Tag: travails

  • PDP primaries: Travails of APC defectors (1)

    Recent events suggest that the hopes of some of the top politicians that defected from All Progressives Congress to the Peoples Democratic Party may have been dashed, reports Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan

    LAST August, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was rocked by a gale of defection that threatened to weaken its base, not only in the National Assembly, but across the various states of the country. Several federal legislators dumped the party and pitched their tents with the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). A couple of governors moved out of the party too, of course, with some of their supporters.

    While most of those who jumped ship were quick to cite alleged unfair treatments and marginalisation meted out to them within the APC as the reasons for their defection, many observers claimed majority of those who moved to the PDP did so in search of greener political pastures. Afraid that they may not be able to secure the tickets of the ruling APC to seek re-election, it was said that these governors and lawmakers looked towards PDP for help.

    But it appears today that the political permutations that saw them moving into the PDP may have been faulty or miscalculated. What with them not being able to secure the tickets they allegedly ran to the opposition party to get? Across the states, tales of how APC defectors into PDP are being denied tickets by members of their new party are daily pouring into the newsroom.

    At the height of the defection saga, the opposition PDP openly wooed members of the ruling APC in the National Assembly with automatic tickets. At the time, many members of the APC caucus at the National Assembly were said to be afraid that governors of their respective states were after their seats, making their chances of getting their return tickets slim.

    When asked back then if it was true that the former ruling party was offering automatic tickets to aggrieved APC members, Senator Ben Murray-Bruce said, “Yes, it is true. We welcome them 100 per cent with open arms. They should come and join us. We miss them; we love them and they should all come back. Even those who were not with us, we will take everybody.”

    From Kaduna, where highly rated Senator Suleiman Hunkuyi was showed how uneasy it is to dash into the PDP and pick its governorship ticket, to Kano where Senator Musa Kwankwaso allegedly denied his ardent follower and former deputy governor, a chance to get the guber ticket, and Kogi where controversial Senator Dini Melaye is still struggling for acceptance, the stories appear endless.

    Dead end for Hunkuyi in Kaduna?

    A former member of the House of Representatives, Alhaji Isah Ashiru, has been elected as the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Kaduna State. The Chairman of the PDP Governorship Primary Election Committee in the state, Mr. Phillip Aivoji, on Monday in Kaduna declared Ashiru winner of the election with 1,330 votes. He defeated three other contestants including former governor of the state, Dr. Mukhtar Ramalan-Yero, who had 36 votes.

    Ashiru’s victory at the primary election dealt a huge blow on the political future of current senator representing the district at the National Assembly, Senator Suleiman Hunkuyi. The incumbent Senator, who dumped the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) for the PDP weeks back in search of a platform to actualise his gubernatorial ambition, could not garner enough votes to keep his dream alive. Hunkuyi dumped the APC on July 19.

    According to the results announced at the end of voting, Hunkuyi scored 564 votes while Malam Muhammad Sani-Sidi, former Director-General of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) got 560 votes to come third during the primary. Aivoji, who declared 39 votes invalid, said 2,654 delegates from the 23 local government areas of the state participated in the process.

    Upon his defection to the PDP from the APC after months of unending face-off with Governor Nasir El-Rufai of the state, Hunkuyi had vowed to help PDP return back to power in Kaduna State. The senator said this while on a visit to the PDP secretariat in Kaduna on Friday, July 27, adding that he decided to join the party in line with the agreement between the factional R-APC and the opposition party.

    As if predicting the Senator’s current dilemma, Salisu Tanko Wusono, Kaduna APC Assistant Publicity Secretary, had warned him that his vow to unseat Governor El-Rufai in 2019 will lead to his “undignified retirement”.  “Hunkuyi boasted in 2003 that he will defeat the incumbent governor. He failed, only to hurry back to the PDP as soon as he was defeated to the surprise of the APP that had given him its governorship ticket.

    “Hunkuyi failed in every election until the APC gave him its ticket to contest the senatorial election in 2015. This should have prompted some humility and gratitude that the APC had made him electable. But Hunkuyi preferred to delude himself that he made the APC victorious. No politician of note in Kaduna is oblivious of Hunkuyi’s inconsistency and lack of political fidelity. It is another trading season for him,” Wusono had said.

    However, the last may not have been heard of the guber dream of the senator as sources within the camp of the embattled governorship aspirant told The Nation that he is currently weighing the options available for him ahead of the general election. “Yes, he is thinking of what next to do. But he must consider a lot of things before deciding on how best to approach his next political move,” an aide said.

    Not yet Uhuru for Melaye in Kogi

    Although Senator Dino Melaye was on Tuesday returned as the PDP flagbearer for Kogi West Senatorial District for the 2019 General Election, leaders of the party in his district are insisting that his emergence, following the controversial disqualification of four other aspirants for the ticket, is unacceptable and will be challenged until it is corrected and the ticket taken from him.

    Checks by The Nation revealed that while four contenders in the race were not cleared by the party screening committee to participate in the primary election, two others stepped down for Melaye who just returned from the APC to the party. This happened amidst sustained opposition to an earlier announcement by the national leadership of the PDP that Melaye will be given an automatic ticket by the party.

    Those who stepped down for Melaye were former Commissioner of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Tolorunjuwon Faniyi and the current Reps member representing Kabba/Bunu/ Ijumu Federal Constituency, Hon. Tajudeen Yusuf. Those not cleared for the primary included Sunday Karimi, member representing Yagba Federal Constituency and former Acting Governor of the state, Clarence Olafemi.

    The other two were Henry Ojuola and Ganiyu Salaudeen all from the Yagba Federal Constituency, who felt that it was their turn to produce the next senator. The affirmation primary was conducted at the Prestige Hotels in Kabba, headquarters of the senatorial district. Returning officer for the exercise, Mr. Jude Sule said Melaiye scored all the delegates votes from the seven council areas that made the district. The exercise was monitored by INEC and some security personnel.

    But some prominent leaders of the state chapter of the PDP are still rejecting Senator Melaye in spite of his victory at the primary. According to them, the exercise was tailored to favor the earlier plan to dash Melaye the PDP senatorial ticket as a compensation for his alleged betrayal of his former party, the APC and his subsequent return to the PDP, a party he once described as a den of criminals.

    “Melaye is too controversial and his behaviors are unacceptable to us. Moreover, he cannot win any free and fair election in Kogi West,” the party elders under the auspice of Kogi West Elders Forum (KWEF), claimed. They accused the senator of being too controversial and claimed he has lost his popularity among the masses and so should not have been given the senatorial ticket of the PDP.

    “The attempt to impose the controversial Senator Dino Melaiye on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Kogi West, by the national leadership of the party is hereby rejected in it totality and unacceptable. PDP leadership in Kogi West endorsed by the state leadership was the first party to take a firm decision to shift/zone the position to other federal constituency of the state for equity and justice, since over a year now.

    “Known aspirants have emerged from other areas, excluding Ijumu in PDP, and they have been on the field carrying out their consultations and preparing their structures in preparation for the party Senatorial primaries expending huge amount of resources and time for the past 12 months. To now impose a strange candidate under a questionable reason is not only wrong, but also unfair.

    “This will totally collapse all efforts by our highly respected leaders at rebuilding and rebranding the party in the state. This in turn, will give undue opportunity and advantage to the opposition party APC that is in government to contend with,” the group’s chairman, Hon. Shaibu Momoh, said while warning vigorously against what he called a brazen attempt to force Melaye on the people by PDP.

    Political lessons for Prof. Abubakar in Kano

    Former Commissioner for Works, Transport and Housing in Kano, Abba Kabiru Yusuf, has been declared winner of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship primaries in Kano. Yusuf, a son-in-law to former governor of the state and senator representing Kano Central, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, won the PDP primaries during a marathon congress held yesterday at Lugard House, a private residence owned by Kwankwaso.

    Chairman of the PDP gubernatorial primaries committee in Kano, Ezogu (Dr.) Emeka Onunha (JP), who declared the results yesterday, said Abba defeated other aspirants with 2,451 votes. Yussuf’s emergence as the Kano PDP candidate came as a bitter political lesson for immediate past deputy governor of the state, Prof. Hafiz Abubakar, who had resigned his plum position and joined the PDP to pursue his gubernatorial aspiration.

    An ardent disciple of Senator Musa Kwankwaso, he had high hopes that he will be considered for the ticket ahead of other members of the Kwankwassiya Movement. But the last minute decision of Kwankwaso to draft his son-in-law into the race thwarted his chances in the race for the ticket and pitched him against his erstwhile leader for whom he fought Governor Ganduje to a standstill.

    Abubakar, contrary to admonitions by the leadership of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, decided to contest for the governorship seat of the state. He picked the nomination form of the PDP for 2019 governorship elections against the wishes of Senator Kwankwaso, leader of the Kwankwassiya Movement. But at the end of proceedings, he lost to Yussuf who was declared the winner of the election.

    Expectedly, some PDP leaders in the state rejected the governorship primary election conducted on Monday by the Electoral Committee constituted by the party’s National Working Committee. State Chairman of the party, Sen. Mas’ud Doguwa, described the election, which was conducted by the committee headed by Ezeogu Emeka-Onuaha, as null and void.

    Doguwa explained that they had been in the PDP for quite some time and were conversant with the technicalities involved in conducting primary elections. “With this attitude of impunity of enforcing candidates on members of the party, the national leadership of the party is doing nothing but paving way for the All Progressives Congress (APC) to win elections in Kano State.

    He added that a court had ordered that the party’s caretakers were operating illegally, yet they went ahead and conducted the governorship primaries, saying members of the party would not accept such illegality. The chairman, therefore, urged the national leadership of the party to ensure justice and fairness for the survival of the party in the state.

    Bolaji Abdullahi in Kwara too

    In Kwara State, a member of the House of Representatives and former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly, Barr. Razak Atunwa, emerged the governorship candidate of the PDP, putting an abrupt end to the desire of former National Publicity Secretary of the APC, Bolaji Abdullahi, to rule the state. Abdullahi resigned his position and announced his exit from the ruling party last August.

    Atunwa, a former commissioner for Information and Works in the state polled 1,555 votes to beat his rival, a former governor of the state and serving senator, Alh Mohammed Sha’aba Lafiagi who scored 578 votes. He is from Asa Local Government Area in Kwara Central. Abdullahi, a close associate of Senate President Bukola Saraki, upon his defection to the PDP, was one of those touted to clinch the ticket.

    He had participated in the conduct of the PDP governorship primaries, which started on Sunday, until it was declared inconclusive when the peaceful process was disrupted abruptly by some aggrieved delegates who alleged that the process was being manipulated. The primary election was then rescheduled by the electoral committee after consultations with all stakeholders.

    But before the commencement of the rescheduled voting by the accredited 2,227 delegates from the 193 wards in the state, some guber aspirants such as Ladi Hassan, Saka Issau (SAN), Zakari Muhammed and Ali Ahmad all stepped down from the race while, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, Muhammed Ibrahim Ajia, Prof. Abubakar Sulaiman, Aliyu Ahman Patigi  all boycotted the exercise.

    Sources claimed Abdullahi’s absence at the rescheduled election may not be unconnected with his dissatisfaction with the way the process was handled.” He is one of the closest persons to Saraki and he must have felt things were not properly done. Rather than rock the boat, he chose to stay out of the rescheduled election,” a party source told The Nation.

    But the state governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed, who said that the nine aspirants withdrew from the race because of the party’s interest, thanked them for their act of magnanimity. The governor also thanked the state’s political leader, Dr. Bukola Saraki, for his wise counselling and purposeful leadership which, he said, had kept members of the PDP united in the state.

    While announcing his resignation and departure from the ruling party in a statement signed by him in August, Abdullahi noted that he cannot continue to function as the spokesperson for the party when his personal principles were not compatible with its purported expectations. He accused the APC of rejecting the political group which he belonged and as such, he can no longer justify to himself that he should remain in the party.

    As events unfold, observers are keen to see the affected politicians’ next moves.

  • Travails of INTELS

    It all began as a singlehanded alteration to the terms of contract with INTELS to remit all revenues, including the revenue that should accrue to the company into the Treasury Single Account, TSA. Then it transmuted into media campaign against the company accusing it of running an unhealthy monopoly in the oil and gas services industry in Nigeria. The tempo kept increasing, and now we have the last straw aimed at breaking the camel’s back. Following a Presidential approval, Abubakar Malami, the Attorney-General of the Federation wrote to the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority, NPA, Hadiza Bala-Usman directing her to terminate the boats pilotage monitoring and supervision agreement between INTELS Nigeria Limited and the NPA, which allowed the company to receive revenue on behalf of the government and retain a certain percentage of the revenue collected. As reported in some dailies, the AGF in response to a letter from the NPA boss, stated that the agreement should be terminated because it is illegal and contravenes Sections 80(1), 162(1) and (10) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This contravention is further heightened by the resolve of the current administration to implement the Treasury Single Account (TSA). En passant, it is imperative to establish here that the government will always find a constitutional basis for whatsoever it is determined to do. So there is probably no point in attempting to scrutinise the spirit of the sections of the constitution the decision is predicated on.

    As a background, the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority had written to INTELS earlier this year proposing a review of the existing contract, among other things, between the two parties. The proposal also requested INTELS to respect the new policy of the federal government, TSA. INTELS provided reasons why it would not be able to adjust its financial process to accommodate TSA at the time. The company rightly stated that the TSA policy was not part of the contractual agreement it had with NPA; as a result, the company had already used its account to secure loan facility that can only be serviced by retaining its percentage of revenue collected. After series of correspondences between the two parties, the NPA issued a threat that it would terminate the agreement with INTELS if the company refused to comply with the TSA policy. That threat has now been fully executed.

    However, many have described the ongoing crisis as a political witch-hunt targeted at the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar who is a major shareholder in the company and a possible presidential aspirant in the next election. Inasmuch as one would prefer to reason otherwise, how do you prove the point that this is not a witch-hunt when all the handwriting on the wall clearly suggests it is? It is more difficult to think otherwise considering that the former VP, during the formal launching of his Presidential bid for the 2015 elections, had publicly pronounced INTELS as his most successful business. In the first instance, the reference made to the constitution in the letter written by the AGF to the MD of NPA does not in any manner forbid the government from entering into agency agreements with private entities. Or is there a part of the law that says government cannot engage in contractual agreement with private companies in the collection of revenue? INTELS is not the only private organisation that collects revenue on behalf of the government and remits same into the government’s coffers. This is replicated in many other sectors of the economy. For instance, many companies deduct withholding tax from contractors and remit the same to the government. I would like to believe that is a form of agency arrangement that allows the private entities to collect revenue on behalf of the government.

    The same model is employed at the state levels. This model has been beneficial to both the government and the citizenry in many ways. It is common knowledge that government performance in the country is marred by bureaucratic bottlenecks that eventually takes its toll on the overall output of any endeavour. The model is not peculiar to Nigeria. It is the same that is employed in other developed nations such as the United States, United Kingdom and South Africa where they have Private Collection Agencies. In other words, it is international best practice; agency arrangement is a normal phenomenon. It is therefore worrisome that the government could terminate a contractual agreement on the premise that it was in contravention of the constitution. Maybe, we will require professors of law to further enlighten Nigerians on the issues at stake. Until then, the only logical summation to all of this is political witch-hunt.

    But what is more alarming is the preference of the government to take on a company that employs over 20, 000 Nigerians for political reasons. Government is a going concern, a continuum that demands respect for existing agreements. And in that regard, it is difficult to believe that the previous administrations respected the agreement with INTELS despite its illegality. More so, the TSA issue is a recent development that was never in the picture when the agreement with INTELS was signed. If the government wants the other party to embrace the TSA, that has to be agreed at the table of negotiations not by revocation of agreements. The government cannot just issue a directive to a partner in a contract when the terms of the contract did not support such.

    It is dangerous to play politics with the livelihood of Nigerians. According to data from the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria currently has an unemployment rate of about 15% of the population. It appears we are more interested in increasing that percentage than we are in reducing it. The ripple effect of revoking INTELS’ contract is the attendant job loss. The only way to fully understand the impact of INTELS on Nigeria and the possible effect of the witch-hunt is to visit Onne community and have a conversation with the king of Onne. The whole community practically survives on the company as it employs many of the youths and continues to provide both direct and indirect jobs for the people. To attack INTELS is to attack the Onne community and further plunge thousands of young men and women into the labour market. It is really worth it? Politics is meant to be in the interest of the people not against the people.

    It is important for the government to listen to the voice of wisdom and bring INTELS to the negotiation table for an amicable resolution to the current impasse. Terminating contractual agreement with the company on the basis of illegality is petty to say the least. The contract is a form of Public Private Partnership and there is absolutely nothing illegal about that. We all understand the need for every political gladiator to strategise for the coming elections. We understand the need to outsmart political opponents to corner some political advantages. It is normal in politics but there is always a red line we must not cross. When political moves have the potential of eliminating the livelihood of thousands of Nigerians, it is a red line that must not be crossed. Let us embrace options that will be beneficial to all Nigerians and to the nation at large.

    By the way, if INTELS is attacked today for political reason, who will be attacked after 2023? Power is transient; no one really knows where power will swing to tomorrow. It is not smart to kill the future of thousands of people for the expediency of today. There are certainly other ways to fight politics; not by attempting to kill a company that has been socially responsible throughout its existence in Nigeria. Let us play politics that pays all not politics that pays some and plagues others.

     

    • Isiaka, a Business Analyst, writes from Abuja.

     

  • Travails of federalism

    With my recent intervention on the warped form and character of federalism in Nigeria, I assumed I must have contributed to the ongoing polemic via-a-vis the imperatives of either political restructuring or secession as canvassed by the Biafrans.  However, when the babel of voices on the kismet of Nigeria’s federal arrangement now takes a very dangerous dimension, I am compelled to lend my voice again.  The snag is the idea that confederacy could save Nigeria; whereas, in the contemporary world, no country is organized along confederal structure.

    Tola Adeniyi, a respected columnist surprisingly exhumed the spirit of late Bisi Onabanjo (of blessed memory) by canvassing confederation.  The idea which was first mooted by the former Governor of Ogun State in the Second Republic (1979-1983) was basically borne out of frustration with the system.  A polity that basically threw up the likes of the late sage – Chief Obafemi Awolowo – but eventually installed Alhaji Shehu Shagari as President; could be described as not working.  Same system tolerated annulment of June 12, 1993 Presidential election result despite the fact that the election was a watershed in all ramifications.  The late business mogul got ‘sacrificed’ along the line.  That election marked shifting the ‘locale’ of power from the northern military oligarchy to civilians after decades of military junta holding sway. It was also a shift of power from the northern oligarchy to the south and equally an election that removed the toga of ethnicity and religious chauvinism in Nigeria’s body politic; but with impunity discountenancing a credible election, such a system cannot be described as a working federal structure.

    In the words of Adeniyi, the bane of Nigeria’s federal arrangement could be summarized thus “it was a marriage that was not canvassed, not negotiated not consented to that was the root, the father and mother of all the diseases that had plagued Nigeria since 1914”. But this is absolutely reductionist. Between 1960 when Nigerian got flag independence till date, we ought to have, as a country, negotiated how we desire the ‘forced’ marriage to work.  Thus, it is imperative that we glaringly highlight the travails of the system for us to be able to recommend recipe.  This is the primary motive of this piece.

    To start with, the degree of loyalty to the constitution, particularly the sections relating to formal division of powers between and amongst tiers of government is important to federal stability.  Inasmuch as federalism is basically a juristic concept, much of its success or failure would depend on the extent to which the central and constituent governments define their powers, territories and other provisions in the constitution.  Its therefore not significantly amazing that since 1954, new constitutions were drafted in quick successions with none satisfying the yearnings and aspirations of an average Nigerian as if the only panacea for federal stability is the constitution, whereas in the words of Alfa Belgore, an eminent jurist, “the elite are making terrible encroachment into the constitution, simply because of personal selfishness”. Thus, any federal arrangement like Nigeria’s where the constitution is not taken as an upright and sacred document, which must be respected by all no matter how highly placed coupled with rare obedience to court verdicts, federalism definitely runs into troubled waters.

    Be that as it may, the concomitant effect of military rule in terms of over-centralization has bastardized the virtues of federalism in Nigeria.  What we have is more of a unitary system than federalism! One can easily recall that with 1954 constitution, Nigeria began with a formal federal structure that was decentralized to accommodate the diverse ethnic groups.  For instance, each of the constituent federating units, known then as regions, operated its own regional constitution, police, civil service and judiciary. Each region even had a separate coat of arms and motto, distinct from those of the federation. Sadly, with the coming of the military, along with the command structure of the military, federal government acquired more powers to the detriment of the federating units. The first military putsch in 1966 abolished regional police. The federal military government went ahead taking over assets owned by the state or group of states like television stations, stadia and newspapers, thereby strengthening the federal government at the expense of the states in terms of asset ownership. This made the contest for political power at the federal level a lot more intense among the federating units, and it laid the foundation for many years of crisis of instability. Many other actions taken by the military junta no doubt exacerbated this emerging trend.

    Nevertheless, the problematic nature of Nigeria’s citizenship is one other travail of Nigeria’s federalism which has in no small measure undermined the efficacy of the federal structure. Unlike India where there is no dual citizenship, in which case there is only one citizenship, and where the concept of a state citizen does not exist, on the other hand in Nigeria to be employed outside one’s ethnic base at state level is really a big ‘risk’ in the sense that such a person would bear the burden of a non-indigene. Indeed, there is a conscious notion of my state ‘or’ my home which affects every Nigerian who lives outside his/her state of origin and makes him/her go home to marry a wife, build a house or to vote. Even the dead are rarely buried outside their states of origin. The implication of this is that citizens’ allegiance to the federation is truncated because of the state’s preferential treatment of its citizens. A system whereby the country cannot effectively tackle the problem of citizenship negates the tenets of federalism. Harold Laski’s view is apt here “a state must give to men their dues as men before it can demand at least with justice, their loyalty”.

    Another absurdity of federalism in this clime is structural imbalance. According to J.S. Mill’s law of federal stability “a federation is morbid if one part is bigger than the sum of the other parts”. It is not surprising therefore that Nigeria’s convoluting federal structure is indeed morbid. For analytical simplicity, in terms of land mass, the Northern Region then had 71.0%, Eastern Region 8.3%, Western Region 8.5% and the Mid-Western Region 4.6%. Thus, for the three southern regions, the federal structure as constituted before state creations made it virtually impossible for them to control political power at the centre, given the ethno-regional politics of the country without power ‘concession’ from the North! The south feared northern political domination by population and land mass, while the north was equally afraid of the southern edge in modern skills and western education. In such situation of asymmetric ethnic relationships, the federal arrangement can hardly be stable except with imbued virtues of justice, equity and fairness. If anything, the greatest travail of Nigerian federalism is the problem of asymmetric power relationship between and among disparate component units of the federation. The federation is rife with mutual accusations and counter accusations of domination and marginalization.

    In a perceptive piece decades ago, John A. Ayoade, an emeritus professor of political science and an eminent student of federalism noted that another absurdity of federalism in Nigeria is religious bias which has proved to be another form of poor power distribution in Nigeria. Despite informal mode of power sharing where if the chief executive is a Moslem, the vice or deputy is a Christian, but in the Second Republic (1979-1983) “country-wide Muslims obtained about 70% of all executive and board positions”. This trend of insensitivity to federal character principle cum religious bigotry has robbed the federation of the needed sense of justice and equity for federal stability.

    Perhaps the most potent and relevant to the Nigerian situation now is the inability of the polity to manage natural resources in a way that could enhance equity and development. Natural resources that ought to be a blessing, with warped fiscal structure, it has become a curse. The real problem in this wise is that of internal colonialism vis-à-vis resource management which permits the general expropriation of economic resources by the dominant group, their control of access to education and technological resources, cum their denigration of the culture of the subordinating section. When this is done as it is in Africa, federalism runs into problem and stress. It is not surprising therefore that only Nigeria retains the semblance of federalism in Africa even as bastardised as it is.

    Conclusively, a consideration of the aforementioned travails of federalism in Nigeria no doubt should assist policy makers in thinking outside the box so that the fragile federal arrangement does not completely disintegrate. To rescue the system from drifting toward collapse, a quick review of the previous confab reports may be more appropriate.

     

    • Dr. Ojo an Associate Professor of Comparative Politics, is Chief of Staff to Governor of Oyo State.
  • Travails of elderly women raped by younger men

    Travails of elderly women raped by younger men

    The first time Nneka was raped, she got bruised in the hips by her only grandson. Nonso, 21, had visited her room the third night after she celebrated her 85th birthday; “He said he came to shut my windows and I seized the opportunity to thank him once again for the role he played in making my 85th anniversary a memorable one,” said Nneka. That fateful night, Nonso offered to apply sheabutter on his grandma’s ankles and wrists like he usually did since she developed joint pains. “It was soothing the way he rubbed it in my joints but just as I was drifting off to sleep, his grip became fierce on my wrists. Suddenly, he climbed over me and covered my mouth with his left palm. With his right, he yanked off my wrapper and rubbed sheabutter on my private part. I warned him that what he was about to do was an abomination but he ignored me and shoved his groin against me very roughly. I told him, ‘My child, my body is too old for you; my bones will break under you’ but he ignored me and warned me to cooperate and he would be gentle. But he was not gentle,” said the 85-year old. Thus when her entreaties with her grandson failed, she resigned to his power and lust.

    As she recounted her experience, Nneka’s eyes glistened with tears she would not shed. Fighting back tears, she reached for a fresh orange in a bowl on a stool by her bedside and sucked on it with conquering immersion, all the piteous miseries of her life seemingly summoned in her toothless mouth. Her face, hard and pear-shaped provided a soiled, pale background to her sunken eyes; her eyes, twitching open and close in rhythm with the groove where her mouth met with the fruit rind, seemed in search of something; comfort perhaps.

    Soon she lifted her mouth off the orange to emit a yawn, her mouth straining wide open like she meant to vomit in one breath, the agony interred in her buried narratives. With submissive sternness, she said: “That was only the first time. Nonso visited my room thrice afterwards. The fourth time he did it, Jecintha, his mother, and sister were awake in the living room. They were watching television. I was sore all over and I hurt in my private part but he didn’t care. He said he was only taking compensation for the stress he goes through living with me and caring for me…But I never requested that he come live with me. In fact, his mother came to dump him with me few days before he turned 15. She said she couldn’t handle his frequent tantrums and disrespect to his stepfather. Nonso’s father had died and when his mother remarried, he couldn’t get along with his stepfather.

    “So, tell me, how did I do wrong by accepting him? The fourth time he raped me, I told him to be gentle but he wasn’t. When my entreaties failed, I begged him to use the sheabutter. In his haste, he used the one that had been mixed with a very searing mentholated balm. This caused my private part to bruise and by the time he finished, I was smarting from within and outside my genitals. When he finished, he cleaned my vagina with a wet cloth. I am sure he intended to use my body fluid for money ritual. But he has failed. It won’t work,” said Nneka.

    The situation persisted until Chiamaka, Nneka’s second daughter and Nonso’s aunt came visiting. Chiamaka, who had been shuttling between Lagos and their family house in Enugu in preparation for her marriage discovered blood and pus stains on two of her mother’s wrappers and the genital area of her pants. Worriedly, she asked her mother if she had suffered any wound on her private part or if she was experiencing any bacterial infection in her genitals but the 85-year-old responded in the non-affirmative, stressing that the bloodstains were probably from bruises she sustained from washing her private part too vigorously with local sponge.

    “But mama stopped using local sponge a long while ago. After she told me, I visited her bathroom and discovered that she had only the foamy sponge I bought for her few months earlier,” said Chiamaka. At that point, she suspected that something foul was going on. She did not want to believe the suspicions coursing through her mind hence she invited their family doctor, a distant cousin who pleaded anonymity.

    Following tests conducted on the grandmother, the doctor invited one of her colleagues, a resident doctor in a teaching

    •Another scene from a protest in southeast Nigeria; women in the region have taken to the streets in recent times to protest sexual assault against elderly women and young ladies in their communities
    •Another scene from a protest in
    southeast Nigeria; women in the
    region have taken to the streets
    in recent times to protest sexual
    assault against elderly women and
    young ladies in their communities

    hospital, to reexamine the 85-year-old. To their chagrin, the results showed that their frail 85-year-old mother had suffered severe vaginal scarring and bacterial infection in her genital area.

    Hell broke loose and Nonso fled from their Enugu abode. Although Nneka initially declined to talk, “Due to my persistence, I was able to force the truth out of her. My poor, old mother cried uncontrollably like a baby as she recounted her ordeal in the hands of Nonso. That boy had been defiling my dear mother, his grandmother at will. She was terribly bruised but he continued raping her until her genitals started emitting pus and a foul odour. The stench was so great that mama had to be subjected to a heavy dosage of antibiotics which was too much for a woman of her age…Now I know that the world has turned upside down. All Jecintha (her elder sister and Nonso’s mother) could say was that we needed to investigate further. She said we should look for Nonso first instead of accusing him in his absence. Can you imagine? Why did he run away if he was not guilty? She said she did not raise her son like that,” said Chiamaka.

    Chiamaka subsequently relocated their mother to live with her and her fiancé at her residence in Ogba-Aguda, Lagos. Efforts to get in touch with Nonso proved unsuccessful; when The Nation visited two of his friends he reportedly squat with whenever he visits Lagos, the duo claimed they did not know of his whereabouts. His mother on the other hand would not “make any hasty conclusions on the issue” until she sees her son. “I have to see Nonso and hear his side to the story. They claimed he ran away because he is guilty; what if he ran away because they threatened him to confess to what he didn’t do. Mama is old now. She had been having trouble with her memory and sight; what if it was someone else that did it (raped her)? Youths in the area have been raping elderly women for a while now, for sport and money ritual; my Nonso would never do that to anyone. Why would he do so to his grandmother? My son may be a hard guy but he is no rapist,” said Jecintha.

    The jury is surely out on Jecintha’s take on the ugly incident, while her argument in defence of her son seems tenable to her, not a few relatives and family friends have frowned at her insistence on her child’s innocence. Chiamaka argued that she is living in denial claiming that Jecintha will never understand the gravity of her son’s transgression “until he rapes her like he raped mama.”

    Living in denial oftentimes leads to grievous consequences. “When families of elderly rape victims live in denial, they aggravate the severity of psychological damage inflicted on the poor, old women,” noted Bilkis Hussein, a psychiatrist. According to her, elderly victims of sexual abuse or rape become even more vulnerable to further abuse and even death if their families or care-givers fail to support them with the necessary aid and protection.

    Take the case of Rebecca a.k.a Iya onidiiri (hair weaver), a 91-year-old widow who lived with her widowed daughter and her live-in lover in Atan, an Ogun State border town. According to Adenike, 23, her grandma got disabled by rheumatoid arthritis few months before she clocked 91. She was also cognitively impaired and deaf. “Earlier, she was taken to a nursing home but when the bills became too much, mother had to withdraw her and bring her home. I advised against it but she wouldn’t listen to me. She was hell bent on following the advice of her toy-boy (live-in lover) who was only concerned about saving my mother’s money so that she could have more money to spend on him. I knew grandma would not get the care she deserved at home so I made it a point of duty to always come home on weekends to check on her,” said Adenike.

    The 23-year-old revealed that on one such visit, her grandma tacitly told her things that led her to suspect that she was been sexually abused. “We had only one male in the house and that was my mother’s toy-boy. I confronted my mom over mama’s claims but she slapped me and told me I was an evil child. She said grandma was a witch who was going senile and she wouldn’t let both of us ruin her life just when it was beginning to get rosy,” said Adenike.

    Adenike later admitted that at some point, she also became confused over the veracity of her grandma’s claims and that was because she had lost her sight and her memory seemed too far gone. But when suddenly she received a call that her grandma was seriously ill, Adenike rushed home to meet her lifeless body. “She died before I got home and the neighbour who bathed her told me that she found what seemed like fresh male semen on her thighs and genitals. I could say nothing because it would give our family a bad name but when I told our pastor about my fears after grandma’s funeral, he advised me to forget the incident and say nothing about it. He said I should let the dead rest in peace…I hope my mom suffers the same fate as her mother,” said Adenike.

    In another incident, Mabel, 78, lived with her youngest son, Vitus, in relative peace in their Umuahia, Abia State residence until the 36-year-old college dropout decided to turn her into a sex toy. Vitus, unskilled and jobless, was forced to live with his mother by necessity and Mabel had no choice but to give him shelter even though many of his childhood friends had moved from home to seek a livelihood and start their own families. The 36-year-old’s two elder brothers are resident in Amsterdam, Netherlands hence Mabel also felt she could use the company. Trouble, however, reared its ugly head to ruin their picture-perfect life when Vitus developed a drinking problem. The 36-year-old, according to a neighbour, had too much money at his disposal for someone who was unemployed. Vitus reportedly lived on money remitted back home by his siblings. Mabel, his mother, disclosed that things worsened after Vitus’ visa application to Europe was denied. Heartbroken, the 36-year-old took solace in drinking. According to Mabel, she struggled to condole his drunkenness to no avail. Soon, Vitus, severely drunk, hung-over and angry,  began to walk around the house naked.

    “Twice, he masturbated in my presence; the first time, I walked in on him doing it in the living room. He knew I was at home but he made no attempt to relocate to his room even after I saw him. The second time he did it, he came to meet me in the kitchen stroking his organ. He said he came to ask what I had prepared for breakfast. That day, I lost my cool and slapped him. I told him he was a bastard and that I would report him to his brothers abroad. Normally, he would beg me not to report to them but he told me to go to hell. He said he didn’t care what I told them and accused me of treating them as my favourite sons because they were doing very well abroad.

    “I couldn’t tell his brothers. If I did, they would have dealt with him severely. They would cut him off. He later came to apologise to me and told me he was turning a new leaf,” said Mabel.

    If she believed his show of remorse, it was to her own peril. Vitus soon began to take pictures of her while she took her bath and dressed in her bedroom with his phone.

    “It was easy for him to get in my room at will because the lock was bad. I was worried and scared stiff; so, I decided to get a lock fixed on my door on a Friday afternoon while he was away. He had gone partying and clubbing as usual and he came home very drunk at midnight. I knew he was around because he kicked the door open and broke the lock from the hinges. I startled awake but I could not shout because it was very late and I didn’t want the neighbours to find out what was happening in our home. They had always known me and my late husband to be disciplinarians.

    “When he got inside, he blamed me for ruining his life and accused me of not doing enough to help him. He said he was going to punish me for my wickedness. As he spoke, he unzipped his trouser and urinated all over my bed, bathing me with urine as he did. He called me a witch claiming he was peeing on me to neutralise my evil powers.

    “I tried to get off the bed but he shoved me back and pinned me to the bed. He punched me on both shoulders and my knees. The pain shot through my whole being and it was unbearable. He mounted me roughly. I was too weak to resist; then he tore my panties off and raped me. He raped me twice on that night,”  revealed the 78-year-old.

    Mabel is convinced that Vitus acted so because he was under a spell. “I had never seen him like that. He was very agitated and his eyes were glazed over. He raped me like he was on drugs. The following morning, I was sore all over,” she said.

    Things, however, got to a head when Vitus raped his mother just before her childhood friend came visiting. Mabel tearfully confided in her and the latter in turn, alerted Vitus’ two siblings abroad. Pleading anonymity, the woman, a retired school principal who claimed to have taught Vitus in high school, said she was worried that the community would impose severe penalties on Vitus given rising resentment against incessant rape of elderly women in their community. No sooner she informed her friend’s older children than the eldest son, Christopher jetted back to the country. But just before he arrived, Mabel reportedly gave Vitus a sizable sum of money and urged him to flee. “I wasn’t in support of her action because that boy, (Vitus) needs help. But she said she was scared of what his brothers might do to him,” said the retired school principal and the victim’s childhood friend.

     

    When the rapist is family…

    The Nation findings revealed that older women without intimate partners may be particularly vulnerable to abuse by other family members. Sons and grandsons, for instance, have been implicated as perpetrators of sexual violence against their mothers as exemplified by the cases of 85-year-old Nneka and 78-year-old Mabel.

    Further findings revealed that sexual abuse of elderly persons and outright rape in most cases are rampant yet under-reported by victims and their family due to fear of stigmatisation. According to a victim of elderly sex abuse, “When you are a mother, left behind with children who are boys, there is one amongst your children … he wants to sleep with you and wants that you must not talk about it. … You are afraid because you do not have the strength. He does that thing as he pleases.”

    Elders assaulted by spouses as well as other family members, including adult children or grandchildren, face a host of problems.“Victims of familial elder sexual abuse frequently rely upon their abusers for care and assistance. During later life, need for assistance generally increases. It is natural to prefer to receive help from family members rather than strangers. This interdependency makes victim self protection via separation from the offender quite difficult. Without separation, continued sexual abuse is likely.

    Assault is more psychologically injurious when inflicted by someone expected to provide love, protection, and support. Many elderly victims of familial sexual abuse experience powerful ambivalent feelings towards their abusers. These feelings complicate the trauma response, and make it difficult to accept intervention. Many victims fear that intervention will lead to negative consequences for their abusers – perhaps consequent homelessness or even criminal prosecution and imprisonment. Familial bonds of attachment make it difficult for victims to trigger such consequences, according to

    Although studies have shown that sexual abuse against elderly women is usually perpetrated by a relative, it can also be inflicted by unrelated domestic caregivers or by random assailants. While many people think that rape is a “sexually motivated crime” that affects only younger women, it is also, in fact, perpetrated against older women, whose perceived or actual vulnerability makes them likely victims.

     

    Profile of the rapist as a random culprit

    In several other cases, the rapist turns out to be a neighbour next door or someone living few blocks or streets away. Take the case of Abdullateef, for instance, the skinny, 16-year-old and Senior Secondary School (SSS1) student cut the picture of an innocent boy; he looked pretty odd to be a suspect undergoing interrogation at the anti-robbery section of the Department of Criminal Investigation, Ogun State Police Command. But the allegations against him are quite damning.

    Abdullateef was arrested on January 18, 2015 at Lambe area of Ajuwon, Ogun State, after he allegedly entered the residence of a 52-year-old neighbour late in the night to rob her of the sum of N16,500. After dispossessing her of the money, he went ahead to rape her, not minding the age difference between them. Abdullateef allegedly threatened to hurt his prey with an iron rod and warned her to keep her mouth shut, claiming he had a vicious gang waiting for him outside. Of course, she complied and even though she was visibly shaken and mortified by his decision to rape her after robbing her off her money, there was nothing she could do about it. Thus the 52-year-old lay quietly, without a fight, as the 16-year old mounted her to satisfy his carnal lust. Even though she knew her assailant to be a neighbour’s son, she did not let him know lest she put herself in even greater danger.

    At day break, she put a call through to her husband to inform him of her experience. The husband in response rushed back home but not until he visited the Ajuwon police station to report a case of robbery and rape. During interrogated, the teenager confessed his deeds and was promptly transferred to the Department of Criminal Investigation, Eleweeran, Abeokuta, for further interrogation.

    Nnanna on the other hand operated in a more organised and dangerous manner until he got caught. The native of Opi community in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State recently stunned security operatives and other inhabitants of the agrarian community when he revealed his delight in raping elderly women. Jobless and in his 30s, he claimed to nurture a lust for elderly women because they are better than most young ladies of his age group. According to him, due to his impoverished status, he could not afford to woo girls below his age group or his age mates hence he resorted to raping old women and grandmothers in his community.

    For several months, Nnanna had successfully raped about a dozen elderly women whose ages averaged 60 years. Luck, however, deserted him when his last victim defied his threats to kill her with a knife and raised an alarm. This drew the attention of passersby who rushed to the elderly woman’s rescue.

    Nnanna was apprehended and given a sound beating before he was handed over to the police. He was later transferred to the Enugu State Criminal Investigations Department. When confronted with the allegation that he was using the women for rituals, he denied the allegation, claiming he only ‘used’ the women to satisfy his sexual urge.

     

    Why rape elderly women?

    Although “gerontophilia” (defined as an age-discordant sexual preference) has long been known to exist, gerontophilic rape has rarely been subjected to empirical scrutiny. The analysis of rapists’ attraction to elderly victims raises the question of whether or not such sex offenders constitute a separate type of paraphilia, that is, the need for an extreme or dangerous stimulus such as a sadistic or masochistic practice in order to achieve sexual arousal or orgasm.

    The issue with rapists of elders may be polymorphous sexuality where the person is not only aroused by non-social objects but also age-inappropriate persons. The critical point is that the offender is acting on his impulse, has a loosening of internal and external controls, and has proximity to a vulnerable victim. As observed in Nneka and Mabel’s cases, the perpetrators exhibited disregard for getting caught. The urge, impulse, desire and actions come quickly. This is a matter of understanding the conditions of the actions not condoning the actions. As noted with the dynamics of rapists, there is a strong element of power combined with the abuse according to Ariyike Bello, a consultant clinical psychiatrist.

    Bello acknowledged that sexual offenders are attracted to vulnerability. Perpetrators seek out potential victims who they perceive as easy to overpower and manipulate. They look for those who would be unlikely to report the assault and who would not be deemed credible if the assault were reported.

    There are a number of reasons to support the inherent vulnerability of elder women when compared to younger women as a factor to place the elder at risk for crime occurring at her residence. Firstly, if elderly women are not dependent upon care, they are more likely to live alone due in large part to a longer life expectancy and higher risk for widowhood. Secondly, vulnerability is related to physical size and strength and elder women are perceived to be less capable than younger women to flee or resist a physical attack.

    Thirdly, as women age, there are changes in skeletal, neuromuscular, and other systemic changes that restrict mobility and thus reduce their abilities to defend themselves. Elderly women are less likely than younger counterparts to have guardianship of a younger male or partner and more likely to be perceived by motivated offenders as suitable targets.

    Older adults are especially vulnerable to sexual violence, and elder sexual assault is one of the  most hidden crimes. Unfortunately, while elder sexual assault victims may require more assistance and specialized help, they often receive less services and intervention than younger victims for a number of reasons. Certain factors associated with the aging process put the elder population at heightened risk. In some cases, people of advanced age need others to provide basic necessities and assistance with daily functions. These circumstances increase one’s risk of sexual assault; elders are often victimised by those assisting them or those closest to them. Reduced cognitive or emotional functioning may also render older people more susceptible to sexual assault. Even for well elders, the social stigma of old age make them an easier target for perpetration and more likely to remain silent if victimised.

     

    Study identify boys and young adults as major perpetrators of rape

    In a study conducted last year, 2014, by Dr. Uchendu Obiorah Jude of the Department of Pathology, Delta State University Teaching Hospital, Oghara and Dr. Nwogoh Benedict of the Department of Haematology and Blood Transfusion, University of Calabar Teaching Hospital, Calabar, Cross River State, perpetrators of rape were identified in the lower age group. The study which was conducted over six months at the central hospital, Benin City, Edo State, aimed to analyse the demographic parameters of perpetrators of rape, the instruments of abuse and the environment of the assault. A total of 100 cases were documented during the study period and the mean age of assailants was 20 years with peak age range of 21-30 years. Neighbours were the highest culprits and majority of abuse were carried out during the day.

     

    Impact of rape on elderly victims

    Problems confronting elderly victims of rape and sexual abuse include feelings of shame, humiliation and fear of repercussions for disclosing abuse or seeking help. Often times, however, problems experienced by elderly victims of sexual assault are even more challenging according Seun Taiwo, a psychiatrist. Taiwo noted that given the social climate in which many seniors were raised, feelings of shame and self-blame for sexual abuse are often more intense than those felt by younger victims. “Many of them grew up in a world of sexism, where even the rape crisis movement discriminated on the basis of age, race, and gender. This affects how elders experience and view sexual victimisation, and how society and professions dealing with crime victims respond to elder victims, “she said.

    A battered or raped woman suffers much deeper wounds than the immediate physical effect of the trauma. The testimony of Roseline Ugwuunwoli, a rape victim and widow in her late 70s, captures this feeling. Ugwuunwoli, who has a daughter and seven grandchildren, narrated her ordeal thus: “It was only one person that attacked and raped me. It rained heavily that night but he came when it was drizzling. I don’t know the exact time. He kicked and pulled down the door before he came in. I shouted and called on Jesus to come to my aid as I looked and saw a young man standing naked by my bed side, wielding a knife and torchlight. He jumped on me on my bed and held my throat as if he wanted to strangle me to death. He warned me to keep calm or he would kill me. I kept quiet and he descended on me. People in my neighborhood who heard the sound of the door when it was violently pulled down and my cry for help woke up their grown up sons to come to my rescue. But it was late as my attacker had fled before they arrived. I was already unconscious; so they carried me to their house and started searching the entire neighbourhood but they could not find him.

    “I was living with my only grandchild and when the child wanted to shout, he warned her to shut up or he would stab her to death. My relations came the next morning and took me to hospital for treatment. As it is now, I cannot hear properly as a result of the beating I received from my attacker before the actual rape. If you are talking to me and you don’t speak louder, I won’t hear what you are saying. He thoroughly beat me before he attempted strangling me because I resisted him initially, but after much beating and the attempt to strangle me, I surrendered and he pounded me to unconsciousness before help came my way. Even after the hospital treatment, I still couldn’t sit down properly; local herbs were collected, boiled and used to massage me just like woman who just gave birth to a new baby.

    “It was after the local massaging that I started sitting down without much pain. My case was one of the worst. The knife the attacker came with was found on my bed the following day and it was taken to my church. All I am saying is that nobody but God gives life and only he can take it when it pleases him. Now, I feel dizzy sometimes. I also feel somehow inside of me but I can’t describe the kind of feeling. All I can say is that the effect of the incident is still very much with me.”

     

    A worrisome epidemic

    While speaking on the rising incidence of rape in the state, the Edo State Police Commissioner, Foluso Adebanjo, linked it to money rituals, wealth, power, longevity voodoo, cultism and psycho-social problems. And despite dearth of adequate data, information from states and non-governmental organisations, show that rape is a nationwide epidemic across Nigeria. The Ondo State Police Command, for example, said it recorded 45 rape cases in 2013, but did not state the number of prosecutions or convictions. In Edo, 96 rape cases were recorded between January 2012 and August 2014. Ninety-two of those cases were prosecuted and nine convictions secured.

    Hospital reports in Edo, however, show that majority of the cases are not being reported at the police station. While the police reported 96 cases in 32 months, the state-owned Central Hospital in Benin City disclosed during a recent workshop that not less than 80 cases of rape were treated in eight months between March and October 2013.

    In Jigawa State, an average of 10 cases are reported monthly, according to the Commissioner for Justice and Attorney-General, Yakubu Ruba. In Enugu State, not less than 51 minors and 45 adults were raped between April and August 2014, according to the Women Aid Collective, a non-governmental organisation. In Lagos State, the office of Youth and Social Development of the Ministry of Youth, Sports and Social Development said it recorded 244 child rape cases between January and October, 2011. It listed the most prevalent areas as Yaba, Agege, Ikeja and Surulere. In 2012, the figure increased. The state government listed 427 child rape incidents and admitted that perhaps more were not reported to authorities.

    The Lagos State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Ade Ipaye, while speaking of the challenges in successfully prosecuting rape cases said of the 427 cases reported in 2012, only six have ended in convictions. Ipaye identified  lack of reliable evidence as a major cog in the wheel of securing convictions.

    The punishment for rape as spelt out in Section 358 of the Criminal Code is life imprisonment, while an attempt to commit rape attracts 14 years imprisonment. In spite of the penalty for rape, it still thrives due to impediments occasioned by legal technicalities and unwillingness of victims to press charges due to shame and fear of stigmatisation according to Abayomi Sanya, a lawyer.

     

    The Opi-Nsukka malady

    Incidences of sexual assault of elderly women have made the news in recent years, particularly in Opi, Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State. It would be recalled that two years ago, over 100 women from Ogbaozalla and Ibeku communities in Opi, Nsukka LGA, Enugu, thronged the streets to protest the incessant rape of old women by young men in their community. The perpetrators, aged between 17 and 25 years, had been caught raping old women of 60 to 80 years, including blind women in the area. The protesting women told members of Umuada Igbo Nigeria (UIN) that out of the 13 rape victims, one had died because of bleeding induced by tears she sustained when some sex-hungry boys raped her.

    During the protest, which lasted for more than five hours, the women appealed to UIN to intervene to save them from further harassment as they no longer sleep at night. They said they had reported the cases to the police for action, but regretted that the situation had not changed.

    The Founder and President-General of UIN, Dr. Uzoamaka Ezeofor, who addressed the aggrieved women, expressed disappointment with the attitude of the young boys. She wondered what form of sexual satisfaction they wished to derive from old women between the ages of 60 and 80 years.

    Three years after the protest, serial raping of old women in Opi has continued. Worried about the sad turn of events, women of the area recently called on the relevant security agencies to provide them with adequate security in order to forestall further occurrences in recent times.

    The women who made the appeal recently in Nsukka during a public hearing by the Enugu state House of Assembly Seven-Man Adhoc Committee on the alleged continuous raping of women old women in the community lamented that despite their outcry over the matter, serious measures have not been taken to address the situation.

    They said young boys in the area have continued to rape old women in the area, including those aged above 70 years, stressing that the situation had made life uncomfortable for them. Speaking on behalf of the women, Ngozi Agbo, a women Leader in Ogbozalla-Opi said some of the youths who are involved in the act were after their lives.

    Agbo told the committee that most of the women in Ogbozalla and Ibeku Opi no longer sleep in their houses at night because of fear of being raped or killed by some youth rapists. “We are calling on government to come to our rescue as our lives are no longer safe. Against the feelings that the situation had been brought under control, I can tell you that raping of old women by youths is still on in Opi…The worst is that our traditional ruler is not living in the Ogbozalla community. He lives in Enugu with his family and that is why he is not concerned over our plight,” she said, stressing that the criminal act escalates because “some wealthy people are supporting this evil, as they go to police station to bail these criminal when arrested.”

    The women and grandmothers of Ogbozalla, Ibeku Opi and several other neighbourhoods grappling with the plague of teenage and youth rapists might have to seek self-help like the Kungfu grannies of Korogocho, Nairobi, Kenya. At the Streams of Hope and Peace charity training centre in the slum of Korogocho, Nairobi, over 30 local grandmothers enrolled for a free martial arts course to protect themselves from a recent spate of  house robberies and rapes.

    Aged 50 to 100 years, the “Cucu Takinge” meaning: “Grannies defending themselves” in Swahili  learn the basics of karate and kung fu, along with “dirty tricks” such as pokes in the eyes and kicks to the groin. The course aims to equip the old ladies with necessary self-defence skills to defend an attack. There are even specific techniques conceived for blind people. At the centre, some of the aged participants  appear strong and fit while others struggle to lift their legs, hampered by age and their long gowns.

    The threats elderly women face are indeed real. According to the Gender Recovery Center of the Nairobi Women’s Hospital, 223 out of 2,300 rape  cases registered in 2009 by the hospital concerned women over 60. Perceived as weak and defenseless by their assailants, grannies are also believed to be untouched by the high rates of HIV infection among young women. Since 2008, the situation has gradually deteriorated: old ladies are now openly threatened during the day, in crowded places like water collecting points or main roads. Avoiding going out of the house is however, not an option, because many old ladies don’t receive any pension and live off the limited money they make by selling groceries or keeping small shops.

    In Nigeria, some victims and their families that spoke with The Nation on condition of anonymity stated that many of the attacks are carried out on old women by assailants whose intention is to use them for fetish money-making rituals.

     

    Protecting our mothers and grandmas

    womenThe threats elderly women face are indeed real but while rape of minors and middle aged women frequently make the news, violent rape or sexual attacks against elderly women are hardly reported. Besides terse newspaper reports of incidences of rape of elderly women in the country, there is no dependable statistical base or data of rape or sexual assault against the elderly in the country.

    The situation, therefore, calls for urgent steps by the government, law enforcement agencies and civil societies in the country to remedy the situation. “Friends, family and social workers can help to stop abuse by reporting suspected cases to the police and state officials as required by law,” said Abiodun Ishola, a secondary school teacher and social worker.

    Investigation and prosecution of an elder sexual crime present unique challenges to victim, the providers, and the criminal justice system. When criminal conduct occurs, rapid detection, sufficient documentation, and referral are critical to permit effective development of cases. After an occurrence of the crime, all necessary elements, including perpetrator identification, must be proven. The competency of the victim to provide evidence must also be determined. These issues are very important with the older adult victim who has physical or mental impairment. It is recommended that a reliable and valid national source of data about the sexual abuse of elders be available to set standards from which prosecutors can base assumptions to secure the prosecution of offenders, according David Ukaga, a sociologist and Managing Director (MD) of City Sentinel, a private securities services provider.

    Sade Afuape, a sociologist and geriatric home administrator however, suggested that the government should establish and fund well administered geriatric homes. “After establishing these homes, the government should employ highly qualified staff through a vigorous screening process. Care-givers at the homes should be adequately trained to care for elders and sensitise them on issues of sexual abuse,” she said.

    In the case of interventions in established cases of sexual abuse, however, social workers must be trained to avoid actions that cause evidence of sexual abuse to deteriorate. For example, social workers practicing in geriatric nursing homes should educate staff that potential victims of sexual abuse should be referred for forensic evaluations immediately. Alleged victims should not be bathed and clothing and bed linens should not be laundered prior to evidence collection.

    Another important part of intervention is supporting elderly victims during and after civil and criminal sexual abuse investigations and criminal prosecutions. Social workers may also play important roles in contributing information to investigators. Intervention may involve helping victims to access court orders designed to increase safety and protective orders may be obtained on behalf of victims who lack mental capacity, according to Afuape.

    In a nutshell, forensic nurses, community and healthcare practitioners, family and other caregivers need to become better informed about interpersonal violence, including sexual assault, perpetrated on elders, and how to support and provide opportunities for enhanced comprehensive assessment, medical, legal and psychotherapeutic intervention.

    But as the government and other stakeholders return to the drawing board, they will do well to include severely damaged and disillusioned grandmothers like Nneka and Mabel in their loop of schemes.  A journey through Nneka’s mind for instance reveals world-weariness characteristic of the aged who considers hope inconsequential after suffering too many tragic disappointments in her lifetime.

    Nneka hurts severely every time she remembers her first experience in her dimly lit room where Nonso, her 21-year-old grandson forcefully pried her wrinkled thighs apart driven by a raging libido in a sexual frenzy. Nonso was terrifying; venomous threats and inexcusable rationalisations sprang from his lips in a torrent of spittle and measured terror; the effect was frightening. It kept Nneka from screaming and putting up a feeble attempt against his youth and power. Nneka occasionally descends into a labyrinth of pain and pitiful paranoia. These days, she talks and curses at no one in particular, disclosed Chiamaka.

    “Just recently, I was sitting with her, trimming her toe nails in the verandah, when she started crying and cursing for no reason in particular. It is even more painful to hear her cry in her sleep.  Recently, I heard her call someone bastard in her sleep. She said it in a very mean tone… My mother has not healed at all. Sometimes, I am forced to think she relives every brutal moment of that rape. She is still living in that brutal nightmare,” she said.

    And thus is the tragedy of an 85-year-old rape victim; now 86, several months since her rescue from sexual assault by her grandson, “she is still living in that brutal nightmare.”

  • Travails of Nigerians, Africans in India

    Travails of Nigerians, Africans in India

    In this piece for The Nation, an Indian journalist of South African origin,  ROBIN SHUKLA examines the travails of Nigerians and other Africans in India,  where brown seems darker than black

    For  a nation greatly distressed over its people getting harassed and killed in racist attacks in the U.S., India seems to have minimal qualms over its own senseless hatred of Africans.

    March 27, 2017 saw three African youths being brutalised by a large mob of Noida residents. The attackers were reportedly incensed over the death of a 16-year-old Indian drug-user who succumbed to a probable overdose, and over the subsequent release of five Nigeria-born students suspected of having provided drugs to the deceased.

    Nigerian attacked by Noida mob on March 27, 2017
    Nigerian attacked by Noida mob on March 27, 2017

    Anti-African violence has again reared its ugly head after a lull of about seven months. Last year, sometime in July 2016, there were two kinds of reports coming out of Africa: One was of Indian PM Narendra Modi’s five-day-four-nation jaunt to Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya. The other pertained to retaliatory violence unleashed against Indian traders in Congo over the killing of a Congolese woman, Cynthia (32), who was murdered by her Indian husband and chopped into pieces in Hyderabad, India!

    During his much tom-tommed people-to-people interactions in those four countries, Modi failed to address the issue of frequent racist attacks across India that had riled the entire African continent of 54 countries. One can only hope that nobody stokes anti-India sentiments there in retaliation for the current Noida attacks, because the video footages are very sickening.

    In the aftermath of Monday’s attack, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj had tweeted, “I have asked for a report from Government of Uttar Pradesh about the reported attack on African students in Noida’ and ‘He (UP CM Yogi Adityanath) has assured that there will be a fair and impartial investigation into this unfortunate incident.”

    Ministry of external affairs spokesperson Gopal Baglay said: “The government is committed to ensuring safety and security of all foreigners in India. People from Africa, including students and youth, remain our valued partners.”

    The administration had obviously failed to see an oncoming situation, even though on March 25, 2017, more than 500 (some say 1,000) residents of Greater Noida housing societies had taken a morcha to the SSP office to protest against what they termed ‘police inaction.’ That the marchers were holding printed banners and posters seeking the eviction of Nigerians should have alerted police to the fact that there was a behind-the-scenes channelizing of hatred, and that the morcha was not just a spontaneous expression of anger against an Indian drug-user’s death.

     

    Earlier attacks on Africans

    Last year, on May 25, 2016, a grand Africa Day Celebrations event was almost boycotted by 42 African nations because a 23-year-old Congolese national, Masonga Kitanda Oliver, had been beaten to death in the Vasant Kunj area of India’s capital, Delhi, only five days earlier, on May 20.

    Congolese national Masonda Ketanda Oliver, killed in Delhi on May 20, 2016
    Congolese national Masonda Ketanda Oliver, killed in Delhi on May 20, 2016

    Diplomats of African nations had planned to stay away from the Africa Day Celebrations, organized in Delhi by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, as a mark of protest against the discrimination and violence faced by their countrymen in various parts of India. The envoys of several African countries signed and sent a strong letter ticking off the Indian government for failing to protect their nationals.

    As a matter of fact, hundreds of Africans were set to march alongside members of the Association of African Students of India in an anti-racism rally to condemn the atrocities. However, senior BJP leaders like the then Minister of State for External Affairs, General (retd) V.K. Singh and Sushma Swaraj had made placating noises about brotherhood, shared histories, etc, and the rally was cancelled. Some diplomats later condescended to attend the Africa Day Celebrations where they voiced their concerns and displeasure over India’s treatment of Africans.

    Alem Woldermariam, the Ambassador of Eritrea, warned, “Given the pervading climate of fear and insecurity in Delhi, the African heads of mission are left with little option than to consider recommending to their governments not to send new students to India, unless and until their safety can be guaranteed.’

    Ironically, on May 25, 2016, on the day Africa Day Celebrations event was held in Delhi, a 23-year-old male Nigerian student, Ghazeem, was assaulted with an iron rod and had to be hospitalized after a tiff over parking his car in Hyderabad. A day later there were as many as four attacks with bats and iron rods on nine African nationals, including four women and a boy, in the villages of Rajpur Khurd and Maidan Garhi located in South Delhi.

    It would be pertinent to point out that Rajpur Khurd, in addition to its population of about 5,000 Rathi Jats, has more than a 1,000 African men and women renting spaces for up to Rs.15,000 per month and friction between locals and the dark-skinned foreigners has continued to trigger violence from time to time.

     

    Sordid history

    The state of Karnataka brought real shame to India in February 2016, when a 21-year-old Tanzanian woman was pulled out of her car in Bengaluru, her clothes torn off by a mob that beat her up and continued to chase her even as she fled into a bus. The horror of horrors was that passengers, our own dear Kannadigas, pushed her out of the bus and into the hands of her ravagers even as Bengaluru police looked on and then stood by mutely as her car was torched by the mob.

    Tanzanian woman was beaten and stripped in Bangalore in February 2016
    Tanzanian woman was beaten and stripped in Bangalore in February 2016

    Bengaluru has been bad to Africans before. In March 2015, a mob in the northeast part of the city attacked men from the Ivory Coast with stones and beer bottles. In July 2013, 44-year-old Wandoh Timothy from Chad was attacked by a mob in Bangalore after an argument with bikers while he was on his way to pick up his three-year-old daughter from school. Timothy has been living in India for more than a decade and is happily married to an Indian girl.

    - Chad national Wandoh Timothy, attacked by a mob in Bangalore in July 2013, seen here with his family
    – Chad national Wandoh Timothy, attacked by a mob in Bangalore in July 2013, seen here with his family

    In September 2014, three students, Yohan, Mapaga and Guira, from Gabon and Burkina Faso were set upon by a mob at a Delhi metro station for alleged eve-teasing.

    Most of us may remember the despicable behavior of Aam Aadmi Party’s cabinet minister Somnath Bharti who, in January 2014, led a raid against Ugandan women for alleged drug dealing and prostitution rackets in Delhi. Most of the women were allegedly molested, leading to uproar in their home country.

    In December 2013, 36-year-old Obodo Uzoma Simeon from Nigeria was hacked to death in north Goa, allegedly the fallout of a drug peddling dispute. There were spontaneous street protests by other Africans, many from Nigeria itself and police had to intervene to prevent a law and order situation.

    On April 21, 2012, Yannick Nihangaza from Burundi was attacked by nine youth from well-to-do families in Jalandhar, Punjab. He was hospitalized and went into a coma, from which he recovered a few months later. The traumatized young man died after two years, in his home on July 1, 2014.

    Nigerian national Obodo Uzoma Simeon, killed in Goa in December 2013
    Nigerian national Obodo Uzoma Simeon, killed in Goa in December 2013

     

    Color prejudices run deep

    Even a cursory enquiry will expose the scary situation of the common Indian perceiving Africans as almost a subspecies, and many Africans have gone on record about the teasing and baiting they have had to cope with from unknown persons or groups on the streets of India, or from their overtly suspicious neighbors who view every African as a drug-smuggling or online-racketeering Nigerian.

    Anti-African prejudices continue to run deep in Goa where even BJP ministers are known to have mouthed off uncalled for remarks and later had to eat their words for reasons of political correctness. Nothing is mentioned however about the violent Russians who have virtually taken over swathes of Goa’s beachfront areas into which Indians are discouraged from entering.

     

    The dangerous downside

    On the numbers front, there could be a fine line we are crossing as population equations could well work against us. We may have at best about 50,000 Africans currently in India as against the millions of Indians living and working in that continent. At any time, injustices highlighted here could trigger violent retaliation in various parts of Africa, a situation India could ill-afford.

    There was a backlash of sorts after the killings of Masonga Kitanda Oliver and Cynthia, with many Indian settlers getting roughed up and shot at while their shops were vandalized in the Congolese capital of Kinshasa. There are about 5,000 Indian living in that country.

    On the economic front, India’s trade with Africa is worth approximately $72 billion, and it sources 24% of its crude oil from Africa. Several Indian private companies have invested there in the agriculture, renewable energy, pharmaceutical, automobile, telecommunication and engineering goods sectors.

    China’s trade there was pegged at upwards of $200 billion in 2012, three times as much as that of India, with US figures pegged at $100 billion. Bad relations and the presence of such business rivals could be our undoing.

    Gabon and Burkina Faso nationals, Yohan, Mapaga and Guira, attacked in a Delhi Metro station in September 2014
    Gabon and Burkina Faso nationals, Yohan, Mapaga and Guira, attacked in a Delhi Metro station in September 2014

    What about dark-skinned Indians and Asians?

    There is scarcely a dusky complexioned Indian who will not have heard the word kalia or kali being used in reference to him or her because of skin tone.

    The advertising for fairness creams which one sees on almost all of the hundreds of TV channels and scores of magazines and newspapers in almost all languages may easily be crossing the billion-rupee mark each year.

    Parents and grandparents groom little girls with applications of various pastes made from ingredients in the kitchen to lighten their color. As they grow older, manufactured cosmetics get used and there are several in the market to choose from.

    Even players like Nivea, who were satisfied with the success of their winter creams and lotions and deo-sprays, have graduated from under-arm whiteners to lotions that could bring in fairness all over!

    The obsession with fairness is not a factor only with the fairer sex. There are Fair and Handsome creams, face washes, and lotions and many other such products for the men and boys, with superstars and cricketing legends endorsing and vouching for their efficacy. The contagion has spread as easily as cream and lotion, thanks to the deep-rooted prejudice that Indians have against their dark-skinned countrymen or women.

    Matrimonial prospects are better for the fair and good-looking while those a few shades down have to offer a dowry of extra cash and goods to get a chance at being carted away by a spouse.

     

    Not a new problem, God suffered too

    Colour equations in India have avowedly ancient origins. As the Vicco people tell us in their jingles, a fair and lovely complexion is guaranteed because their turmeric cream has ingredients recommended in ancient Ayurvedic texts.Yashomati Maiya se boley Nandlala Radha kyun gori, mai kyun kala

    These are the first words of a popular song from the super hit film, Satyam Shivam Sundaram, which even today has sing-along acceptability among all age groups and persuasions. Little Lord Krishna is asking his mother, “why is it that Radha is fair and I am black”.

    Our dusky curd-grabbing flute-playing god is the stuff of many romantic legends and enjoys absolute devotion among Hindus. He has an overseas presence via the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), where mostly white devotees adopt Indian sadhu and sadhvi nomenclatures and attract attention at various temples across the globe with their heavily accented chanting and their swaying and dancing to bhajans sung to an accompaniment of cymbals and drum beats.

    Unfortunately, acceptance of black or dark skin is limited only to Krishna and a few other gods and goddesses like the dark Kali Mata (Durga) and the pitch black Balaji of Tirupati.

    In fact, Lord Balaji is probably the most venerated figure, ensconced atop Andhra Pradesh’s Tirupati Hills, the most visited place of pilgrimage in India when compared to all the mountain trudging and river dipping at various other yatras, kumbhs and maha-kumbhs in the East, West and Northern parts of the country and also the Sabarimala walkathon in the southern state of Kerala.

    Skin color may well continue to be one among India’s various intolerance issues, but it may not be safe to continue to subject Africans to our biases and prejudices. If patience runs out, those of us living in or visiting Africa may find it difficult to mouth the usual drivel about ‘Africans being our brothers and being very safe in India’ with our badly bruised lips and broken teeth.

  • Travails of Arumemi-Ikhide and Arik

    Although like most of those featured on these pages in the last seven years, I have never been privileged to meet  Arumemi-Ikhide, but watching from afar, his exploits and travails, I think he is a unique Nigerian who if only for his courage and bold initiatives, deserve our sympathy. More than his personal failings as a manager, an investor and the Arik airlines corporate misgovernance, I strongly believe he is a victim of the Nigerian system and the ‘fantastically’ corrupt federal government of patronage which stifles initiatives and abridges dreams of unique risk-takers like Arumemi-Ikhide.

    First to have survived the stress and the strain associated with the frightening scenarios painted by AMCON while taking over his beleaguered Arik Airlines two weeks back, Arumemi-Ikhide must have been a man with a heart of steel. His airline was said to be indebted to creditors to the tune of staggering N300billion, accused of owing several months in arrears of staff salaries and of defrauding the federal government for years by not remitting the taxes of workers to relevant bodies, his airline was also said to be in perpetual default in its lease payments and insurance, leading to regular and embarrassing repossession of its aircraft by lessors. Above all, his unpaid workers became targets of attack by aggrieved irate local and international passengers.

    If one may ask, how does a man like Arumemi-Ikhide cope with such  stress and strain and still able to sleep at night?

    It will be recalled that this was a risk-taker who was never given a chance from the onset. Many tales were woven around him by many of his detractors who like the faithful servant in Jesus’ parable of the talents( Mathew 2514-30) chose to bury his talents in order to please a master who he acknowledged ‘reaps from where he does not sow’. First, were wild rumours that he was fronting for either ex-President Obasanjo, or ex-Governor Odilli of Rivers or both. Then without evidence, they alleged the airline was established with stolen funds. But Arumemi-Ikhide proved all tale-bearers wrong. When his Arik Airlines  took over the assets of liquidated national carrier in 2006, unlike others in  the aviation industry who diverted government bailouts into other businesses before declaring bankruptcy, or others that embarked on asset stripping after buying government privatized companies under the flawed government  privatization  policy, he braved all the vicissitudes of the airline industry and took delivery of three new Bombardier CRJ900 aircraft to operate on domestic routes, a gamble that enabled the airline capture 55% of Nigeria’s domestic airline market.

    In 2008, his Arik Airline launched its first long-haul flight between Lagos and London Heathrow with an Airbus A340-500, while in June 2009, it commenced flights to its second long haul destination in Johannesburg, South Africa and other West African nations, including Sierra Leone, Senegal, The Gambia, Benin Republic and Ghana. It went on to launch its New York route in 2009 with non-stop flight services three times a week. This was a feat that is yet to be matched by any domestic airline.

    His bold initiative was not only greeted with resentments by his competitors in the industry, the Jonathan government hardly took notice of Arumemi-Ikhide’s unique contribution to a nation without a national carrier whose citizens were left at the mercy of shylock foreign airlines. He was denied of government’s much-needed patronage by ex-President Jonathan and his PDP national wreckers for whom the health of the Nigerian economy was in the number of private jets owned by governors and senators who in one day invaded Jomo Kenyatta International Airport with as many as 11 private jets.

    It was an era of debauchery and licentiousness when Abuja lawmakers who chose not to have shinning private jets routinely grounded foreign airlines that failed to offer them and their families, first class seats.

    Arumemi-Ikhide’s Arik airline did not fare better under the APC notoriously lethargic government of change that spent almost two years without reconstituting various small governments that it needed for governance. The government therefore watched as troubled Arik wobbled until its belated admission two weeks back that government intervention will “stabilise the operations of the airline, enhance its long-term economic value and revitalize its ailing operations as well as sustain safety standards in view of Arik Air’s pivotal role in the Nigerian aviation sector.”

    Two years of inaction by a government of change that held on to the bulk of 10 aircrafts inherited from the previous administration while Arik airlines, the closest to a national carrier wobbled on was indefensible. In fact one may not be far from the truth by saying the Buhari languid government was forced by exigencies of the time to act. The ministers which many believe only act based on the body language of President Buhari, “our baba go slow” suddenly realized it was in the enlightened self-interest of the federal government to take control of Arik airlines. The foreign exchange is simply not available for junketing around. The truth of the matter is that the government and Nigerians today need Arik Airlines more than Arumemi-Ikhide needs Arik. That probably explains why the Federal Ministry of Aviation has undertaken to ‘support the new management of the strategic carrier, and ensure that there would be no undue disruption to Arik’s regular businesses’.

    Weak institutions have been acknowledged as the bane of our society. But the federal government that often exploits these institutions as weapons for political patronage hardly helps matters. It is for instance not enough to accuse  Arumemi-Ikhide of hiring his son, Martins Arumemi-Ikhide on a monthly salary of N30m,  hiring more expatriates, notably Indians than Nigerians, or of dedicating a private jet to fly Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie to Rome at short notice with all expenses borne by Arik Air Ltd. The question was why the regulatory agencies especially the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) which apart from ‘certifying every single technical personnel, equipment and airport’ has  dossier on all the 554 licensed pilots; 913 licensed engineers and 1700 cabin personnel  in the industry outwitted by Arumemi-Ikhide who allegedly populated his organization with expatriates at the detriment of Nigerians.

    Again, the most plausible answer is the federal government that institutionalizes corruption through imposition of ministry of aviation on the aviation industry, a practice long jettisoned by many nations including Ghana our closest neighbour. The position of many aviation experts including Capt. Daniel Omale who recently canvassed for the scrapping of the aviation ministry is strengthened by the fact that most of our past aviation ministers in the last 16 years were found to be men with feet of clay with some of them still in court trying to defend their honour.

    Arumemi-Ikhide’s travails can therefore not be separated from the federal government’s sponsorship of corruption through allocation of resources generated by other federating units to an irrelevant and unproductive federal ministry of aviation.

    In a restructured Nigeria where the federal government is made to face issues of security, foreign relations and external trade while those who generate revenue decide how to spend their revenue, there will be no room for a parasitic insensitive centre to deviate from internationally accepted best practices. Like that of the United Kingdom where ‘the UK Government requires that the CAA’s costs are met entirely from its charges on those whom it regulates’ our own NCAA should be able to run their institutions without depending on federal allocations which ministers in most cases deploy to buy bullet proof cars or convert to personal use along with revenues generated by the regulatory bodies from sundry sources such as advertising.

  • Travails of El-Zakzaky

    Governments, saddled with the responsibility of protecting the interest of the noble, the ignoble and the insane who engage in activities that often defy reasoning, are constituted by ordinary men. For this reason, they are prone to political crime. Their arduous task is not made any easier by the fact that these ordinary men are not immune to the deep-seated prejudices of their group. The result is that quite often, private interest is substituted for public interest.

    To many critical minds, the ongoing war against El- Zakzaky and his Shia group viciously waged by state actors who happen to be members of the predominant rival Sunni Islam, the medium is the message. It is believed Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar and Umaru Yar’Adua and now Buhari under whose administrations El Zakzaky and his Shia Islam group have experienced some form deprivations cannot be independent arbiters. There are just too many coincidences to invalidate such a conspiracy theory.

    Let us first trace the Sunni and Shi’a political rivalry back to Saudi Arabia tribal groups put together as Islamic state by Holy Prophet Mohammed and the war of succession that followed his death in 632 A.D. Available literature has shown that in the ensuing war of succession, the Shi’a made up of Prophet Mohammed’s family and the Muhajirun, supported Ali Ibn Abi Talib, his cousin and son-in-law as his authentic successor while the Sunni, predominantly made up of tribal leaders of Mecca and Medina who were initially opposed to Prophet Mohammed insisted the Prophet died without appointing a successor and proceeded to vote for Abu Bakr as the new Caliph to  head the Islamic state. Beyond politics, what separates the two warring groups are a number disputed Hadiths relating to aspects of prayers and marriage. Therefore, that the war has gone on for about 14 centuries despite the fact that there is no serious disagreement on theological teaching only confirms it is all about politics rather than quest for salvation of souls.

    Nigeria where over 95% of Muslims faithful belong to the Sunni group did not get entangled in the endless battle until mid-80s when Ibrahim El-Zakzaky probably of Ebira ethno-linguistic group, born in Zaria, formerly known as Zazzau, one of the original Hausa states that embraced Islamic religion in mid 1450s, long before it was captured by the Fulani jihadists in 1805, introduced Shia Islam to Nigeria. Just as it was in the early days of the rivalry in Mecca, El Zakzaky and his Shi’a group drew most of their support from the poor and the disadvantaged indigenous tribal groups in the north. And just as in Saudi Arabia where the political actors hide under the state to wage a proxy war against Shia states like Iran, the belief is that political state actors in Nigeria have on behalf of the dominant Sunni Islam, waged a proxy war under the guise of protecting the Nigerian society from El Zakzaky’s dangerous religious teachings.

    And what are these dangerous teachings? As defined by the state actors, they include El-Zakzaky and his Shi’a Islam group’s claim that ‘sovereignty lies only with Allah’, their call for a stringent application of the Islamic law and  their yearning for a theocratic state patterned after post- Ayatollah Khomeini’s Islamic revolution Iran. But to many objective observers, these so-called dangerous teachings are not any more inimical to the health of our nation than the pronouncements and actions of prominent mainstream Sunni northern Muslims including governors who sent hundreds of northern youths for religious indoctrination under Bin Laden while he took political refuge in Sudan.

    It is also debatable if El-Zakzaky is any more dangerous than Senator Ahmed Yerima, who as governor of Zamfara, one of the poorest and educationally backward states in the federation, assembled prominent northern Sunni Islam members along with ambassadors of Muslim nations who hailed him as he hilariously launched what President Obasanjo then described as ‘political Sharia that will soon fade away’. Yerima’s action, more than El-Zakzaky’s cravings was a direct assault on Nigeria constitution and a threat to the unity of the country as it led to massive demonstrations and killings of hundreds of people in Kano, Kaduna and a few other states in the north.

    To deny the possibility of the state proxy war on behalf of dominant Sunni in Nigeria is to deny the fact that Sunni Saudi Arabia is waging a proxy war on demonized Shia Iran long after it was established by the international intelligence community that the former which pretends to fight God’s war is a fertile breeding ground for radical Islam and by extension global terrorism.

    But perhaps what has made the argument of the state and its actors about protecting our nation from the dangerous teachings of El-Zakzaky and his Shia group more tenuous has been the various pronouncements by the judiciary since the travails of El-Zakzaky began during Babangida regime in the 90s, all of which contradicted the state claim that he constitutes a danger to society.

    El-Zakzaky’s latest victory and the judicial pronouncement came after one year in detention without charges. Arrested by the military on December 14, 2015, and detained following a clash with the military during which about 347 members of his Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) were killed, he approached the court through his lawyer, Femi Falana to demand for his freedom. Rejecting submission by Tijjani Gazali, the  SSS lawyer, that “decision to hold the Islamic cleric and his wife for their safety was not based on law,”  Justice Gabriel Kolawole, ordered El-Zakzaky’s release saying, “I have not been shown any incident report or any complaint lodged by residents around the neighborhood that the applicant has become a nuisance to his neighborhood.”

    Long before this victory, El-Zakzaky  had back in 1996 after a protracted judicial battle secured another landmark judicial victory over General Abacha who  had  ordered his  detention in February 1996 for causing public disaffection against his military junta.

    And it is also on record that while the  April 21, 1998,  Muslim Brotherhood’s violent protest against the arrest of El-Zakzaky’s wife and children failed to secure their release, it was the court that later ordered the release of Zeenah, El-Zakzaky’s wife, her six children along with eight other women detained for insulting Abacha. Again when the Abdulsalami regime failed to extend the general amnesty enjoyed by many Abacha detainees to El-Zakzaky in August 27, 1998, following Abacha’s death, the judiciary ordered his release.  It is safe to conclude from this string of judicial victories that contrary to the claim by the state, the judiciary does not consider El-Zakzaky a danger to society.

    El-Zakzaky has not denied his preference for a more stringent application of Islamic legal system or indeed the establishment of a theocracy modeled after Iran, but he has insisted “Our weapon is positive reasoning, truth and good conduct. Guns are for the reckless and foolhardy. We have been conducting our affairs peacefully, calling people to the truth for the last 36 years… We save lives, not kill them.”

    Since the  judiciary has consistently insisted that El-Zakzaky and his Shia group are not a threat to the country’s security, the state has to provide proof to invalidate his thesis that he and his group are victims of religious intolerance that have come to define  the once-celebrated ‘one north, one people’ since  the assassination of Ahmadu Bello in 1966.

  • A beauty queen’s travails

    A fortnight ago, a lesbian sex video involving Chidinma Okeke, winner of the 2015 edition of Miss Anambra Beauty Pageant went viral in the social media. Before then, the organizers of the event, state owned Anambra Broadcasting Service (ABS) had a few days to the expiration of her tenure, dethroned and retrieved her official car in very curious circumstances.

    The current edition of the event was also put off apparently because of the contradictions raised by the X-rated sex video for an event that is designed ostensibly to empower Anambra women, promote their culture and heritage. Rather than enhance these objectives, what has emerged from the sex video is an unbridled debasement of womanhood such that has left public sensibilities badly ruffled.

    Accounts of what transpired vary amidst allegations of threats from unknown quarters to harm the dethroned beauty queen should she go public with all that transpired. But in the midst of this silence, the ABS, organizers of the event issued a quick statement seeking to exculpate the organization from issues relating to the sex video scandal.

    The organization condemned the circulation of the video together with its contents and apologized to the government and people of the state, sponsors of the event and supporters for the embarrassment the issue would have caused them.  It would also want to dissociate Miss Anambra Beauty Pageant from any discussions on the matter.

    But the girl in the storm, Chidinma has come out with her side of the story even as she refrained from naming her traducers with a promise to expose them soon. She said when the event was advertised, she made enquiries and one of the organizers encouraged her to apply. On seeing her reluctance, the man insisted she should apply as she might win. He even promised to give her the form free if she applied which he eventually did.

    She was later told that there were certain things to be done before a winner could be declared including the sex video. After much persuasion by the organizers, she later consented. She later went for the contest and was declared winner with a car as star prize.

    But when she went for the car, they brought a contract paper urging her to sign. Chidinma said when she insisted in contacting her lawyer before signing the contract papers, the organizers threatened to release the said video. At that point she was left with no option than to sign. According to her, from that point, she became a slave to the organizers.

    Things however came to a head on October 11, when one of the organizers invited her to his office purportedly to make a presentation. While there, the man excused other people in the same room, showed her the video and asked that the beauty queen should drop the car and the crown.

    She refused the order and contacted her uncle who demanded that the official should leave the car with Chidinma in keeping with the terms of the agreement. Instead, the official forwarded the sex video to her uncle as part of the blackmail. And that was the beginning of the circulation of the sex video. It is not clear who posted the video in the social media. But if the statements of Chidinma are anything to repose confidence on, the last official she had contact with, should be able to account for how the video found itself in the social media.

    From the account of the young lady, it is obvious that the official who asked her to drop her car and crown with threat to make public the sex video if she resisted was the brain behind its eventual release. Even without naming the said official, his complicity in the matter is very obvious.

    And one asks, why has it been difficult for the Anambra State government and the police to wade into this unmitigated scandal? We raise this question given that the event is organized by a government owned broadcasting service. That being the case, the organization cannot feign ignorance of the critical details of all activities leading to the short listing, selection and eventual emergence of the winner. It cannot claim that it is not aware of some of the conditions set for the eventual emergence of the winner.

    It is not enough for that organization to just condemn the sad episode. Neither is it sufficient for its officials to wash their hands off the mess. The ABS owns the beauty pageant. It sets the rules and supervises the contest and therefore should be held accountable for whatever lapses that arise from that contest. And if there are other interests that hijack the beauty contest for some other sinister motives as we have seen from the controversial sex video, it is the duty of the organizers to call them to order.

    The contest being the franchise of the ABS, the organization has the responsibility to ensure that its overriding objectives and philosophy are strictly adhered to. Unfortunately, that has only been observed in its breach as the recent scandal vividly shows. So the ABS cannot shy away from assuming responsibility for the mess. Its attempt to dissociate Miss Anambra Beauty Pageant from any discussions on the matter cannot stand.

    The fact that the current edition has been put off is clear evidence that the show has run into credibility problems. It has lost steam and no self respecting citizen would have anything to do with an event that dehumanizes young girls in the most callous manner depicted in that sex video.

    But then, what purpose do those involved in the video recording want to achieve? Why would a lesbian sex video be a condition before the outcome of the beauty contest would be announced? And who are the brains behind such a dehumanizing and demented recording- the organizers, sponsors or some other party working outside of the knowledge of the two?

    These posers underscore the imperative of very thorough and detailed investigation into the matter. It is curious that Anambra State government has remained silent in the face of the unmitigated embarrassment into which one of its agencies has been entangled. The fact that a government agency is involved demands that the state governor, Willie Obiano rise to the occasion by ensuring detailed inquisition into the matter if anything, to save the face of his government. Chidinma has provided sufficient lead into the scandal and it will not be difficult to get at all those behind that show of shame.

    Sadly, the event bears the imprimatur of the Okija shrine saga where a former governorship candidate in the state was made to swear to an oath of allegiance by a political godfather. Events of that episode are now history. But they exposed the evil practices that went on in that evil shrine forest, eventually culminating to its destruction.

    Today, Anambra is better for it. It is not surprising that all the governments that came since that incident have been able to raise the bar of governance. The state has become a reference point in good and purposeful governance in the South-east.

    It is this excellent record that stands to be tainted by the activities of some evil and demented few in the state as we have seen in the senseless sex video recording.  If the objective is to blackmail winners to drop their crown and car before the expiration of their tenure, that is the most crude an unethical way of going about it.

    But as despicable as the entire episode is, it should serve as a hard lesson to ambitious young girls and boys. Had Chidinma realized the folly in subjecting herself to such a dehumanizing and utterly indecent exposure for whatever motivations, she would not have found herself in her current mess.

  • ‘Failed promises behind your travails’

    ‘Failed promises behind your travails’

    The Edo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has urged the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its candidate, Mr. Godwin Obaseki, to accept that their campaign posters were being destroyed as a result of the party’s failed policies.

    According to a statement by its Publicity Secretary, Chris Nehikhare, the development is a sign of rejection of the ruling party by Edo youths. He said those disenchanted by the APC administration include unpaid local government workers, pensioners, teachers, judicial workers, market women and traders.

    Nehikhare said the PDP has no reason to destroy APC campaign posters, adding that the proliferation of Obaseki’s posters was another sign of the government’s insensitivity to the feelings of Edo people.

    He said the party’s campaign of ‘changing the change’ has been very successful across the state.

    Nehikhare however raised alarm that the APC is planning to arrest a number of PDP chieftains on the eve of the election. The PDP spokesman said no amount of intimidation, arrests and coercion would deter the party from leading Edo people  to victory on September 10.

    He said some youths that attended its (PDP) rally along Akenzua Road in Benin City were arrested by the police over claims that they were cultists who just had an “outdoor meeting”.

    According to the statement, “the same sources also noted that these are all part of the grand plan to intimidate and antagonise our teeming members  and supporters across the state.

    The statement added: “In the light of the foregoing, the Peoples’ Democratic Party, Edo State chapter, wishes to reassure its members, supporters and the general public that we are committed to a peaceful election in Edo State, the same way we did last year which gave us the victory in the presidential election.”

  • Ironsi: His mission, travails and legacies

    Ironsi: His mission, travails and legacies

    The first shots shattered the peace of the night at the Abeokuta Garrison of the Nigerian Army a few minutes after midnight on July 29, 1966. Three casualties lay instantly dead in the persons of Lieutenant Colonel Gabriel Okonweze, the Garrison Commander, Major John Obienu, Commander of the 2nd Reece Squadron, and Lieutenant E. B. Orok, also of the Reece Squadron. It was the beginning of the much-touted revenge coup of Northern Nigerian army officers and men against the regime of Major General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi. By August 1, when Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon assumed power in Lagos as Nigeria’s second military Head of State, the bullet ridden bodies of both Ironsi and his host, Lieutenant Colonel Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, the military Governor of Western Nigeria, lay buried in shallow graves at Iwo, outside Ibadan.  “Within three days of the July outbreak, every Igbo soldier serving in the army outside the East was dead, imprisoned or fleeing eastward for his life”, observed Professor Ruth First in The Barrel of a Gun: The Politics of Coups d’Etat in Africa [Allen Lane The Penguin Press, London, 1970, p317.]

    But, Africa’s bloodiest coup did not stop at that stage, despite the shooting deaths of 42 officers and over 130 other ranks, who were overwhelmingly Igbo. The killing sprees and ever-expanding killing fields spread like wild fire across most of the country. There were three phases to the coup – the Araba/Aware massacres in northern Nigeria pre-July that called for northern secession, the July Army bloodbath, and the ethnic cleansing that went on for months after Ironsi had been assassinated and his regime toppled. The maelstrom prompted Colonel Gowon into making a radio broadcast on September 29, 1966. This was the kernel of what he said: “You all know that since the end of July, God in his power has entrusted the responsibility of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner. I receive complaints daily that up till now Easterners living in the North are being killed and molested, and their property looted. I am very unhappy about this. We should put a stop to it. It appears that it is going beyond reason and is now at a point of recklessness and irresponsibility.”

    But, Gowon’s salutary intervention changed nothing, as the massacres continued unabated. Northern soldiers and civilians went into towns, fished out Easterners and flattened them, either with rapid gunfire or with violent machete blows, leaving their properties looted or torched. According to the Massacre of Ndigbo in 1966: Report of the Justice G. C. M. Onyiuke Tribunal, [Tollbrook Limited, Ikeja, Lagos] “…between 45,000 and 50,000 civilians of former Eastern Nigeria were killed in Northern Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria from 29th May 1966 to December 1967 and although it is not strictly within its terms of reference the Tribunal estimates that not less than 1,627,743 Easterners fled back to Eastern Nigeria as a result of the 1966 pogrom.”

    This is contemporary Nigerian history, only 50 years old. But, when experts like Dr. Reuben Abati and Professor Jonah Elaigwu write about it, they lose all sense of numeracy and statistical acuity, and glibly state that the July 29, 1966 counter-coup cost “many” Igbo lives. Well, the truth is that the July 29 counter-coup appears to be the bloodiest in the world’s recorded history because the casualty figures it posted far outstrip those registered in decided bloody coups like the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in which King James II of England was overthrown by an invading army led by William III of Orange-Nassau; the 18 Brumaire of 1799 coup in which General Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the French Directory on November 9, 1799; the Wuchang Uprising of 1911 that overthrew the Qing Dynasty and led to the establishment of the Republic of China; the Bolsheviks October Revolution of 1917 that led to the creation of the Soviet Union; and the Iraqi coup d’état of 1936, the first among Arab countries. Each of these coups/revolutions led to war. But, none of them managed anything near the sea of blood occasioned by July 29, 1966.

    Giving their interest in posting photographs and videos on the Internet by Instagram and Snapchat, and advertising mostly poor language on Facebook and other such portals, today’s Nigerian youths may know next to nothing about what led to the catastrophe of July 29. But the details follow here for those of them interested in learning. The problem sat rigidly on the superficiality of Nigeria, a geographical expression contrived by colonialist Britain. At Independence in 1960, the country operated a federal system of government with three powerful regions that didn’t take dictation from Lagos, the nation’s capital. A fourth region, the Midwest, with capital in Benin City, was created in June 1963. But, destroying the very fabric of the artificial political entity were tribalism and corruption, corruption which by today’s standards, would seem like cloistered nuns delightfully engaging in a game of Ping-Pong!

    There were the 1960 and 1964-1965 uprisings in the Tiv country of the Middle Belt, and fractious elections in Western Nigeria in 1964 and 1965. There was the highly controversial national census exercise of 1963, and there was the military action of Isaac Boro’s Niger Delta Volunteer Force. Then, the military moved in on January 15, 1966, having contracted the germ of the idea of military putsches running riot across the world. In Algeria, for instance, Colonel Houari Boumediene and Ahmed Ben Bella overthrew Benyoucef Benkhedda on July 3, 1962.  Three years later, on June 19, 1965, Boumedienne overthrew Ben Bella. More: In Argentina, General Eduardo Lonardi overthrew President Juan Domingo Peron on September 16, 1955. On March 29, 1962, General Raul Pogi overthrew President Arturo Frondizi. In Brazil on March 31, 1964, Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco overthrew João Goulart to set up a 21-year-long dictatorship. In Indonesia General Suharto overthrew President Sukarno on September 30, 1965.

    Inside Africa itself, coups were also trending. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser had overthrown Muhammad Naguib as far back as February 27, 1954. The first coup in West Africa was on January 13, 1963, when Etiene Eyadema overthrew Sylvanus Olympio. Colonel Joseph (later Mobutu Sese Seko) toppled Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba on September 14, 1960 and “neutralized” all political parties in Congo-Kinshasa. In neighbouring Benin Republic, Christophe Soglo overthrew Hubert Maga on October 28, 1963. Soglo carried out another coup on November 27, 1965, toppling Sourou-Migan Apithy. Both coups happened when the country still bore the name of Dahomey.

    On New Year’s Day of 1966, Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa overthrew his cousin, President David Dacko in Central Africa Republic. Two days later, Lieutenant Colonel Sangoulé Lamizana overthrew President Maurice Yaméogo in Upper Volta, which was renamed Burkina Faso in 1984 by Marxist revolutionary Captain Thomas Sankara.

    But, there was a difference between the rash of coups that occurred elsewhere and the one of January 15, 1966 in Nigeria. The Nigerian coup took an immediate ethnic colouration, and for reasons that were all too obvious. Of the five Majors that formed the innermost circle of the plotters, four were Igbo – Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna, Donatus Okafor, and Chris Anuforo. But there was also among them Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba. Then, there was also the more disturbing fact that most of the coup’s casualties were non-Igbo, like Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Northern Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, Western Premier Chief Samuel Akintola, and Federal Finance Minister Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh.  No Igbo politician had lost his life in the bloody action.

    Further, in executing the coup, the military had turned against itself in the killings of the following Northern military officers: Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari (Commander 2 Brigade), Colonel Kur Mohammed (Chief of Staff, Army Headquarters), Lieutenant Colonel James Yakubu Pam (Adjutant-General), and Lieutenant Colonel Lieutenant Colonel Abogo Largema (Commander 4th Battalion, Ibadan). Two Yoruba officers were also victims: Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun (Commander 1 Brigade), and his deputy, Colonel Ralph Sodeinde. The coup was, in effect, as bloody as they come. Its very nature fanned the fiction that it was an Igbo coup.

    On the immediate term, the charge of an Igbo coup was understandable. What would the Igbo have said and done, if things had happened differently and the coup had been perpetrated by say, Majors Hassan Usman Katsina, Murtala Muhammed, Joe Akahan, Mohammed Shuwa and Abba Kyari, and the victims been, say, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. Michael Okpara, General Aguiyi-Ironsi, Colonel Conrad Nwawo and Lieutenant Colonels Michael Ivenso, Michael Okwechime and Ime Imo? They would have, of course, cried blue murder and almost certainly plotted countermeasures.

    But, the true situation was clear in mere weeks and months. The coup had not been an Igbo coup for various reasons. Its primary objective was to replace Prime Minister Balewa with Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Yoruba Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament. Why would Ndigbo carry out a coup in order to install a Yoruba leadership? Three of the leaders of the January 15 action testified verbally and in written form that they had marked Chief Awolowo to head a government of their own creation. This was how Major Ifeajuna rationalized their decision in his memoirs, which has remained embarrassingly unpublished for 50 years: “Chief Awolowo launched forth his party on a platform of tribalism, and for his parochial and partisan approach to national issues, he got deserving blame. But probably in the later Awolowo of after the 1959 Federal Election that began the fiasco, our people saw for a second time an image of honesty, courage and discipline. Awolowo refused to betray those who followed him; rather it was some of them that betrayed him. In the face of difficulties and personal tragedy following on the declaration of a state of emergency in Western Nigeria, his treason trial, and the death of his first son, he showed courage and firmness of belief that truly is rare. In time he came to win the respect and admiration of even his greatest detractors, and what was more, he came to represent a rallying point for the young and the intellectual, for all that sought progress and nationhood for our country.”

    There were other reasons that made it plain that it was not an Igbo coup. The Igbo General, Aguiyi-Ironsi, crushed January 15. But, instead of being credited with the feat, Gowon allowed himself to be proclaimed the crusher of the coup, a role he hadn’t played at all. Not just that, Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Chinyelu Unegbe, the Quartermaster of the Army had been felled by the coupists of January 15. He was full-blooded Igbo, from Ozubulu in today’s Anambra State. But it served the interest of the counter-coupists to deny this and lie that Chinyelu was from the “Midwest” Region.

    A further consideration: On the morning of January 15, 1966, there were six Igbo Lieutenant Colonels. None participated in the coup. On that morning, there were 45 Majors in the Nigerian Army. About 24 of them were Igbo. This means that, at the very least, 18 Igbo Majors had nothing to do with the coup. On that morning, the General Officer Commanding was Igbo. The Quartermaster General was Igbo. The Commander of the 2nd Battalion in Lagos was Igbo. His 2ic was Igbo. The Brigade Major was Igbo. The Federal Guards Commander was Igbo. The Staff Officer “A” Branch at Army Headquarters was Igbo. If all these had fixed the coup, could it have failed?

    But, the engineers of July 29 did not want to know. People like Mallam Adamu Ciroma, then the Editor of the Northern Government-owned New Nigerian newspaper, led the campaign in portraying the January action as an Igbo coup aimed at Igbo domination of Nigeria. These champions of the legend of the Igbo coup had a point, of course. But, as already pointed out above, it was a blunt one, except that in the excitement and tenseness of the season, reason was on leave. First insidiously, but later openly and brazenly, they started and continued to fan the embers of hatred that resulted in July 29 and the pogroms that preceded and antedated it. Biafran Major-General Alexander Madiebo captured the virulent propaganda thus: “By the end of April 1966, the press and radio of the North had joined in the hostile campaign against the South. These mass information media were then fully employed in preparing the people’s mind for the coming counter-coup. Starting from the beginning of May, 1966, Radio Kaduna played every day for three weeks, recorded speeches of late Sir Abubakar (Tafawa Balewa) and Sir Ahmadu (Bello). These political campaign speeches were carefully selected to arouse tribal feelings, passion and hatred against the people of the South. While Radio networks blared the speeches, the official Government daily newspaper New Nigerian, carried daily for some time serialized articles on the Islamic war of Conquest or Jihad, both in English and local vernaculars.” (The Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran War, Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, p. 35.)

    The anti-South or, more appropriately, the anti-Igbo rhetoric and plots moved on two fronts. Northern journalists and elites trumpeted the propaganda. Northern politicians, included Mallam Aminu Kano, galvanized the mobs while Gowon, the Army Chief, superintended the military angle. It is often said that Lieutenant Colonel Murtala Mohammed led the counter-coup. But this was only because he was the visible face. The contention here is that Gowon was the actual leader of July 29. He wisely acted surreptitiously because of the position he held and because he was under surveillance. Had he not been party to the counter coup, it would have floundered in its early stages, or even nipped in the bud.

    There are many reasons for this conclusion. From the start of the action on July 29, Gowon was incommunicado until August 1, 1966, when he surfaced at the Ikeja Cantonment to be declared Head of State by an Air Force Sergeant named Paul Dickson. Contrast his curious disappearance on July 29, 1966 to January 15 when, as an officer without command who had arrived the country only two days earlier, he joined the Major Hans Anagho team appointed by General Ironsi to go in pursuit of the coup makers. Again, when Government House, Ibadan, was under siege, Gowon had a telling telephone conversation in which Major Theophilus Danjuma told him that he was on the verge of leading his troops to storm the building and seize Ironsi and Fajuyi. According to Danjuma’s authorized biography, the conversation continued thus:

    Gowon: Can you do it?

    Danjuma: We’ve got the house surrounded and sealed off, Sir. We can do it.

    Gowon: Alright. But please make sure there is no bloodshed. (Danjuma: The Making of a General, by Lindsay Barrett. Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, 1980. pp 52-53.)

    Could Gowon’s acquiescence to high treason in this dialogue be the spontaneous reaction of someone unaware of the details of what was going on? Is it not more rationale to believe that Danjuma had initiated the telephone conversation, in order to give a “sitrep” to the superior officer whose orders he was carrying out? After all, Lieutenant Colonel Hillary Njoku has argued that Danjuma was not qualified to be a part of on Ironsi’s national tour.

    “In accordance with staff procedure, Lt-Col. Jack Gowon as the Chief of Staff, Army, was the right man, not Major Theophilus Danjuma, to accompany the Supremo on military matters. If for any reason he was absent, the next man to him should have gone with the Supreme Commander. In that case the General Staff Officer Grade One, Lieutenant Colonel P. Anwunah, or, as it was an administrative tour, the Adjutant-General should have joined or at least represented the Army. Theophilus Y. Danjuma was a major and deputy to Lieutenant Colonel M. Ivenso who was the Adjutant General of the Army…Protocol wise, detailing a Grade Two Staff Officer to represent the Army on a country-wide tour of the Head of State was a capital insult to the person and office of the Head of State.” (A Tragedy Without Heroes: The Nigeria-Biafra War, Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu. pp 86-87.)

    But, Gowon made the anomalous posting, all the same. Max Siollun was, therefore, wrong to state in his essay entitled The Northern Counter-Coup Of 1966 – The Full Story that, “Ironsi had with great courage entrusted his personal security to northern soldiers (including Major Yakubu Danjuma, Lieutenants William Walbe, Titus Numan and Sani Bello). One of his ADCs was the younger brother of Lt-Col James Pam (who had been murdered during the January coup). By surrounding himself with northern soldiers, Ironsi sealed his own fate.” (See www.nigerialinks.com>articles>Siollun).

    Ironsi’s fate was sealed because he came from an ethnic group not ordained by God for perpetual  leadership of Nigeria. Ironsi had not placed Danjuma in the ranks of his personal guards. Gowon did. Ironsi had four ADCs: Timothy Pam (Police), Dennis Okujagu (Navy), Andrew Nwankwo (Air Force) and Sani Bello (Army. None of them was party to the execution of July 29. As a matter of fact, Bello and Nwankwo were among those scourged by Danjuma and his men, and led to the Iwo execution ground with their hands tied behind their backs. Perhaps Ironsi would have been wise if his personal security were in the hands of his Umuahia kinsmen. But Gowon had established a Federal Guards Battalion composed entirely of his Angas people. Yet, his removal from office was swift and ignominious.

    Thus, as July 29 dawned, Danjuma who was advantageously positioned had troops from the 4th Battalion in Ibadan given to him by its Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Akahan. Those were the troops he used to replace Ironsi’s regular guards. They took Ironsi and Fajuyi and subjected them to unimaginable torture, after which he gave “whispered instructions” to those that led the duo, all blood and gore, to their untimely deaths at Iwo. The junior officers who led Ironsi and Fajuyi to their Golgotha included Lieutenants Garba Paiko, Garba Duba, William Walbe, Titus Numan, and Jeremiah Useni, as well as some non-commissioned officers and many recruits.

    The counter-coup spread to all parts of the country except the East where Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu was Military Governor and Lieutenant Colonel Eze Ogunewe the 1st Battalion Commander. In Kaduna they shot Lieutenant Colonel Israel Okoro, the Commander of the 3rd Battalion. In Lagos they shot Major T. E. Nzegwu (not to be confused with Nzeogwu) of the Supreme Headquarters. Major Chris Anuforo was tortured to death. Major Don Okafor was buried alive. They killed Major B. Nnamani of the 2nd Battalion. The assassinated Major J. O. C. Ihedigbo. The killed Major Ekanem of the 1st Provost Company on Carter Bridge. They killed Major P. C. Obi of the Nigerian Air Force. They killed Major O. U. Isong of the 1st Reece Squadron, Kaduna.  They killed Major C. C. Emelifonwu of the 1st Brigade Headquarters. They killed Major A. D. Ogunro of the Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC).

    They seized Captain P. C. O. Okoye, who was on his way to an overseas course near the Ikeja Airport. The Captain was “tied to an iron cross, beaten and left to die an agonizing death in the guardroom.” They also massacred Captains Iloputaife (MBE), I. U. Idika, A. O. Akpet, L. C. Dilibe, J. I. Chukwueke, J. U. Egere, T. O. Iweanya, H. A. Auna, S. E. Maduabum, G. N. E. Ugoala, and R. I. Agbazue in various military formations across the country. And they ended the lives of 15 Lieutenants all told. As for Warrant Officers, Sergeants, Corporals, Lance Corporals and Privates, about 130 of them paid the supreme price of July 29.

    “The original intention of the July 29 counter coup leaders was to seize the reigns of government and then announce the secession of the Northern Region from the rest of the country. This was in line with the general mood of the people of the North whose clarion call during the May 29 disturbances was Araba or Aware (Hausa word for ‘secede’).” So wrote Ahmadu Kurfi in The Nigerian General Elections 1959 and 1979 and the aftermath, (Macmillan Nigerian Publishers Limited, Lagos, 1983; pp38-39.) Again, “Northern civilians and other ranks in the Army kept continuous pressure on us to avenge what seemed more and more to them to have been an anti-Northern coup.” So wrote Major General Joseph in Revolution In Nigeria: Another View, Africa Books Limited, London, 1980; p 60.

    Well, vengeance was wreaked to the extreme, majority of the victims being clearly innocent of any crimes or offences. According to the Onyiuke Report (page 103), The May (1966) riots affected mainly the Hausa/Fulani areas of Northern Nigeria. It did not affect the Bornu Emirate to the North-East, the area commonly called the Middle Belt (comprising Benue province with Makurdi as its principal town, Plateau province with Jos as its principal town, Ilorin, and Kabba provinces. The Ilorin and Kabba provinces are mainly inhabited by the Yoruba, the Benue Province by the Tiv and Idomas and other tribes. The Bornu Emirate is mainly dominated by the Kanuri whose head Chief, the Shehu of Bornu is based in Bornu…

    “The pogrom spread to all parts of northern Nigeria between September and October 1966. The main instrument of spreading the pogrom was the Federal Army and Police and thugs organized on a fairly high level to smother the susceptibilities od some of the local chiefs who opposed it the local inhabitants especially the ex-politicians caught the fever, and horror and disaster spread. The rot was complete.”

    After Ironsi was toppled and assassinated, and after “God in his power (had) entrusted the responsibility of this great country of ours into the hands of yet another Northerner,” the Republic of Northern Nigeria was not declared. Why? Despite Gowon’s curious denial to this day that he was going to announce secession on August 1, 1966, the fact is that the move to secede was thwarted by Western powers. According to the minutes of the Cabinet meeting of August 2, 1966 released by the British Government after the mandatory 35-year period of moratorium, and deposited and marked as CAB/128/41 kept at the British Public Records Office at Kew Gardens, London, “The Commonwealth Secretary (The Rt. Hon. Arthur Bottomley, MP) said that there had been a further mutiny in Nigeria and that Major General Ironsi, the Head of State, had been kidnapped and possibly killed. A L-Col Yakubu Gowon, who was Hausa from the Northern Region, had assumed charge of the Government with the support of the Supreme Council. He had been strongly advised by our own High Commissioner and the United States Ambassador against promoting the secession of the North from the Federation.”

    The fact that the counter-coup makers did not sunder Nigeria in 1966 is the reason Nigeria remains where it is today. Max Suillon, in his 1990s essay already cited put things in perspective thus: “Now firmly in control of the army, northern officers distributed senior military postings among themselves and created a northern military dynasty. Since the counter-coup, 17 officers have occupied the post of Chief of Army Staff. Of these 17, 15 have been northerners (the only two southerners to occupy the post during that time; Lt-Generals Alani Akinrinade and Alexander Ogomudia, were appointed by General Obasanjo in 1979, and 2001 respectively). The northern soldiers who carried out the counter-coup have constituted themselves into Nigeria’s de facto ruling class. Of the soldiers who took part in the counter-coup, four (Murtala, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha) became Head of State. Several of them held prominent government and security positions throughout the last three decades. For example, Lieutenants Walbe, Duba, and Shelleng were among the party that murdered Maj-Gen Ironsi and Lt-Col Fajuyi. Walbe was rewarded by being appointed as Gowon’s personal bodyguard, and today Duba and Shelleng are members of the millionaire Generals club, sitting atop massive fortunes and business empires acquired after years of participation in military regimes. Mamman Vatsa was the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory until he tried one coup too many. Abba Kyari and Baba Usman served as military governors under Gowon for eight years. Gado Nasko became a Major-General and was the Minister of the Federal Capital territory during the regime of Ibrahim Babangida. Some of the mutineers occupy prominent government positions till today; Lt-Gen Danjuma (who led the arrest party that abducted Ironsi and Fajuyi) is the current Defence Secretary, and Maj-Gen Abdullahi Mohammed is the current Chief of Staff at the presidency).”

    In reverse, July 29 destroyed Igbo relevance in Nigerian politics. Ndigbo became something like fourth-class citizens, to be seen and rarely heard; to be killed at random without consequence; to be told to their faces that Nigerian leadership was outside their tiny scope of entitlements. They may stray into the Armed Forces but could never aspire to ranks above Colonel, except they were in the Medical or Education Corps. They may excel in academics or soccer or the sciences. Their entrepreneurial skills may match the best anywhere in the world. But in the scheme of national affairs, they must stand back.

    Things have now gone full cycle. After five decades, the architects of July 29, 1966 have, aided by accessories to political change, assumed power yet again, cloaked like democrats. But, the leopard never changes its spots. Which is why, in informed circles, their mantra of change elicits anything between skeptical smiles and outright indignation.

    • Iloegbunam (iloegbunam@hotmail.com), is the author of Ironside, the biography of General Aguiyi-Ironsi.