Obi of Onitsha Nnaemeka Alfred Achebe has said the constitution must protect traditional institutions from political elites.
He spoke in Lagos at a public lecture organised by the Yoruba Tennis Club.
Igwe Achebe added that the traditional institution must continue to evolve with the times.
“Our traditional today is probably at its peak of popular acceptance and approbation compared with other periods since the colonial times. Nevertheless, several measures are still necessary as we continue to uphold the position of the modern traditional institution in our body politic.
The Constitution, at the minimum, should recognise the role of traditional institution in the communal life, such as mobilising the community for enlightenment, education, economic empowerment, peace building, safety, security, and custodianship of and leadership in advancing our culture,” he said.
The Igwe added that “the constitution should enshrine the non-involvement of traditional rulers in partisan politics as has been recommended by the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria (NCTRN) to the National Assembly. On the other hand, the constitution should also adequately protect the traditional institution from undue meddling and interference by the political elites and the moneyed class”.
He advocated the creation of a National Council of Traditional Rulers at the federal level as a forum where traditional rulers’ representatives from all parts of the country can meet regularly to deliberate on major national issues and provide advice to the Federal Government.
Igwe Achebe said the traditional institution must continue stay abreast of change in a digital world, jealously guard and protect the core social values, customs and traditions that distinguish respective people.
On the traditional institution before and during the colonial government, he said: “Before colonialism, Nigerian traditional communities were variously organised as empires, kingdom, city states, and autonomous communities, with sovereign monarchs as the political, military and, sometimes, religious authorities. These monarchs, now commonly referred to as traditional rulers, were the first points of contact for the colonial agents, the agents deployed leases, agreements, subterfuge, and outright military conquest to eventually impose their authority on the various domains, and agglomerate them into one country, Nigeria. But such colonialists’ assaults were not achieved without stiff and gallant resistance by several of our then monarchs of Lagos, Oyo, Benin, Borgu, Opobo, Nembe etc.
“A critical factor in colonial administration was the imposition of the famous policy of “Indirect Rule” introduced by Lord Frederick Luggard. One school of thought days that the policy was necessitated by the dearth of British colonial officers required for the effective governance of the vast country. Yet, another was the British were re-creating the drams of the voice of Jacob and the hand of Esau. Thus, whilst making the traditional rulers subordinate to the colonial authority, the policy actually enhanced their arbitrary powers over their people through the obnoxious system of sole native authority.
“Indirect rule was deemed to have broadly succeeded in Northern Nigeria where there was a ready, highly centralised, traditional administration through which the colonial government could extent authority. The apparent success led to the attempt to replicate the system in the rest of the country. While it was deemed a partial success in Western Nigeria, it became a colossal failure in Eastern Nigeria where the decentralised pre-colonial governance system led to the creation and imposition of “Warrant Chiefs”, whose highhandedness was vehemently resisted by the populace. Though there were well established kingdoms and domains in Western Nigeria, the traditional governance system did not accord the Obas similar enormous powers wielded in the North, including the authority to impose taxes.
“The judgment as to the level of success is therefore merely relative, even in Norther Nigeria where the ruling aristocracy entrenched its domination over the others, particularly in the largely non-Muslim areas of the Middle Belt and Southern Kaduna. The real benefit for the country was that, by sidelining the education elites, who were mostly from the South, the system caused a coalescence of these elites under Herbert Macaulay to demand the liberation of the country and ultimately, Independence.”
Speaking about the experience of the traditional institution under the colonial masters, he said: “The rise of modern nationalism during colonialism, spearheaded by the new political elites, set the scene for the next phase of our history. Several of these elites were said to hold quasis-socialist ideas that denigrated the “undemocratic” tradition institution as the agent of Indirect Rule, which should be subjugated. This view, from current perspectives, appears rather too simplistic. Let us be reminded that our nationalist and fiercest armed fighters against colonialism were those early monarchs such as Oba Ovonramwen of Benin, King Jaja of Opobo and King Koko of Nembe.
“Having been conquered military, the struggle moved to the political arena spearheaded by the political arena, subsequent generations of monarchs. In this regard, the name of late Oba Samuel Adetayo Akisanya, Odemo of Isara Remo, immediately comes to mind. He was a trade unionist and one of the founders of the Nigerian Youth Movement and, subsequently, the Action Group party. He subsequently mounted the throne of his ancestors (1941-1965) and became a member of the Western House of Chiefs and Minister without Portfolio in Western Nigeria. To some extent, Oba Akisanya represented early Nigerian nationalism and patriotism. Dr. Azikiwe, an Eastern Nigerian from Onitsha, supported him to become the President of the Nigerian Youth Movement while Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a kinsman from today’s Ogun State, campaigned for Ernest Ikoli, an Ijaw from Eastern Nigeria, for the post.
“History also has it that the Action Group party was launched in the palace of late Oba Sir Olateru Olagbegi II, Olowo of Owo (1941-1966/1993-1998). Similarly, late Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi I, Emir of Kano (1953-1963) and grandfather of the present Emor, wsa instrumental to the formation of the Northern People’s Congress. He reigned over the most prosperous emirate in Northern Nigeria and groomed many of the early educated elites in the Kano Native Authority system from where they moved into politics as the regional and federal levels.
“It is noteworthy, however, that these three traditional rulers, along the with others, such as the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Adeniran Adeyemi II (1945-1955), and the late Attah of Igala, Ameh Oboni I (1946-1956), became at variance with the leaders of the political parties and regional governments (the political elites). The variances have unfortunately been misrepresented by some historians as a struggle between the modern political elites and the feudalistic traditional elites. This view is not supported by the fact that the protagonists on either side of the clashes were both highly political astute as well as members of the aristocracy. For instance, the modern political elites, such Ogbuefi Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello, and Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, were also princes and chiefs in their own rights. From hindsight, it would rather seem that the conflicts were a matter of which elite group would retain authority after the colonial regime.
“Despite these clashes, and the exile and sanction of several traditional rulers, the institution of tradition rulership itself was not threatened, but rather “accommodated”, in the First Republic. “Thus, in addition to their legislative roles in the newly created Regional Houses of Chiefs, some traditional rulers were appointed into the state cabinets as ministers without portfolio )Oba Sir Adesoji Aderemi, Ooni of Ife, and Eze Sir Dr Akanu Ibiam, Eze Unwana Afikpo). Meanwhile, several other influential traditional rulers remained a stabilizing factor in the tumultuous political environment of the period. These included the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Ladapo Ademola (1920-1962), Obi of Onitsha, Obi James Okosi II (1935-1961), Oba of Lagos, Oba Adeniji Adele (1949-1964), Oba of Benin, Oba Akenzua II (1933-1978), and Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Siddiq Abubakar III (1938-1988), amongst many. The constitutional developments leading up to the incursion of the military into political governance in the country attest to that accommodating strategy.”
In the military era
The Igwe also touched on how the institution fared under the military. He accused the military of diminishing the influence of the institution.
Said he: “It was the military rulers who often romanced with the traditional rulers that progressively and studiously brought about the several political changes that diminished the powers and influence the traditional institution.
“These changes included the federal and state government’s takeover of the local police, prisons and native courts in 1968, the Land Use Decree of 1978 and the 1976 local government’s reforms, which transferred the administrative and legislative roles of traditional rulers to the newly created local government councils.
Still under the military regimes, the 1979 Constitution excluded the traditional rulers from any formal legislative role, but rather established a Council of Chiefs at the state level with only limited advisory roles. It also created a Council of State at the Federal level comprising nominees from State Councils of Chiefs and having similar advisory roles. Indeed, the Ibrahim Babangida Political Bureau of 1986 which was part of the steps leading to the 1989 Constitution stated as reported in the MAMSER 1987. It reports that ‘In the context of the new social and political order proposed, traditional rulers should have no special role to play in government beyond the local government level where they have relevance. Furthermore, by virtue of the scope and character of the contemporary Nigerian state, it is a misnomer to designate incumbents of these traditional institutions as traditional rulers. It will be appropriate for them to be designated in accordance with their role in the state and society. This official designation must not accord them a rival status with the principal political offices of the Nigerian State. The 1995 draft Constitution stressed that nothing in that draft constitution should construed as conferring any legislative, executive or judicial function on the State Council of Chiefs.”
He said the 1999 Constitution further denigrated the institution by removing any representation of traditional rulers from the Council of State.
“Some of the generation of traditional rulers who bore the brunt of the onslaught of the military regimes include the following: Obi Alphonsus Ofala Okagbue, Obi of Onitsha, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Ooni of Ife, Ahaji Ado Bayero, Emir of Kano, Oba Sikiru Adetona, Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Adeyinka Oyekan, Oba of Lagos, Alhaji Muhammadu Maccido, Sultan of Sokoto, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Eradiauwa I, Oba of Benin, Ogiame Erejuwa II, Olu of Warri, Oba Oyebade Lipede, Alake of Egbaland, and their many other colleagues. Most of these traditional rulers were well educated and had successfully professional or business careers before ascending the throne. Consequently, they had a broader worldview and the courage to manoeuver through the minefields of the occasionally tense relationships with the military regimes. Many were on the throne during the civil war and became active bridge builder in its aftermaths. Nevertheless, the institution did not escape the dethronement and banishment of the erstwhile Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki during the regime of General Sani Abacha,” he observed.
In the post military period
Igwe Achebe said: “The fortunes of the traditional rulers continued to fluctuate under the post-military civilian state executive authorities, which are a source of stipend and hold the powers of potential manipulation. There has been also the emergence of several new domains carved out of existing ones, competition for visibility by the new traditional rulers, and the reduction of the spheres of influence of existing ones. Whilst no part of the country is immune, this trend of balkanization has been most rampant in the Southeast and Southsouth parts of the country. The Imo State government attracted attention two years ago when it split the ancient kingdom of Owerri into five autonomous communities and appointed four new Ezes, in addition to the erstwhile paramount ruler, Eze Emmanuel Njamanze.
“However, political interference with the traditional institution has not gone unchallenged in this period, and sometimes successfully too.
“For instance, the paramount ruler of the Mgbidi community, Eze Dr Pius Agwaramgo, has so far successfully fought a court case against the attempt of the Imo State government under Governor Achike Udenwa to balkanise his domain into some six autonomous communities, each with a traditional ruler. In 2002, Alhaji Haliru Bantoro, Kitoro III (2002-2015) won a high profile court case against the Niger State government as the rightful Emir of Borgu. Oba Frederick Obateru Akinrutan, Olugbo of Ugboland (2009-) won a similar case in 2009 against the Ondo State government. In 2005, Governor Adamu Aliero of Kebbi State dethroned Alhaji Mustapha Jokolo (1995-2005) as Emor of Gwandu for ‘being complex in character rather than the simplicity expected of his status.’ Alhaji Jokolo, who earlier had succeeded his late father on the throne, was reinstating by the High Court and Court of Appeal, and the case is now awaiting a final ruling by the Supreme Court. In June 2014, the Imo State government published a gazette withdrawing the certificate of recognition of Eze Cletus Ilomuanya (1996-2014) as Obi of Obinugwu “in line with the resolution of the State House of Assembly.” Eze Ilomuanya is still challenging the state government in the courts.
“Despite the foregoing setbacks, the respect for traditional institution in the country since independence has grown steadily, particularly among the political elites.
“Indeed, there was a recent media account by the veteran journalist, Peter Enahoro, about his brother, Hon. Anthony Enahoro, acquiring the traditional title of Adolor of Uromi to avoid being ridiculed in the Western House of Assembly as a mere “Mister” among members, who were mostly “traditional chiefs”.
“The irony was also captures in 1982 by the veteran television journalist, Frank Oliseh, when he reported that, though the pre-Independence House of Chiefs had been eliminated in the post-Republican era, there was an uncanny paradox happening in which elected members of the House of Representatives were acquiring chieftaincy titles at a pace that their chamber was becoming the House of Chiefs! Indeed, the acquisition of chieftaincy titles is still seen as conferring legitimacy on recipients for their roles in modern Nigeria.
“About a year ago, the Governor of Oyo State, Chief Abiola Ajimobi, personally endorsed a newspaper advertorial to thank all and sundry who joined in the celebrations of the coronation of the new Olubadan of Ibadan. Similarly, Governor Adams Oshiomole of Edo State was actively involved in the coronation rites Oba Ewuare II of Benin last October. The same happened earlier this month with the coronation of new Tor Tiv, His Majesty, Professor James Ayatse, with the full participation of the Benue State government. These are interesting examples of the political elite leading the ‘re-traditionalisation’ of the Nigerian polity, as coined by Dr Tunji Olaop of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy.
“Another significant dimension is the intimidating rise in and diversity of, the professional knowledge and executive experience of the traditional rulers in the country. The Ahamadu Bello University, of which I am the Chancellor, currently has at least fifty-seven alumni who are traditional rulers, including the present Emirs of Kano, Zaria and Katsina, Shehu of Borno, Gbong Gwom of Jos, and new traditional Ruler of Ogidi, Igwe Alexander Uzo Onyido.”
