Tag: The Nation newspaper

  • How I got N1.2b cash from Fayose, others, by bank chief

    The Federal High Court in Lagos yesterday heard how the N1.2 billion allegedly given to former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose from the Office of National Security Adviser (ONSA) was moved to the state.

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is trying Fayose for allegedly receiving and keeping N1.2 billion and $5 million said to have been stolen from the ONSA.

    Testifying before Justice Mojisola Olatoregun, the 11th prosecution witness, Mr Sunday Alade, said he was the Akure, the Ondo State capital Branch Manager of Zenith Bank Plc in 2014 when the money was moved to his branch.

    Led in evidence by prosecuting counsel, Mr Rotimi Jacobs (SAN), the witness said he got a call from his Head of Operations asking him to prepare to head to Akure Airport to receive some cash from a customer.

    “On June 17, 2014, I was in my office in Zenith Bank, Akure. I received a call from my Head of Operations, Abiodun Oshodi, that a customer would be coming to make a deposit into his account with the bank.

    “He said in order to provide security, we should arrange for a bullion van to go to the airport to pick the cash.

    “After an hour, Oshodi came and said the customer had arrived. He introduced Abiodun Agbele as the customer.

    “He said we should prepare to go to the airport. I asked for time to arrange for security, but they said that won’t be necessary as they had sufficient security. They came with MOPOL (mobile policemen) and some soldiers in a Hilux van,” Alade said.

    The witness said he joined Oshodi and Agbele to the airport, along with the bullion van and the security men.

    He added: “At the airport, we waited for a few minutes before the arrival of the aircraft. Three individuals came out of the aircraft.

    “Two of them walked away. The remaining person introduced himself as O. Adewale. The cash was offloaded into the bullion van and we drove to Zenith Bank in Akure.”

    Read also: Fireworks in Fayose’s trial as judge, EFCC’s lawyer clash

    Alade also said when he and the others got to the bank, the money was counted in his presence.

    According to him, Oshodi, Adewale and Agbele were also present at the bank.

    “The money was counted in our presence. It was N724 million. We were informed that there was a balance. We went back to the airport and picked N494 million.

    “The total cash amounted to N1.219 billion. Another aircraft brought the N494 million.

    “I gathered that the cash was lodged in three bank accounts – those of De-Privateer, Spotless Investment and Ayodele Fayose.

    “I also understand that some cash was taken away that day by Mr Agbele.”

    Asked who Adewale was, he said: “Adewale O. introduced himself as (former Minister of State for Defence) Musliu Obanikoro’s ADC (aide-de-camp).”

    On whether or not he knew those who walked away from the aircraft after it landed, the witness said: “One of them resembled Obanikoro. I never met him in person. But he resembled the person I saw on television and newspapers.”

    Under cross-examination by defence counsel Ola Olanipekun and Olalekan Ojo, both SANs (for Spoless Limited, Fayose’s co-accused), the witness said he did not know where the money came from.

    Asked if he knew what the money was meant for, he said: “Not at all.”

    The witness said it took 10 days to process the cash.

    Responding to a question by Ojo if he submitted a bulk cash register to the EFCC on the transaction, the witness said: “No.”

    Ojo showed the witness a statement of account belonging to Spotless Investment.

    He was asked to identify entries for October 6, 2014, September 5, 2014 and December 6, 2014.

    Alade said the entries showed the transfer of N11.173 million each described as “mortgage repayment” and “mortgage loan liquidation”.

    He added: “But I didn’t know anything about the transactions.”

    To this, Ojo said: “Don’t worry.”

    Before the trial began, Jacobs said he was involved in an accident and had to come to court in crutches.

    The lawyer asked the court to allow him take only one witness, but he did not disclose when or where he had the accident.

    He was seen wearing a heavy bandage brace on his right foot without a footwear.

    There was also no indication that the case would be transferred to another judge.

    EFCC Acting Chairman Ibrahim Magu reportedly wrote to the Chief Judge, asking that the case be withdrawn from Justice Olatoregun and re-assigned to another judge.

    Magu was said to have expressed lack of confidence in the judge.

    But no reference was made to the purported letter to the CJ by the EFCC acting chairman.

    Fayose had pleaded not guilty when he was arraigned on an 11-count charge on October 22, last year.

    EFCC said the former governor and Agbele, who is facing a different charge, allegedly took possession of N1,219,000,000 on June 17, 2014 to fund Fayose’s 2014 governorship campaign.

    The commission said Fayose “reasonably ought to have known” that the money “formed part of the proceeds of an unlawful act, to wit: criminal breach of trust/stealing”.

    EFCC said the former governor, on the same day, received cash payment of $5 million from Obanikoro without going through a financial institution.

    The commission said the sum exceeded the amount authorised by law, thereby violating the Money Laundering Act.

    Justice Olatoregun adjourned till May 10 and 14 for continuation of trial.

  • Bayelsa bounty

    The decision of the Bayelsa State government to offer employment to 307 doctoral and master’s graduates of its extensive overseas scholarship programme is a worthy gesture. But it must be refined and expanded if it is to meet its laudable objectives.

    The 107 Ph.Ds are to be given jobs in the state’s three universities, while the 200 master’s degree holders will be employed in medical facilities and the civil service. Doctors, pharmacists, public health specialists and others with qualifications deemed critical to the state’s development will also be employed by the state.

    In an era where national youth unemployment reached an all-time high of 38 per cent in the second quarter of 2018, Bayelsa State’s offer cannot be underestimated. The measure simultaneously boosts the state’s human resource capabilities, encourages achievement in tertiary education, lowers unemployment and helps to deepen social cohesion and communal stability.

    If the state’s human resource development efforts are to be sustainable, however, several issues must be taken into consideration. The most crucial of these is cost. Bayelsa’s scholarship scheme is based on fully funding the overseas education of its citizens. Given the high exchange rate of the major international currencies to the naira, this means that it is a tremendously expensive undertaking.

    As more citizens seek to avail themselves of the benefits of the scheme, it is difficult to see how it can be maintained in the long run. Already, the state government has admitted that it could not send the most recent beneficiaries abroad due to the 2016 economic recession. A substantial number of Bayelsans on scholarships abroad have not been receiving payments on time; the state’s scholarship board is struggling to pay those who have completed their studies.

    Rather than send so many citizens abroad, the Bayelsa State government should seek to put scholarship beneficiaries in the best universities within the country where they are definitely likely to receive an education that is both qualitative and relevant to local needs. The reduction of the foreign currency component will also enable far more individuals to benefit from the scholarship scheme than at present.

    Another way of ensuring that limited funds go as far as they can is to rapidly scale up the state’s tertiary loan scheme which enables students to obtain loans collaterised by their certificates and pay back after they have been employed. Because it is far less expensive than overseas scholarships and is repayable, this initiative is much more likely to reach many more citizens at lesser cost.

    In addition, every attempt must be made to ensure that all Bayelsan youth are able to benefit from the state government’s schemes. Similar scholarship opportunities should be made available for polytechnic students, and for those in vocational training and business activities.

    There is also the problem of an inflated wage bill, which is the natural result of bringing so many highly-qualified workers onto the state’s payroll. In spite of its status as a pre-eminently wealthy oil state, Bayelsa’s struggle to pay the salaries of its civil servants is only too well known.

    As at September 2018, the state owed three months in outstanding salaries and seven months in pension arrears. In March, the state government required the last tranche of the Paris/London Club over-deduction from the Federal Government to settle one month out of the salary arrears owed to the state’s public workers. The employment of new workers will only exacerbate this problem.

    Rather than seeking to employ its own citizens, Bayelsa should be doing more to encourage private investment and entrepreneurship. The oil-services industry, tourism, fishing and aquaculture are obvious magnets in this regard. In attracting investment, the state should leverage its impressive fiscal sustainability rankings, its relatively low crime rates and its World Bank rating as the top South-South state for ease of doing business.

  • EFCC arrests businessman for raking N7b from 20,700 investors

    Detectives are holding businessman who allegedly collected N7billion from 20,700 potential investors.

    Babagana Abba Dalori, 35, a 2010 graduate of Electrical/Electronics, University of Maiduguri, is the Managing Director, Galaxy Transportation and Construction Services Limited. He is being held by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    Dalori allegedly lured unsuspecting investors with mouth- watering Returns on Investment (RoI).

    He also promised his investors as high as 135% and, in some cases, 200 % on their investment.

    According to the suspect, he started his business in 2012 with just a tricycle (Keke NAPEP) and by 2014, hundreds of people had shown interest in it and he felt the need to diversify.

    A document on the investigation said: “The suspect further claimed during interrogation by the EFCC operatives that he diversified into sand mining, Haulage business (tipper), transportation (commercial buses) while hundreds of investors were still falling on themselves to part with their hard earned money as the stake on Return on Investment had been raised from 135 percent to 200 percent.

    Read also: Beware of car thieves’ new tricks, EFCC warns Nigerians

    “In 2016, Dalori veered into full transportation business as he registered Galaxy Transport and Construction Company with his mother as co- director.

    “In 2017, he claimed that he invested about N400 million to acquire a quarry licence and started mining at Mpape, Abuja. He added that he had offices in 11 states and continued to lure his investors with mouthwatering returns.”

    The EFCC explained that about 20,700 potential investors had fallen victim of the suspect’s business antics.

    The document added: “He continued collecting money from investors until his investors rose to 20, 700.

    “But instead of concentrating on the line of business for which the investors had put their money, he further diversified as he registered and delved into Galaxy Global Energy Limited, Galaxy Miners Concepts Limited, Galaxy Global Farms, Galaxy Guest Palace Limited, Galaxy Hospital, Galaxy Computing, Galaxy Block making and Galaxy Car Wash.

    “Investigation further revealed that in all the above companies registered, which spread across three cities of Abuja, Maiduguri and Yobe, the investors were never carried along, neither were they co-owners of the companies.

    “Several investors interviewed explained that they invested between N2million to N20million in Galasy Company but were never carried along in the multimillion investments he diversified into.

    “Prior to his arrest by the EFCC, most of the investors had been agitated as the suspect remained incommunicado.”

    “Several visits to his office in Abuja did not yield positive results as the suspect was said to have switched off his phones while Galaxy offices were now deserted by his officials. The suspect is being quizzed by the EFCC operatives while investigation is ongoing.”

    When the operatives confronted Dalori over the alleged fraudulent activities under his Galaxy scheme, the suspect said: “I have a mindset to be an entrepreneur and assist people and provide jobs since there are no white-collar jobs again. I started as a transporter with a tricycle at a Yarkasuwa Market Gwarimpa, Abuja and the Keke NAPEP later expanded to 50 tricycles.

    “I bought a house in Gwarimpa and later sold the house for N8.2 million in 2014. I used this money to diversify to other businesses.

    “Between 2012 and 2014, the business boomed while my friends, relations and classmates picked interest in the businesses.

    “But natural disaster and flood affected the businesses in 2018, thereby creating problems for me and the consequent inability to meet up with the investors”.

    When asked if he knew that what he was doing was fraudulent, Dalori replied in the negative, saying that “all I was doing was to assist fellow Nigerians and I have no intention defraud anyone. The businesses were okay and I was paying good returns to the investors before the natural disaster and floods caused my problems and affected the investments.”

  • Crazy bills era set to end

    Electricity consumers seem to be winning their age-long battle against estimated billing.

    The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) plans to cap the estimated billing system by fast-tracking metering of all customers.

    NERC’s General Manager, Finance & Management Services, Abdulkadir Shettima, dropped the hint in a chat with The Nation on the sidelines of the launch of bank consumer and retail financing scheme of Meter Asset Provider (MAP) meter acquisition summit in Lagos yesterday.

    Shettima noted that the capping of estimated bills will compel MAP operators to meet targets on the metering policy.

    The summit, organised by Mojec Meter Asset Management Company, one of the MAP operators, brought together power sector regulator, banks, MAP operators and some Managing Directors of Electricity Distribution Companies (DisCos) to find solutions to some issues in the MAP metering project.

    On why the Commission opted to cap estimated billing when customers look forward to expedited metering when the MAP scheme takes-off next month, Shettima said all customers will not be metered at same time.

    Read also: Mushin, Lawanson residents reject ‘crazy bills’

    Besides, he said that the NERC would not want customers that are not metered early enough to get outrageous bills.

    His words: “We are very serious in ensuring all customers are metered at a maximum of within three years and the metering starts from May this year. Because we don’t want the MAPs or the distribution companies to relax and take this project as any other rule or regulation that they will try to circumvent, we came up with several ways to make sure they comply.

    “One of the ways is that they post a cash-backed performance bond that can be called upon and they will lose money if they don’t meet their target, the monthly metering requirement.

    “The second one is this capping of estimated bills. Currently, customers that don’t have meters are given estimated bills that are ‘crazy’ in some respects. We want to stop that practice.

    “There will be a cap; if a distribution company feels that cap is too low and it is losing money, it is incentivised to go and meter that customer. Assuming the cap is N4,000 and the DisCo feels if that customer is metered it can collect N10,000, let it quickly go and meter that customer if it believes the customer’s consumption is up to that.

    “The reason we came up with this measure is to ensure compliance with this current metering scheme and to fast-track the level of metering so customers pay for what they consume.

    “There is a committee that is working on the capping because a lot of analysis has to be done and also a lot of consultation with all the stakeholders, including the DisCos, MAPs and customer groups to arrive at what is fair, so the cap has to be a cap that is realistic, not too high and not too low.”

    According to Shettima,  the number of unmetered customers has risen from 4.7 million in December 2017 to five million now.

    According to him, MAP operators will pay 2.5 per cent of the total cost of the entire meters’ performance bond.

    Shettima said: “For instance, if the meters are N100 billion, they will post 2.5 per cent of the N100 billion performance guarantee and it will be backed by cash.

    “It is as a result of this measure that the MAP operators said they will not ask customers to pay unless they have the meters ready and they will meet the 10-day installation deadline from the date the customer pays for meter. So, there will be financial sanctions when an operator defaults in a contractual agreement.

  • Federal Government urges court to order Innoson chairman’s arrest

    The Federal Government yesterday urged the Federal High Court in Lagos to issue a bench warrant against Innoson Nigeria Limited’s Chairman Innocent Chukwuma and two of his employees.

    They were charged with alleged fraud before Justice Ayokunle Faji.

    The police charged them with an alleged N2.4 billion shipping fraud, but the Attorney-General of the Federation later took over the matter.

    Others named in the charge are: Charles Chukwuma, Maximian Chukwura, Mitsui Osk Lines and Anajekwu Sunny.

    The prosecution is praying the court to order the arrest of Innoson Motors Chairman and his workers for failing to take their pleas in a criminal charge.

    Chukwuma and his employees were not in court yesterday.

    Prosecuting counsel, Mr. Julius Ajakaiye, moved an application for the court to order the arrest of the defendants.

    The lawyer said the charge was served on them through a court-ordered February 8, 2016 substituted service, following the AGF’s take-over of the matter.

    Read also: GTBank, Innoson rift over alleged court judgement deepens

    He said since then, the third and fourth defendants had been coming to court, while the first, second and fifth defendants “have refused, failed and neglected to appear in court till date”.

    Ajakaiye said the defendants were yet to take their pleas and should be compelled to appear.

    The lawyer added that an April 12, 2016 amended charge could not be served on the absent defendants.

    He urged the court to grant his application by ordering their arrest.

    But defence counsel – Chief George Uwechue (SAN) and Prof. C. Mbadugha – prayed the court to dismiss the application.

    They argued that the court lacked jurisdiction to issue the warrant against the defendants “because they were not properly before the court”.

    The lawyers said the application contradicted Order 6 of the Federal High Court Civil Procedure Rules, adding that there was no proper service on their clients.

    The prosecution accused the defendants of conspiring to unlawfully falsify shipping clearance documents.

    They were also accused of “uttering” (presenting) the allegedly falsified shipping documents as collateral to Guaranty Trust Bank Plc to allegedly obtain a loan of N2.4 billion.

    The Federal Government claimed that the defendants committed the offence at Apapa Wharf, Lagos, on October 10, 2013.

    The alleged offence is contrary to sections 1(2) (c) and 3(6) of the Miscellaneous Offences Act, Cap M17, Laws of the Federation 2004.

    Justice Faji adjourned till July 3 for ruling.

  • U.S visa experts to meet Nigerian investors for green card opportunities

    A team of experts in United States (U.S) visa for investors will be in Nigeria to meet investors wishing to migrate to the U.S through green card.

    The experts will address intending migrants at a seminar organised by Brandleys International Nigeria Limited (BIL) later this month in Lagos in conjunction with the U.S-based MCFI.

    The seminar, which will hold at the Sheraton Hotels, Ikeja, on April 27 and 28, will focus mainly on EB-5 US visa.

    The experts are expected to educate and answer participants’ questions on other types of U.S visa.

    Tagged: Engaging the Experts, the seminar intends to service individuals or families seriously looking to relocate to the U.S under the EB-5 visa programme.

    Read also: U.S Visa: Trump administration approves tougher vetting measures

    BIL’s Chief Executive Officer Idowu Olumide said: “We also intend to use same seminar to educate interested persons or groups who do not meet the EB-5 visa programme but will like to know other forms of immigration by investment or business investors, such as other E-classes E1, E2, among others, and their differences.

    “The second day of the event will be dedicated to those who wish to know more about other ordinary or regular visas, such as B1 and B2. They also have the option of knowing about EB-5 Visa and become an agent.”

    According to him, MCFI founded the first federally designated EB-5 regional centre in the State of Maryland with additional approved geographic areas of Northern Virginia and Washington, DC.

    “Since then, we have expanded into other regions across the country,” Olumide said.

    He added: “MCFI assists foreign investors take advantage of the EB-5 investment immigration programme, which helps them direct their assets towards sound investments and earn a permanent green card in the process. MCFI has a stellar track record of 100 per cent I-526 approval, 100 per cent I-829 approval and 100 per cent track record of returning the investors $500,000 capital investment back to them.”

    Leading the experts to Nigeria are the President of MCFI Lawrence Chang and the company’s Executive Sire tor Christian Dorsey.

  • El-Rufai and challenges of consolidation

    What will Kaduna State Governor Mallam Nasir El-Rufai do differently in his second term? Correspondent ABDULGAFAR ALABELEWE examines the challenges that will confront his administration.

    THE challenges before Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State are as enormous. The challenges are unique, more daunting and they require a lot of deliberate policy actions to tackle them.

    Aside the burden of delivering the dividends of democracy, like roads, hospitals, potable water, housing and education, El-Rufai has a peculiar burden of security challenges ranging from banditry, kidnapping, ethno-religious crisis and farmer/herder clashes to contend with.

    But, as daunting as the challenges seems, they are not as tasking as the division that exists among the people of Kaduna State along ethno-religious lines. This is one big challenge that often ignite crisis in the state.

    Security

    The government of El-Rufai since inception in 2015 inherited killings in the southern part of the state, occasioned by clashes between farmers and herdsmen. The challenge has since then been a difficult one to address. What stands farmer/herder clashes out in the south, unlike the northern axis is the difference in religion of the actors.

    The challenge of farmer/herder clash is an age-long one, which had its resolution rested on the shoulders of the community leaders. However, in Southern Kaduna, the crisis assumed a level of monumental destruction of lives and property, because the community leaders could no longer apply the traditional dispute resolution instruments.

    What makes the dispute resolution between farmers and herders difficult in Jema’a, Kachia, Kajuru and Sanga local government areas, unlike in Zaria, Igabi and Kudan, is because the predominant farmers are the indigenous Christians of southern Kaduna, while herders are predominantly Fulani.

    Therefore, every clash that claims lives of farmers is seen as an attempt to exterminate the southern Kaduna Christians. It is usually interpreted as a continuation of the Usman Danfodio Jihad of 1804.

    One factor that may have worsened the situation is the 2011 post-election violence. The crisis, caught some trans-border Fulani herdsmen who were on transit to other African countries in southern Kaduna, where many of them were killed. This led to reprisal attacks several months after. The situation continued until the coming of the current governor in 2015.

    El-Rufai has though made several efforts to address the situation, ranging from attracting the presence of more security agencies. For instance, a Nigerian Army operations based and a Mobile Police Squadron unit are now located around Kafanchan and Kachia. But, efforts of the governor were interpreted as taking sides with the herdsmen, because El-Rufai himself is incidentally of Fulani extraction.

    However, while the security approach has worked to a large extent, pockets of such clashes reoccur intermittently during harvest periods. Therefore, the governor has the task of complimenting the security approach with a standing farmer/herder conflict resolution committee under his founded Kaduna Peace Commission.

    Another disturbing security threat that Governor El-Rufai has to address during his second term in office is the armed banditry and cattle rustling in Birnin-Gwari Local Government. The situation has equally claimed many lives, but unlike, the farmer/herder clashes in southern Kaduna, the Birnin-Gwari situation seems to have defied security approach. In fact, 11 soldiers were killed during a single attack in 2018.

    The Kamuku Forest of Birnin-Gwari, which connects Niger, Kano, Katsina and Zamfara State has for years comfortably housed the criminals who terrorise all the neighbouring states.

    At inception, Governor El-Rufai and his colleagues from other states foresaw the danger posed by the forest, a situation which made the Kaduna State governor to raise alarm that it may become another Sambisa, if they fail to pull resources together to root out the criminals. The governors responded and got the Federal Government to deploy the military to the area. But the military effort has apparently not yielded the desired results, as depicted by the recent killings in Zamfara and the unabated cases of kidnapping, killings, robbery and cattle rustling in Birnin-Gwari Local Government of Kaduna State.

    Governor El-Rufai therefore needs to go back to the drawing board with the security agencies, to device a new means of tackling the menace. There is also the need to fix the the Birnin-Gwari/Kaduna road. The governor needs to do a serious follow up on his recent disclosure that the Federal Government and the Dangote Group have signed a pact to fix the road. Commercial motorists say the present bad condition of the road allows the bandits to have a field-day, by picking travellers for ransom on the road.

    Just like the Kaduna/Birnin Gwari road, Kaduna/Abuja road has also in the past few years become notorious for kidnapping. Initially, passengers use to dread travelling on the road in the morning hours and in the evening between 6 and 7pm. The situation has worsened, as kidnappers now operate anytime of the day, despite security presence at every U-turn.

    Report has it that the kidnappers operated everyday in the afternoon last week, until Governor El-Rufai’s convoy ran into them during an operation on Wednesday.

    As wielding the big stick has not really yielded the desired results on Kaduna/Abuja road, the need to adopt the new tactics suggested by one-time Commandant of the Nigerian Defense Academy (NDA), General Paul Tarfa, is becoming inevitable. Tarfa had recently suggested that the best way to root out the kidnappers from Kaduna/Abuja highway is by taking the fight to the criminals in the bush.

    He said: “Since it has been identified that the criminals attack and go into the forest to hibernate, the best thing to do to root them out is take the fight to them in the forest. The forest must be combed; otherwise they will keep on coming back to the road.”

    Unity

    Unity is, without doubt, the biggest challenge before El-Rufai. This, just like the security challenge, predated the emergence of his government, but the problem has become worse even in the face of effort to address it.

    The people of Kaduna State are divided, with the River Kaduna separating the state into two main camps: the Christians’ south and the Muslim’s north. The predominant Christian people of southern Kaduna have no iota of trust in their Hausa Fulani brothers in the northern and central part; the former even accuse the latter of domination.

    Analysts say the division and mutual suspicion among the people of different faiths became apparent in Kaduna, shortly after the return of civilian rule in 1999. The situation worsened after the shari’a crisis of year 2000 and the Miss World crisis of 2002, when Christians living in the northern part of Kaduna metropolis started relocating to the south and vice versa.

    Though, El-Rufai has plans to address the wrong settlement pattern of the state capital, the governor needs to do more than that to enjoy the confidence of all, especially now that he and his Deputy-Governor elect, Dr. Hadiza Balarabe, are Muslims.

    Those who know El-Rufai very well say he cares less about ethno-religious background in his appointments. Rather, he pays more attention to the appointee’s capacity to deliver on the assigned duty. He confirmed this when justifying the choice of Dr. Balarabe prior to the election. He said: “Government House is neither a church nor mosque. So, we are not coming here to preach, but to work for the people of Kaduna State.”

    He went further to explain that Dr. Hadiza Balarabe’s rich credentials stood her out among 32 candidates earlier penciled down for the job.

    The governor’s argument on the choice of Dr. Balarabe has however not changed anything, as far as the people of southern Kaduna are concerned. Though the deputy governor-elect is from Sanga Local Government, which is part of southern Kaduna, but because she is a Muslim they do not see her as one of them.

    The governor needs to walk his talk by being fair to all, irrespective of their political, religious and ethnic background and ensure equitable distribution of developmental projects and state resources. This is most likely to change the perception of those who openly accuse him of religious bigotry and hatred for the Southern Kaduna Christians.

    Education

    No doubt, the administration of Governor El-Rufai has initiated and implemented a lot of reforms in the education sector. It has identified and dealt with the rot in the primary education which, he said, was the faulty foundation responsible for the inherited failure of students at WAEC level. This reform led to the sack of over 21,000 unqualified teachers and the recruitment of about 25,000 qualified ones.

    Also in the area of school infrastructures, 413 schools have so far been renovated. A set of two-storey primary school buildings, the first of its kind in the state, have been completed at various locations where there was huge population of pupils beyond the existing schools’ carrying capacity.

    These strides and other reforms notwithstanding, the burden before Governor El-Rufai is the need to get hundreds of thousands almajiri children off the streets and return them to the classroom.

    The government at its inception in 2015 came up with the idea of banning streets begging, but the ban was not properly enforced. Now is the time to enforce the ban, especially on school-age children. If the almajiri children are taken back to the classrooms, it will prevent them from being ready tools in the hands of criminals.

    Health

    For the health sector, there is a big challenge for the administration in its second term. The challenge is however not insurmountable, especially now that there is high hope that the government will be able to secure the $350million loan it was granted by the World Bank last year. The loan could not be accessed by the state because the three senators from Kaduna State opposed it on the floor of the Senate. But now, El-Rufai’s men have defeated two of the senators in the last election and have reiterated their commitment to securing the loan for the state.

    The problem with the health sector in Kaduna State is lack of adequate functional Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs). This challenge has for years affected the health of vulnerable groups, such as women of child-bearing age and children under the age of five.

    El-Rufai himself while presenting the 2016 budgets in December 2015 expressed concern that the state records over 103,000 maternal deaths annually and also loses 95 babies out of every 1000 births. He attributed the situation to lack of ante-natal care, medical facilities and inadequate medical personnel.

    The governor also warned that if drastic interventions are not put in place to save the lives of pregnant women and children, the maternal and infant mortality rate will go higher. It was in an effort to reverse the trend that his government and General Electric (GE) signed a pact to equip 278 health care facilities in the state.

  • Regulating Anambra’s obituary economy 

    Anambra, the mercurial pearl of Igbo nation nestling River Niger, is in the news again.

    We are not about to revisit the ferment of executive intemperance that led the sitting governor into allegedly calling the whole leader of the pan-Igbo organization, Ohanaeze, “an idiot” for endorsing the presidential candidate of the main opposition party ahead of the just-concluded general elections.

    Rather, we are confronted by the audacity of a new piece of legislation by the Anambra State Assembly seeking to smash through cultural barriers into some dark necromantic alley. Unambiguously named “A Law To Control Burial/Funeral Ceremonial Activities” and passed by a majority of the legislature, the act expressly seeks to abolish ostentation and impose a new culture of modesty. All thanks to its sponsor, the iconoclastic Charles Ezeani (representing Anaocha II constituency), who says it “is aimed at cutting down the cost of burial activities in the state”.

    Should Governor Willy Obiano assent with his golden fountain pen, it then becomes a grave felony ”to deposit any corpse in the mortuary or any place beyond two months from the date of the death, while burial ceremonies in the state shall be for one day.”

    No person, it further forewarns grimly, shall subject any relation of the deceased person to a mourning period of more than one week from the date of the burial ceremony.

    To confer the sobriety thought appropriate in the circumstance, the law also forbids traditional gunshot salute, praise-singing, blocking of roads/streets during obsequies or assumed ritual destruction of property.

    In what could only be targeted at relieving the bereaved of financial burden or unreasonable expectations, another clause states specifically that the family of the deceased “shall provide food for their kindred, relatives and other sympathizers at their own discretion.”

    Taken together, these proposals are, to say the least, quite earth-shaking indeed. Before arriving at this historic juncture, the report however did not state how much of public buy-in had been secured through the agency of public hearing facilitated by the state assembly over a potentially explosive proposition.

    While Ezeani’s motive could hardly be faulted in nobility and public-spiritedness, however, considering that key provisions are framed by a thinking that tends to suggest extremism of sorts, one is persuaded to assume that not much consultation took place with the stakeholders. It is very doubtful if the vested interests in the obituary value chain would have just sat by and allowed an arrangement that seeks to dim their lights or simply take bread away from their tables without raising a voice of dissent.

    By that single law, a whole universe of professionals will undoubtedly be facing existential threat, if not extinction already. A more austere burial means bearish market for mortuaries and the morticians, for instance. So, how are caterers, “Aso Ebi” (fabric) merchants, event planners, vintners, lessor of marquee/canopy/plastic chairs expected to survive now?

    What then happens to the familiar hawkers of white handkerchiefs or hand fans? To say nothing about traffickers of mint-fresh banknotes for “spraying”. Or those who thought they had struck gold by stocking milllion units of the rave-of-the-moment – the pistol-like cash-spraying machine fabricated in – where else? – China.

    We have not even considered “professional mourners” on hire to wail louder than the bereaved when the latter become too tired or had lost their voices to too much sorrow.

    Moreover, big or elaborate funerals also create brisk business for the masters of the two contrasting realms – the cosmic and the secular: rainmakers and alchemists who solemnly prime the canon for traditional gun-salute on the one hand; and native drummers who fall over each other in the driveway to usher you into the party venues with soliciting crescendo.

    Well, we were also not told whether Ezeani had contemplated a ceiling to the cost of a coffin permissible in Anambra soil henceforth. That may, in fact, drag us into a corpus of morbid details like the apocryphal tale of a thrifty coffin-maker who, upon being pressed for a concession, promised the customer a discount the next time. Or the theatrics of the hyperactive curator of the communal hearse, gleaming from meticulous preservation probably by generations, its utility yet creatively extended by the current custodian to double as family car to church service on Sundays.

    And lo, the king of them all – the musician who makes a fortune from performing at the big parties which the new Anambra law seeks to outlaw. At a time piracy has virtually made album sale unprofitable, who does not know that most artistes now hustle for live performances for subsistence, aside endorsement deals with rich corporate bodies. Of course, praise-singing is the short-cut.

    As an editor some fifteen years ago, I remember being approached by one of our star reporters (Emeka Eyinnaya) saying a famous Igbo musician was aghast at the headline given his interview we had published the previous week.

    While responding to a specific question, the iconic entertainer had stated rather casually that he was not in a position to know whether the provenance of money sprayed on him by those he usually eulogized at soirées was tainted or not.

    I cast the said headline to reflect such self-acquittal from possible complicity on account of a murky source.

    Apparently, a good number of his big spenders – most probably bigtime conmen or money ritualists – had rang him up to express bitterness at his impudence to speak so uncomplimentarily of the hands feeding him.

    But note, the respondent didn’t disown or dispute any portion of the transcript which could have been cited as basis to fault the “offending” title, but was simply unhappy that the interview he was reluctant to grant in the first place was now going to pour sand in his garri.

    Such is the sensitivity that sometimes underlines the rendition of eulogy at social parties and the tightrope musicians have to walk thereafter to remain in business.

    But while all the foregoing merely pertains to the consequences, the new Anambra funeral act would also appear to be in cold contempt of something more substantial – cultural sensibilities or habits. While it is much easier to fix damage at the material level, altering things at the cultural realm is never an easy task. Those already thinking the proposed law will suddenly usher the desired change in social behavior in that jurisdiction will, therefore, need some reality check by simply recalling the anti-spraying law similarly pushed by the Obasanjo administration in 2007.

    Despite that section 21 subsection 1-4 of the CBN bill passed by the sixth National Assembly prescribes heavy penalties beginning with arrest and a prison term of six months or N50,000 fine, Nigerians have not stopped spraying crisp Naira notes at social parties.

    Let us face it: the Igbo in Anambra are certainly not alone in turning burial to carnival of sorts. In most African societies, loud funerals are not only deemed fitting finale to an illustrious life but also considered one last debt owed the dead.

    Therefore, the common prayer among folks is not just the grace to die not faraway from one’s wardrobe only but also in the arms of one’s offspring who should be in material position to meet often high expectations of the community.

    So, whereas the bereaved in, say, western societies might consider as parting gift memorializing the departed by instituting a foundation to propagate the idea they cherished while alive, the average African would rather preserve the memory of their dead by hosting a shindig to be remembered as the grandest in a generation.

    In Yorubaland, such jollification falls under the rubric of “Owambe”. In Edo, it is called “Obito”.

    It is, therefore, doubtful if this age-old lifestyle can be legislated out of existence overnight like the Anambra’s funeral act envisages. The “Owambe” industry in Lagos is reportedly worth a whopping N26b, for instance. While the culture of ostentation must be seen as constituting ready normative offence, one would rather suggest the adoption of a civic engagement approach to wean the society off such hang-over. The underling mindset speaks to what psychologists call the edifice complex. It partly explains the obsession for bogus things – big cars, big houses, long convoys.

    We also see this showoffishness manifesting in the knack for titles that make many insist that their names be prefixed with “Sir, Chief, Dr, Engineer…”

    There is an urgent need for a re-orientation of the society to begin to see the nobility in simplicity. The crusade is not for government alone but also the traditional and religious institutions as well. Meanwhile, rather than prohibit loud parties, what stops the authorities from imposing punitive taxes on those who choose to exceed the threshold considered modest?

     

     

    Sowore’s affirmative gesture 

    Given the popular notion that lack of accountability is one of the chief ills of our politics, how amazing that an affirmative gesture a fortnight ago by the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore, went almost unnoticed.

    Without any prompting, AAC released a statement of account of its campaign spanning a year. We are told the party was able to raise a total of N157 million through a GoFundMe vehicle opened with Zenith Bank.

    It covered assorted costs ranging from travel, accommodation, renting town halls, refreshments, mobilizing attendees to “N740,000 spent on security and intelligence”.

    With this, Sowore, publisher of Sahara Reporters (the hard-hitting citizen-journalism platform), has undoubtedly set a record in campaign financing in Nigeria and demonstrated a responsibility and accountability rare among recipients of public donations towards a civic cause.

    Well, it surely will be a tall order asking the older, more established parties to render similar account or open their books for public scrutiny. More like the futility of looking for a virgin in a maternity ward. Interestingly, Sowore, a one-time student union president at University of Lagos, would seem the biggest revelation of the 2019 general polls, coming sixth ahead of a few big names in the contest involving 73 candidates.

    It is quite instructive that AAC’s GoFundMe account swelled from the widow’s mite sent by tens of thousands of Nigerians sold on Sowore’s advocacy of a new Nigeria. There couldn’t be a better way to show fidelity to those who sowed in faith and who, potentially, could become the foundation of Sowore’s captive audience for future aspirations.

    While Sowore has given an account, not a few other parties are still embroiled in bitter fight over money. We hear of party executives bickering with their standard-bearers either over not making full disclosure of cash donations or spending without transparency.

    It is as if some did not see a border between their personal pockets and the party’s pouch.

    The puzzle then: if such folks cannot account for little purse of a small party, how are we to trust them with the nation’s treasury?

  • ‘Judges should avoid politicians like a plague’

    Former Lagos State Chief Judge (CJ) Justice Ayotunde Phillips chairs the Independent Electoral Commission (LASIEC). She also chairs the Diocese of Lagos West (Anglican Communion) Mediation Commission. Besides, she is a member of the Adjudicatory Chamber of FIFA Ethics Committee. In this interview with JOSEPH JIBUEZE, she speaks on how judges can resist pressure, how to tackle corruption in the judiciary, judges’ appointment, how to reduce delays and her role in FIFA.

    What is your assessment of ADR usage in Nigeria generally?

    It’s very popular. I’m surprised. First of all, I have to thank God that before I retired, I developed an interest in Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). It was as if I knew I would use it to augment my pension. I got all the judges to do the Chartered Institute of Arbitration examination. I did the membership. I’m trying to gather my thoughts now to see whether I can still study and get the fellowship. But with the membership that I have, I’ve managed to get quite a number of appointments as sole arbitrator, chairman or member of a panel. It is very popular. But I must say it is not as fast as I expected it to be. But it’s popular, and the Arbitration and Conciliation Act has given it teeth. Now that courts are aware of what arbitration is all about, they are now giving force to it. Even lawyers who did not appear before me a judge recommend me as an arbitrator. That is why I’m still quite busy even in retirement. I just have to thank God; I’m a very lucky woman. I was thinking the other day: When am I going to sit down and not go anywhere for one week? The doctors will say: ‘don’t sit down and not do anything, because that’s when dementia and all those horrible things take root’.

    Is arbitration becoming popular because of court delays? How can court processes be speeded up?

    I think our judges still have to be very firm. They’re not firm enough. And when you award costs – they said cost should not be punitive, but cost follows an event. If you don’t come to court because of some flimsy excuse, for which you could have come to court and taken due leave, then you should be penalised for it. Sometimes lawyers should be made to pay those costs, not the litigants, because it’s not the litigant’s fault. Some litigants come to court and they’re sitting there waiting for their lawyers. The lawyer would have taken cases here, there and yonder. Someone will suffer for that. Even up till now, I still carry my diary. Your diary is part of your repertoire. You should carry it at all times. Even now in retirement, before I give you a date for anything, I look into my diary. Before I gave you this date, I looked into my diary. You must schedule your activities.

    Some judges sit at 9am prompt, but how about those who habitually sit late?

    The lawyers just have to keep on complaining about those judges. And something has to be done about it. Sitting time for the court is 9am. Even if you’re going to sit at 10am, let them know. Lawyers will be there for 10 o’clock. And when you sit at 10, you don’t have to rise until you take every single case on your docket for that day. If lawyers know you sit at 10am, they’ll be there. But you can’t be sitting at 12noon, 1pm. You sit for one hour and you rise, go away for two hours and come back. You don’t do that. It’s a very good job, a very respectful job, a very high-powered job, but to whom much is given, much is expected. You’re there to serve the public, and every single file on your desk involves somebody’s life, something that is very important to that person, be it land, house, money, health, husband and wife – you’re talking about people’s lives. So, they’re not going to take it easy with you if it messes up.

    What about judges’ appointment process?

    The appointment process of judges has to be looked into very carefully. The proper people should be appointed to the Bench. I keep saying it. It should not be based on ‘I know your father, I know your mother’. No. Are you competent? Do you have the moral capability? Do you have the reputation? Do you have the intellect? As a lawyer, what are your antecedents? Not to just bring anybody from anywhere because he or she is somebody’s daughter or somebody’s son. They should stop doing that.

    Should vacancies on the Bench be advertised?

    It has never been done in Nigeria. In my father’s days, it was an appointment process. And judges were very important in that process. If not all of them, then the first five or 10, because they have watched the lawyer in court. Nobody should be brought there that they do not know. You would have appeared in my court. We’ll watch your comportment, your punctuality, your professionalism – you see so many things from a lawyer. You’re sitting there as a judge and you’re just watching. Someone is rude to him and you see how he responds. You see someone who shows respect to the court, and level-headedness. Even the way he dresses, not people who come to court with rumpled bibs as if they brought them from under the pillow. So, when they put such a name down, you will say yes, I know this person, a very good lawyer, good comportment. Yes, he’s somebody who can sit with us. They call it the hallowed halls of justice. When you go there, you tiptoe. My father was a judge so we had opportunity to go to court. One day Justice Jinadu was coming, I looked left and right, and I was heavily pregnant. I didn’t know where to run to. I squeezed myself to the wall so he could pass. And my father was a judge. He laughed and tapped me and said: ‘Ayo, go on, go on.’ You can’t walk on the same hallway with the judge, not now that they will almost push you down the stairs if you’re not careful. So, the appointment process is very important. I believe strongly that there are many people on the Bench who should not be there. And that’s why we’re having these issues we’re having now. It’s sad, but they’re dealing with it. Thank God I’m gone. I’m free (laughter).

    How did you cope with pressure from litigants to favour them in your judgments?

    I’ll tell judges to avoid politicians like a plague. They’re the only ones that can get you into trouble. Other litigants won’t, unless you make the mistake of dealing with them one on one, which is an unforgiveable offence. Don’t deal with the litigants. The only time you should see litigants is when they appear before you in court. Politicians will always find a way to get to you. I work with politicians now (as LASIEC chair) and it was quite a culture shock. I spent all my career avoiding politicians; now some of them even call me mummy; there’s nothing I can do about it. I find that they’re very nice people, but that’s on my own level now. They can’t ask me for anything. They would never come to me now to ask me for anything. It seems my reputation has saved me from any ridiculous requests. They trust me. They’ll say: ‘We know mama. She’s fair’. They’ve given me benefit of the doubt, so I get on very well with them. But when I was a judge, they would try to see me; I would refuse to see them. They would send my close relatives and close friends to me. I would not argue. I would say: ‘Is that what he wants? Okay. Noted.’ When I write my judgment, it’d be the opposite of what they wanted. So, all the things they promised to give me, they won’t give me anymore. I wouldn’t take anything from them. I would say: ‘Let us finish the case; I don’t want it to appear as if you’re buying my judgment’, just to appear as if I’m playing ball. When I’ve given judgment against you, will you call me? You won’t. You have to play politics with them.

    How do you mean?

    If you get too loud or too aggressive with them, or you make noise in open court about someone being sent to you, and you issue warnings about not taking bribes, you’ll look foolish. No need. You have the last say. Your pen is very powerful. It’s what you write and sign that is the last say. Just write your judgment. And when the person who tries to buy your judgment sees that he has lost woefully, and even pay N10million cost on top, he’ll say: ‘Don’t mind that foolish woman.’ They will say: ‘There is nothing I didn’t offer her’. ‘She doesn’t take bribes o’. They will say it. ‘Don’t try it o. The woman will be laughing with you, but she will not take bribes’. They will boost your reputation when you do the right thing.

    Did you face pressures from governors, especially when the state is being sued?

    They don’t do it. Sometimes a governor might tell the Attorney-General, who will seek an appointment with the Chief Judge. In my tenure, I had it once or twice. I’d tell the Attorney-General: ‘Thank you very much’. But I won’t say a word to the judge handling the case. The Attorney-General will go back to the Governor and say he has told the Chief Judge; she’ll look into it. But I won’t say a word. I shouldn’t expose my judges to that kind of thing. Even up till now, people do come to me to go and meet this judge or that judge. I don’t do it. Leave them. Let them do their work. If your case is good, you’ll win. If your case is bad, you’ll lose. And if your case is good and you lose, you still have the Court of Appeal. It’s very wrong for me to interfere in a matter that is not before me. I only heard your side; I’ve not heard the other side. Judges respect me a lot, I know. But because I benefit from that kind of relationship with them, I should not use it to put them in a difficult position. The judge may be saying to him or herself: ‘This matter is not as she thinks o. How do I explain to Justice Phillips that the person who met her is lying, bla bla bla.’ They would not want to upset me, yet they are expected to do justice. Why should I put myself in the mix?

    Is it a Nigerian thing? 

    People still believe they need to talk to judges. They don’t trust that the judge will read your story and reach the correct decision. Some people insist that they want to see the judge. ‘I want to tell my story to the judge one on one.’ It’s so wrong. That’s what is called ex-parte discussions. Once a matter goes to court, anything you say to the judge must be in the presence of the other party. But when you talk to the judge alone, it’s so wrong.

    Do you think judges are well paid to resist financial temptations?

    In Lagos State, the welfare package is good. It could still be better, because I believe judges should earn between N2millon and N5million a month. This house I’m living in now…that’s why when they abuse Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu, they don’t know what he has done for Lagos State. Where I am staying now was my staff quarters. Luckily for us, former President Obasanjo decided to monetise staff quarters. Asiwaju said: ‘Give the judges their staff quarters’. Not all of us were in staff quarters then. We were very few before, but now we’re many. We, the older ones that were in staff quarters, that’s how we inherited them. When I became the Chief Judge, I could rebuild it to my taste as my retirement home. I have him to thank. The judge that lived in the quarters before me moved to his own house in Ibadan. He didn’t have this. He had been elevated to the Court of Appeal before Tinubu came in Lagos State – I can only talk authoritatively about Lagos, they have done very well to take care of us. Every four years you get a brand new car. They even promised to give retired judges cars.

    How about other states?

    Other states, I’m not sure of what their judges get. But in Lagos State, it’s very good. You get a good salary; you get a good allowance, which is almost the equivalent of your salary. But I still believe they could do much more. Already, from the figures I got before I retired, corruption was at its minimum in Lagos among the judges. I’m not saying that it was non-existent, because if you’re corrupt, you’re corrupt. Even if you’re paid N5million per month, it won’t be enough. But then it will be easy to fish out such a person and throw the book at them and dismiss him or her. With that kind of money, you’ll be more than comfortable.

    How do what Nigerian judges earn compared with their counterparts abroad?

    English judges not only earn good money, they’re credit-worthy. They can buy houses anywhere in England and live comfortably. And you don’t see them living among the people. They live in the countryside, because it’s a job where you give up a lot. You can’t move around with just anybody. Someone reported to me that they saw a judge at a party eating cow leg or something like that with hands. I would like to know who the judge is so I can have a word with him or her. That goes to appointing the right people as judges.

    You tried to encourage use of technology in court processes. Did the judges buy into it?

    They did. Not all of us are gifted. Some of them just could not handle it. I organised one-on-one lessons for some of them, to help them know how to use the email and that kind of thing. I think it has taken root. Recently, I saw on television that the probate division has been computerised and set up. That is something I put in the pipeline and I’m glad they saw it to fruition. So, I’m very happy with what is going on.

    Why do some judges still write in longhand?

    The recording equipment is still there. It was in place and I was using it. Only that the recordings are so long. Even when a lawyer coughs it’s recorded. Irrelevant materials are captured. So, you see that some of us are still taking notes, and it’s those notes that you will use to write your judgment. The recording could be like this…(signals with her hands to indicate a pile of documents). Who will go through all of that? I used to take my own notes even though proceedings were being recorded. Where there is a blank in my note, I can refer to the recording to see what I missed out. In Lagos State, nobody has an excuse not to use recording equipment. All the recording equipment is in place. But they need to be serviced from time to time. We started it. In Lagos State, we lead and others follow. We’re the most vibrant of all the Judiciaries in the country.

    Any memorable experience as a judge?

    I remember funny instances when lawyers told obvious lies openly in court. Sometimes I show them from my records that they lied and they’d say: ‘As the court pleases.’ It was only while I was still a lawyer that someone called me an idiot and a goat. I cried that day. He said it in open court: ‘This idiot from the government that doesn’t know anything, empty-headed goat.’ And the judge was backing him that day. Then I was as a director in the Ministry of Justice. I was really upset. I met the judge on the Bench. I didn’t say a word. He’s still alive. But I was very, very upset. As a judge I didn’t have any embarrassing moments as such. I enjoyed my 20-year-tenure on the Bench. And I had a good rapport with the lawyers.

    Can you tell us about your work with FIFA?

    I was elected during Congress for four-year tenure. In FIFA, we have some independent chambers. We have an Ethics Committee, which consists of the investigatory chamber and the adjudicatory chamber. The investigatory chamber investigates petitions written against FIFA officials, such as Presidents of confederations, football players, referees or anybody related with football. When the chamber finds anything untoward, in terms of corruption, receiving money to fix matches, TV rights issues which involve a lot of money – when the chamber finds that something is wrong, and a prima facie case is established, they pass it to us. I’m in the adjudicatory chamber, which consists of a chairman, who is a retired judge (former President of the European Court), and the rest. He and I are the only former judges there. The rest are lawyers; there is one footballer. We sit over the cases. They email the files to us. First of all they ask which one of us is available between this date and that date. Once you confirm your availability, they assign you to a case. I’ve done several of such cases, about nine of ten. Usually, we go to Zurich for the hearing. Sometimes they ask for a hearing, so we sit as a court. The person will come and explain himself with his lawyers. Then we’ll decide whether to let him go or to ban him. Invariably the case is very well investigated. We’ve banned so many of them. I belong to the adjudicatory chamber, and my tenure will end in 2021.

    How did you get involved with FIFA? 

    I don’t know o. I sat down jeje o. And I got a call from a minister who said they wanted to put my name up for FIFA. I said FIFA? I didn’t know anything about football. They said they wanted a female retired judge, and they wanted her to come from Africa. FIFA President Giovanni Infantino wants a good spread of members of the committees from all over the world. The previous adjudicatory chamber had been in place for so long. Being a new President, he wanted to make changes. He took our names to the Congress, and they voted for it. That’s how I got there. It’s a four-year renewable tenure.

    What has been the experience working with Infantino?

    Beautiful. I only saw him once when he inaugurated the committees. I’ve not seen him since then. But I found that my experience in Nigeria has put me in good stead to handle these matters. It’s not different. In fact, the chairman and I being former judges, we enjoy working with each other. He starts a sentence and I help him to finish it. Or I start a sentence and he finishes it. We have a very good rapport. And I’ve got to meet people from all over the world. Our Deputy President had to drop out recently after being accused of corruption in Malaysia. That was quite a shock to all of us. But it’s been very nice. I’ve been Zurich countless times, and FIFA pays.

    Looking back, are there things you would have done differently as Chief Judge?

    I didn’t have much time as a Chief Judge. I wish I had more time. There are so many other things I would have liked to do. I would have liked to start the Family Court building and stuff like that. But God apportions time for everything. And you go when the ovation is loudest. I think all I did, I would have done them all over again. I did it to the best of my ability. I tried to make the place better, and I think I left it better than I met it. Those coming after me should leave it better than they met it.

    The Diocese of Lagos West (Anglican Communion) set up a Mediation Commission, which you chair. Can you tell us about it?

    The commission was set up by the Synod. The church realised there were some disagreements between parishioners in particular, which they thought could be settled amicably. The Anglican Communion abhors the fact of its members going to court, which is more or less like washing our dirty linen in public – personal matters like neighbourly quarrels, simple loans that one has refused to pay, and even husband and wife matters. You know there has been a high incidence of divorces across the board. So, in order to avoid the embarrassment of having its members washing their dirty linen in public, the members of the Diocese said: ‘Let’s set up a mediation commission’. Arbitration is now very popular and is much faster than going to court. Mediation is even the fastest of the lot. So, they set up a mediation commission to intercede in such matters. That way, we avoid members going to court or going to the newspapers or arguing publicly and then bringing disrepute to the Anglican Communion. In the Anglican Communion, we always do things by force of law. We have a constitution, which the Synod can amend to give the Commission the force of the Communion. It was discussed at the Synod, accepted, and it was resolved that the commission be set up. I was appointed as the chairman by the Bishop, and we have several other members cutting across the various archdeaconries of the church from various disciplines as the governing board. We have our office at the multi-purpose building attached to the Ascension Church at Opebi.

    Is it strictly for members? 

    We do allow member against non-member if the non-member gives his or her consent. We cannot force a non-member of the communion to participate. If they refuse to participate, there is nothing we can do about it having tried our best. But if they participate, all well and good; we’ll settle it.

    How binding are the commission’s decisions?

    Usually, mediation and arbitration are binding. But it doesn’t really preclude them from going to court. We would make them sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to the effect that they accept the decision and that is where the matter would end. If they want to contest it, they would have to go to court and let the court give a ruling as to whether they are bound by that. At the end of mediation, parties sign a MoU, and there’s where the matter should end really. Some people could be difficult and may want to go further; we have no control over that. Someone who is not satisfied will probably not sign the MoU.

    Is there an appeal to a higher authority within the Communion?

    We don’t have any appeals committee. But parties might go to the Bishop to complain some more. The Bishop is the Head of our Diocese. He might say: ‘Do this or that for them’. But I doubt whether he’ll interfere much. That being said, there is no other body apart from this mediation commission.

    Do courts endorse the decisions reached by the commission?

    Arbitrations are initiated by the contract between parties. It states that any dispute will be decided under the Arbitration and Conciliation Act. The clause in the contract is sacrosanct. So, the court has no jurisdiction to interfere; disputes must go to arbitration. At the end of the arbitration, the arbitrator makes his or her award. The award is usually challenged in court. One party may need the court’s backing to enforce it. The other party will oppose and say they should set aside the award. A court can only set aside an award where is there is arbitrator’s misconduct, lack of jurisdiction or any fraud. If you can’t prove any of those, the award stands. That’s what we have with regards to arbitration. I remember when I was still in office, the Citizens Mediation Centre in the Ministry of Justice uses an MoU. They do something similar to what we’re doing now – landlord and tenant issues, simple contracts, family disputes. They make them sign MoU, and we ratify that in the court. But that’s a special arrangement between the court and the Ministry of Justice. The DLW Mediation Commission does not have that rapport with the court yet. Maybe that will come later; we don’t have it in place now. That’s why I said anybody who is not content will do one of two things: either you don’t sign the MoU or you challenge it.

    Are disputants allowed to appear before the commission with their lawyers? 

    Not really. I’m sorry to say this, because I’m a lawyer myself. It might complicate matters a bit. It could be a case of someone borrowing N50,000 a year ago and promising to return it in a month, and a year later it has not been returned. And you need your money. If you bring in a lawyer, you will pay him; he’s not going to do it for free. He’s going to start bringing all sorts of applications. We want to appeal to the conscience of the person who has borrowed money to return it. If you can’t return it at once, then pay it back in instalments. And lawyers are not too malleable when it comes to amicable settlement of disputes. They’ll rather go the whole hog. So, it’s even cheaper for them at the end of the day to just come to the Mediation commission; we’ll get qualified mediators from among the church. It’s only when we can’t find from among the church that we’ll go outside. We have about four cases pending.

    Are there fees paid?

    No. The diocese is to fund the commission. But from the calibre of persons that comprise the governing board, we have been able to set ourselves up. The diocese gave us a fraction of what we asked for. We decided to do it ourselves. Someone volunteered a fan, somebody bought a printer, somebody bought the personal computer, and somebody bought the air conditioner. Ascension really tried. They furnished an office for us. So, it’s for us to get the intercom, wi-fi – we’ve done all that ourselves.

    How are complaints brought before the commission?

    Individuals can come, but churches can refer. Reverends can refer. If a revered has tried to settle a matter and he is so busy, he can refer it to us. We have an email address (dlwmc18@gmail. com). Maybe we can breathe fresh air into the matter and see what we can do.

    Are there timelines for deciding cases?

    We haven’t really decided on timelines. We’ll have a meeting soon, and it’s part of what we’ll discuss. We need to consider whether timelines are necessary, because we need to be very patient in mediation matters. Sometimes a party may say: ‘Let me go and think about it and come back’. If you rush them too much, they might get angry. So, it’s all baby steps for now.

    Where do you see the Commission in the next five years?

    I see it as a Body to be reckoned with, that would have made its mark in resolving matters amicably. I look forward to total eradication of any minor dispute that can bring disaffection amongst members or bring the Diocese into disrepute. I see it being in place so people won’t have to run to the reverends and bishops for complaints. We expect reverends to refer matters to the commission. My worry is husband and wife matters. If we can get the parties before any of them files for divorce, we can do something about it. Once a party files for divorce, that’s the end of it, the marriage is gone unless a miracle happens. I’ll recommend it to other Diocese.

  • Alleged defilement: Defence claims prosecution couldn’t prove case

    A 47-year-old supervisor at Chrisland School, Lagos, Adegboyega Adenekan, charged with defiling a two-year -old pupil,  yesterday claimed that the prosecution failed to prove its case.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that Adenekan made a no-case submission before an Ikeja Sexual Offences and Domestic Court handling the case.

    He made the submission through his counsel, Mr. Olatunde Adejuyigbe (SAN).

    Addressing the court, Adejuyigbe said the state did not provide the essential ingredients necessary to establish a case of defilement.

    “In this case of defilement, the elements or ingredients have not been established.

    “In the evidence before the court, the prosecution did not provide any evidence of sexual intercourse.

    “When the medical doctor gave evidence, the doctor said, ‘When we asked her who the perpetuator is, she did not mention the name of the perpetuator’,” he said.

    The counsel submitted that it was crucial that the act must be linked with the defendant.

    “With respect to witnesses, there must be corroboration, corroborative evidence must be independent of the main evidence and must be external.

    “PW1, PW2, PW3 and PW7’s evidence is dependent on what the child told them,” he said.

    Adejuyigbe claimed that the elements of defilement had not been established by the prosecution and, therefore, the case was deficient.

    Replying, lead state counsel Mr. Babajide Boye urged the court to dismiss Adenekan’s application.

    According to him, there is no smoke without fire.

    “The defendant is not the only male teacher or male supervisor of that school. The fact that the child singled him out as her abuser gives room for speculations, which deserve an explanation.

    “The following questions have to be answered: Was the child sexually assaulted? Was she able to identify her abuser? Did the police investigation link the defendant to the charge?

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    “If the answers to these questions are in the affirmative, we submit that the defendant has a case to answer,” he argued.

    Boye submitted that the issues raised by the defence counsel were those of technicalities.

    “I urge this court to do substantial justice in this case and avoid delving into the arena of technicalities.

    “There are no two Adenekans in that school that we know of; it will be in the interest of justice that the defendant will answer the case we have made through our seven witnesses,” he said.

    NAN reports that Adenekan, who was arraigned on January 29, 2018, pleaded not guilty to a charge of child defilement

    The prosecution alleged that Adenekan committed the offence in November 2016 at Chrisland School, Victoria Garden City, Lagos State.

    According to the prosecution, the defendant defiled the child by having sexual intercourse with her.

    The alleged offence contravenes Section 137 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2011, which recommends life sentence for anyone convicted of defiling a child.

    Justice Sybil Nwaka adjourned the case till May 21 for ruling on the no-case submission.