into irrelevance. If its domestic policies do not fully reflect this thesis, it is simply because its foreign policies strikingly tower above everything else in amateurishness and mendacity. As the ambassador says, Nigeria keeps referring to itself in grand statements and labels but without doing anything to present itself as a “good model for democracy or a good model for governance.” As he put it more than nine years ago, which conclusion is sadly still true today, “What does it mean that one in five Africans is Nigerian? It does not mean anything to a Namibian or a South African.  It is a kind of conceit.  What makes it important is what is happening to the people of Nigeria. Are their talents being tapped? Are they becoming an economic force? Is all that potential being used? And the answer is ‘Not really.’ ”

    There will still be more defections as politicians dizzyingly crisscross political parties, more brazen subterfuges about nomination forms, huger disrespect for the rule of law or make it subordinate to vaguely and puerilely defined national security interest, greater misuse of state power particularly by the uncontrollable secret service, and an obscene misconception of the presidency as an archaic or even atavistic monarchy. It is a horrifying regression to the past, exemplified by disingenuous purchase of nomination forms and cynical manipulation of appointments. In 1940, Britain needed the miracle at Dunkirk to keep its World War II hopes alive; more than at any time in its chequered history, Nigeria needs a bigger miracle to keep breathing. Yet the power elite do not even realise how precarious the situation had become.

  • Government by subterfuge

    Government by subterfuge

    •SURE-P/FERMA Task Force youths abandoned. Is this any way to run a country?

    It the height of its reign, the Goodluck Jonathan administration exemplified everything that is despicable in the delicate art of statecraft. The daily activities of government became a chess game of the horrendous type. It was not what was right and proper but what was expedient and self-serving. Every action of government was geared towards one purpose: to perpetuate the president in power. No effort or resource was spared and nothing else mattered. Subterfuge therefore, became the order of the day.

    It was from this base milieu that a youth ‘militia’ tagged SURE-P/FERMA Task Force was born about mid last year. As the desperation of the sitting Federal Government to remain in power grew in the run-up to the 2015 general elections, all manner of schemes were initiated. The SURE-P Task Force is, therefore, a group of youths who were hurriedly assembled and decked in ominous black T-shirt with the bold inscription in front: THE PRESIDENCY SURE-P/FERMA FEDERAL TASK FORCE under Nigeria’s coat of arms.

    The young men and women were deployed to federal highways, especially in Lagos where they were stationed at the old toll gate Oregun, on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. From there, they were deployed into the metropolis ostensibly to control traffic on federal roads in the state.

    Quite a number of times, there had been ruckuses in Lagos as the Federal Task Force had bullied the Lagos State Transport Management Authority (LASTMA) and the traffic police, claiming authority and superiority on the federal highways traversing the city. It was always the maturity of the LASTMA hierarchs which had averted bloodshed in what would have been gruesome turf wars.

    It was common knowledge that the so-called Federal Task Force was in reality, an ‘official’ election ‘militia’ set up by elements of the Lagos chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for ‘fighting’ the 2015 elections. There is absolutely no place for another highway task force for a country that has over half a dozen well-established traffic agencies. There is the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC); the Motor Traffic Division of the Nigeria Police and the Federal Highway Patrol.  And at the state level are LASTMA and the Vehicle Inspectorate Service.

    The so-called Federal Task Force was indeed borne out of subterfuge. It was not the first time the Federal Government had created a ‘militia’ of this nature in Lagos in the guise of federal highway traffic controllers. In the run-up to the 2007 general elections, Mr. Adeseye Ogunlewe as Minister of Works, had also initiated a similar boondoggle scheme which was named FERMA Task Force. That corps did not outlast the 2007 election.

    Today, the same aberration it termed SURE-P, a reference to the savings from the petroleum subsidy programme which was to be applied to providing transport infrastructure and ameliorating the sufferings of the masses most affected by the last increase in the pump price of petrol. Apparently, the SURE-P fund was being applied to projects for which it was not designed.

    However, if the youths had been properly trained and the corps statutorily established, the programme might have redeemed itself as a source of employment for teeming Nigerian jobless school leavers. But that is not so. The youths have been practically abandoned at their highway station since after the election which PDP lost roundly in Lagos. In the past one week, the hapless youths have raised placards protesting their fate. Some of them claim they had left previous jobs for what seemed a more promising Federal Task Force job. Some of the placards insinuate that abandoning them in this manner is to push them into insurgency and terrorism.

    This of course, is no way to run the affairs of a country. This is subterfuge scripted and executed by government functionaries. We urge the Federal Government to promptly undo this mess by offering proper appointments to these youths. This is the least we expect.

  • Subterfuge!

    Subterfuge!

    •Parents of 104 unity schools should resist the rip-ff of insurance scheme foisted on their wards

    Why should a belated insurance policy become an alibi for government’s inability to protect schools and students against insurrection from the Boko Haram Islamic sect? This was our inkling when the Federal Government reportedly hired NICON Insurance Plc to insure 125,000 secondary pupils in 104 Unity Schools across the country. Ade Adesokan, NICON Insurance Plc spokesperson, confirmed the deal: “The Students Welfare Insurance Scheme for Unity Schools is a product designed by NICON Insurance to provide much needed benefits under a combined personal accident and life cover for the pupils and their sponsors.”

    Also, in a purported circular informing parents and guardians of the new insurance premium fee and the contracted insurance company, an undisclosed principal of one of the schools attributed the new policy “…to the security challenges in the country’’ which compelled the Federal Ministry of Education to have ‘…employed the services of NICON Insurance Company to insure Federal Government College pupils … Each pupil is expected to pay N5, 000 yearly … This amount will be remitted into NICON Insurance’s account to be supplied later.”

    An arithmetical breakdown shows that at N5, 000 premium per pupil, NICON will be raking in N625m from the schools’ 125,000 students’ population. This current policy does not go without the usual insurance minutiae that turn rigmarole immediately an accident occurs. For instance, it provides that in case of accidental death of a pupil, the sponsor named in the policy will be entitled to N500, 000; if a pupil accidentally sustains permanent disability, he/she will be entitled to N500, 000 as compensation; while for accidental medical expenses, a pupil will be entitled to N50, 000 for medical treatment. If a pupil is involved in accidental death, the company will pay N50, 000 for burial expenses.

    We would not be swayed by these niceties because it is common knowledge that Boko Haram insurgents attack mainly public schools and the government has the responsibility of providing adequate security against breach of public peace and safety in any parts of the country, including the schools. If the government has therefore failed woefully in the discharge of this primary constitutional responsibility, especially in the affected institutions, why should the buck be passed on to parents that are still struggling to meet the other needs of their wards? We recollect that the Boko Haram insurgents have unleashed inhuman attacks on schools with several students abducted and others killed because of its professed aversion for Western education. At the apogee of its barbarity, over 200 girls were abducted in a day from the Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State, on April 14, 2014. Till date, the girls could not be located despite global indignation against the act and even the Safe School Initiative of government with huge N1.6b funding back-up, among others. Yet, schools are still being wantonly attacked by the insurgents.

    We have reservations about the motive behind this insurance policy since NICON Insurance, once owned by the Federal Government, was in a jiffy sold in 2006 to Jimoh Ibrahim, a chieftain of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party(PDP). Could this be another usual PDP ‘family affair’? Was there transparency in the bidding process? We demand full disclosure of the other insurance companies that contested for the contract.

    It is a good thing that the students’ parents have reportedly protested against the insurance policy. We encourage them to take legal action and resist the imposition. This shows they are not agreeable to something that in the first place should be voluntary. This insurance policy which is a confirmation of government’s inability to protect schools and the children is a complete rip-off and should be stopped forthwith.

  • On subterfuge mode

    Nigeria’s politics can be likened to a long lesson in subterfuge, trickery and bad faith. More tragic, however, is that new entrants to the system have proved to be even more adept at plodding these old, damnable ways. The recent ‘downing’ of Governor Murtala Nyako of Adamawa State from his exalted office through a crude and clearly subterranean ‘impeachment’ process is immediately reminiscent of the desperate days of former President Olusegun Obasanjo.

    The Adamawa State House of Assembly suddenly accused the governor of gross misconduct warranting of an impeachment and before the cock crowed twice, all manner of kangaroo panels had been set up and in a flash, the deed was done. Murtala Nyako and his deputy have suddenly become history. Though he has threatened to challenge the action in court, Hardball wagers it would be an exercise in futility because he is sure to be in court till the end of his tenure, yet would not get a favourable outcome, if any at all.

    While Governor Nyako still writhes from his great fall, his colleague in Nasarawa State, Tanko Al-Makura, is in the line of fire and may be next to fall. And now, the impeachment fever seems to be catching on across the country with unsavoury stirrings in Edo and Rivers states. The common factor in all of these is that these are all opposition party states. Even a child can see through this dark veil.

    It isn’t that impeachment is not a necessary part of democracy or that Hardball seeks to absolve Nyako or the opposition party clan of whatever malfeasance  they may have been accused of; no. We quarrel with the barely disguised ‘hand from above’ that is making state assembly marionettes dance with such uncommon excitement. It is not that anyone needs any proof or convincing (at play is a crude tactic perfected by Obasanjo) but last Thursday, six members of the Nasarawa State House of Assembly led by its Speaker, Alhaji Musa Ahmed, were sighted in the Presidential Villa. They were reportedly there to meet the president. When did the impeachment of a governor become a presidential affair, one might ask?

    It is funny and Hardball laughs out loud at the unfolding scenario of unmitigated subterfuge meshed with a pastiche of bad faith. For the presidency to resort to rough tactics and garrison method to contain the opposition only suggests a failure of the intellect. It suggests a setting in of desperation if not the do-or-die virus. We must be careful what we get up to just because we want to retain power, just because of 2015; we must be wary of what we do today if only for the fact that there is always tomorrow. Let us recall that one of the actions that must haunt former President Obasanjo must be his obnoxious deployment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the police to forcefully and abhorrently nudge governors out of office. Obasanjo broke all moral rules and all democratic norms in what was obviously a megalomaniac quest. He must live in utter regret today about this baleful legacy.

    Would President Goodluck Jonathan live in a regretful tomorrow?

  • Between Tukur’s altruism and Anenih’s subterfuge

    Between Tukur’s altruism and Anenih’s subterfuge

    The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) put up a contradistinctive show on Monday when two of its leading lights gave us insight into the party’s expectations in 2015. In Abuja, the party’s chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, told the Southwest caucus of the party led by Professor Taoheed Adedoja that it was necessary for party members to gird up their loins to ensure the party won 32 states in the 2015 elections compared with the 23 states they now have. Whether we believe his altruism or not, Tukur actually spoke unambiguously and with a decent measure of civilised honesty and logic. According to him, “We have to show electoral strength this time. In doing it, we will work hard and work well. We will move with the speed of jet and we will deliver without any foul antics. I use this opportunity to appeal to our members to bury the hatchet and cast away whatever forlorn hope they nurse about the future. I appeal to our members to begin to invest in the future right away and doing so involves hard work, diligence and dedication to the cause of PDP.”

    On the other hand, Chief Tony Anenih, chairman of the party’s Board of Trustees (BoT), gave hint that the party was likely to play hardball in the 2015 polls. Together with top PDP leaders, including a few governors, Anenih had visited Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a former president, at his Hilltop residence in Abeokuta, Ogun State on the same day Tukur was acting coy in Abuja. Since Anenih is not given to niceties or diplomatese, he predictably spoke invidiously about the strength of the party and its chances in the coming polls. Said he gravely: “PDP is not dead in Ogun or any part of the country. PDP is the party to beat. When the time comes, I assure you we will do what we know how to do best.” There is of course a chance, given the elementariness and accessibility of his terse language, that all he is suggesting is that the PDP is so big and strong that it invariably and naturally wins elections – against all odds. But there is also the discomfiting possibility that what the man with the drawn and sometimes sepulchral visage is saying is that his party knows how to subvert popular will through electoral chicanery.

    Yes, Tukur shocked Nigerians by alluding to a presidential directive to the party faithful to win nine more states than the party has at the moment, but it is Anenih who is likely to attract more attention, if not revulsion, with his offensive and mocking assertion that the next polls would be a cakewalk. Pressed to clarify what he meant by his party doing ‘what it knows how to do best,’ the BoT chairman would readily explain that his statement was a mere indication of confidence rather than subterfuge. But far more disconcerting to everyone is the appalling inability of the ruling party to gauge public mood, its apparent detachment from reality, and its overestimation of its modest record of achievements. The public will find it hard to understand why the party hopes to make political gains in 2015 when it has demonstrated nothing but sheer incompetence in the face of mounting insecurity.