A typical song by the angry demonstrators was “E jeki a mura ogun, eleyi l on je iya (let us prepare for war, this is an insulting behaviours) (Anifowose, 1972).
The high rate of electoral violence (pre and post) following the 1964 and 1965 elections were said to have contributed in no small measure to the collapse of the first Republic. Continuation of this political violence led to spates of military coups, which prelude the 30-month civil war pogrom.
The electoral process of the second republic (1979– 1983) equally led to various cases of electoral violence across the whole of Nigeria. The most important one was the second election that was conducted after the first administration in 1983.
The structure of politics, despite the alteration in the structure of the federation from three (and later four) regions of the first republic, to nineteen states, was still largely driven by ethno-religious forces, where each party maintained its stronghold in a given regional/ethnic domain (Omotola). For example, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) dominated the Northern region, the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) dominated the Western region while the National People’s Party (NPP) dominated the Eastern region (Abimbola & Adesote, 2012).
The National Party of Nigeria (NPN), obviously NPC’s successor, controlled the federal government between 1979 and 1983. In the 1983 elections, it wanted to extend its reach to other regions, either by hook or by crook. The attempt to achieve this underscored the massive rigging of the 1983 elections, which resulted in an unprecedented outbreak of violence in the Western region, where the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), AG’S successor, held sway (Omotola, 2007). In the then Oyo and Ondo States, the two UPN states were declared for the NPN. This announcement led to unprecedented violence, in which a writer simply described it as ‘the house of war’ (Babarinsa 2002). Although Ondo state was later returned to UPN at the Election Tribunal, series of violence that accompanied the disputed election results following various cases of alleged irregularities in the conduct of the election led to the collapse of the second republic; thus giving the military the opportunity to seize power on 31 December 1983.
Prior to the Presidential election in 1993, the local government and gubernatorial elections had already been conducted in preparation for the birth of the third republic. It is a known fact that Nigeria since independence has never had any peaceful election devoid of violence and other electoral vices. Thus, the 1992/1993 elections were no exception. Meanwhile, the circumstances that led to the aborted Third republic revealed that Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, a dictator, in spite of his long transition programme, had no intention of handing over power to the civilian. This became known when he annulled the June 12, 1993 presidential election which was internationally acclaimed as free and fair; and as well described by local observers as the fairest election in the post colonial Nigeria.
The annulment of the election caused series of crises especially in the Western part of Nigeria championed by some groups such as NADECO among others. The post electoral violence, which followed the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, was what forced Gen. Ibrahim Babangida to form an Interim National Government (ING) headed by Ernest Shonekan, who was later overthrown in what was regarded as peaceful coup on November 17 1993 by General Sani Abacha. This development made the Third Republic an aborted republic.
The above historical analysis of the electoral violence in the post colonial Nigeria in particular contributed immensely to reasons why democracy in the first two major republics (first and second) could not only be consolidated but also be sustained. It could also be argued that the electoral processes as well as the kind of party politics (popularly known as zero sum game, winner takes all syndromes) played in the two republics were parts of the reasons why democratic rule could not be sustained.
The conduct of free, fair and credible periodic elections by unbiased electoral body including its umpire as well as other electoral officials and the adherence to democratic principles of governance remain major factors responsible for the avoidance of electoral violence in any democratic society. These two major factors were the challenges that the fourth republic had been contending with since its birth in 1999.
Since the birth of the fourth republic in 1999, four general elections have been conducted under a civilian administration in the country in which one can say that democracy was actually consolidated. In other words, the years between 2003 and 2015 witnessed the successful transition of one civilian administration to another. For instance, in 2003, a presidential election was conducted and the incumbent president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo of the PDP was declared the winner by INEC. In 2007, Late Alhaji Umaru Yar’Adua of the same PDP was also declared by INEC as the President elect. In April 2011, another presidential election was conducted by INEC in which Dr. Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP, who was initially sworn in first as, Acting President following the critical condition of Late president Umaru Yar’Adua, and later as a substantive President after its death also contested and was declared winner of the election by INEC.
In his quest for a second term, President Goodluck Jonathan contested against candidates from other political parties, including Major-General Muhammadu Buhari, a one-time military dictator, who had contested and lost thrice. The fact that elder statesmen led by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, had to extract non-violence agreement from the two leading contenders (Jonathan and Buhari), lead credence to the fear of violence.
The early concession of defeat by incumbent President Jonathan has been applauded nationwide. This gesture did not permeate among other PDP contestants across the country. Pockets of violence, ballot-snatching and outright rigging were observed, despite assurances from security agents.
In spite of the fact that the just concluded elections for the Presidency, Governorship of 29 states as well as national and state houses of assembly witnessed minimal violence, we should be on our guards to sustain this democracy. Thanks to national and international democratic institutions, Nigeria, for the first time witnessed a smooth transition not only from a democratically elected government but also from one party to another. With several deaths on its toll especially in the south-south state of Rivers, as well as recorded malpractices in Ekiti State, where seven assembly members sacked 19 others, resulting in some deaths, and pockets of violence nationwide, a lot still needs to be done to safe guard this democracy from doom. There is the need to strengthen our democratic institutions like the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, encourage internal democracy among political parties, de-emphasize money-politics and the need to play by the rules of engagement.
I will not end this essay without a reference, once again, to the admonition by Asiwaju, a living sage. He says “We have to remove violence from our body politic. Election is about( people and service to the people. That is why democracy is the( government of the people, by the people and for the people. It is ( not a process of gun and war and violence. It is power by all( means necessary that leads to violence. We need to eschew that,( allow the process to run its course, nurture the institutions of( democracy; respect the rule of law and the lives and property of( Nigerians. The right of the people to choose their own leader for a( specific period of time should be respected.”(Concluded.)
• Akinola wrote in from Lagos
