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  • APC senators back in the trenches

    APC senators back in the trenches

    The internal strife that has recently been bedevilling the caucus of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the senate appears to be worsening ahead of the 2019 general election. Dare Odufowokan, Assistant Editor examines the factors responsible for the sour relationship among Senators elected on the platform of the ruling party.

    WITH the 2019 general election fast approaching, many observers within and outside the country are paying keen attention to happenings within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) which is already troubled as chieftains are now pitted against one an other over the control of party structures and other issues, ahead of the election which the party is seeking to win in other to remain ruling party for another four years.

    The APC, which basked in the euphoria of defeating the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) during the 2015 general election, has found itself bedeviled by intra-party squabbles for most part of its short existence. At the national level and in most states of the country, the ruling party is divided against itself. Most organs of the party, including its caucuses in the national assembly, are not spared from this crack.

    According to very reliable party sources, the party caucus in the senate is one of the worst hit organs of the ruling APC. The Nation gathered that ahead of the 2019 general election, APC senators, rather than working together to ensure victory for their party in the said election, are currently divided into groups scheming against one another within and outside the hallowed chamber.

    The Nation gathered that following the controversy that trailed the recent amendment made to the 2010 Electoral Act by the national assembly which saw APC senators openly disagreeing over the order of elections, the APC senate caucus became further fragmented into what is now know as ‘pro-Buhari’ and ‘anti-Buhari’ groups. It was further gathered that the groups now meets separately to plan and scheme against one another.

    “The situation now is such that we have two groups of APC senators meeting separately and working at cross purposes in the national assembly. While the recent amendment to the electoral act was the last straw that broke the camel’s back, the division among us has been on for quite a while. The sacking of Senator Abdulahi as chairman of the Northern Senators Forum has further polarized the caucus.

    “This is working at great advantage for the opposition. It is now very easy to shoot down pro-APC motions and bills on the floor of the senate. It is now common placed for the senate to disagree openly with presidential suggestions and requests. This is not good for the ruling party as we head towards another general election. It is all working to the benefit of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

     

    A divided house

    Worried about the disunity rocking the caucuses of the APC in the national assembly, a member of the 7th assembly, Hon. Bamidele Faparusi, advised APC legislators and other chieftains of the party to close rank and be in unity warning that that intra-party squabbles and disunity among members of the party in the various organs of the party, including the senate caucus, may rob the party of victory during the next election.

    The forearm federal legislator condemned a situation where senators elected on the platform of the ruling party are unable to work together for the progress of the party. He lamented that the disunity among APC senators is working agains the party’s delivery of the much awaited dividends of democracy to the good people of Nigeria who graciously voted for the party in 2015.

    But while Faparusi is optimistic that the division among APC senators will soon be a thing of the past as the 2019 election draws nearer, given efforts by the leadership of the party at reconciling the many differences bedeviling the caucus, another chieftain of the party, Chief Bode Jaiyeola, former state secretary of the Alliance for Democracy in Ogun State, feels the division is worsening as the senators are now more divided by ever.

    According to Jaiyeola, the crisis rocking the senate caucus of the ruling party is multi-dimensional and as such cannot be wished away. “Concerted effort will be required to nip the disunity among our senators. The situation is daily taking a turn for the worse and to say the truth, the opposition senators are more united and as such more influential in the national assembly.

    “At a time when APC senators should be working together towards ensuring victory for the party at the next presidential election, they are allowing pockets of disagreements to divide them so much that they cannot speak with one voice. Sadly, this division is not caused by just one factor. It is a product of several factors and developments dating back to the very beginning of the current assembly,” he said.

    Findings by The Nation however revealed that aside the brouhaha generated by the controversial amendment of the electoral act, the division among APC senators can also be traced to a number of other issues which include the resumed trial of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, perceived, rumored or confirmed presidential ambitions of some sitting senators as well as differences over what should be the fate of Chief John Odigie Oyegun, the national chairman of the APC and the National Working Committee (NWC).

    “These issues, and many more, are at the centre of the confusion rocking the APC senate caucus. In fact, some of the senators are here quarreling as a result of their fear that they may be denied return tickets by the APC in their various states. Many f them are blaming President Buhari for that and are determined to work against him and the party. Others have pledge their loyalty to some other presidential contenders aside Mr. President,” a senate source added.

     

    Still on electoral act amendment

    Sources within the Senate revealed that the clam currently pervading the hallowed chamber can be likened to the peace of the graveyard as senators are meeting in groups behind the scenes to fine-tune their next move concerning the controversial amendment made to the electoral act last week. It should be noted that the national assembly has forwarded the amendment to President Buhari for his assent.

    The two groups of senators who supported the amendment and those who opposed it are keenly awaiting Buhari’s decision on the amendment made to the 2010 Electoral Act. The clean copy of the amendment was last Monday transmitted to the presidency for assent. Buhari has up to 30 days to either withhold or assent to the draft Law, in line with section 58 (4) of the 1999 Constitution.

    While the senate leadership and and the PDP senate caucus are in support of the amendment, APC senators are sharply divided over the amendment. Senator Abdullahi Adamu, sacked chairman of the NSF and a former Governor of Nasarawa State, leads the camp that is opposed to the amendment. And if Adamu and other leaders of his group are to be believed, not less than 59 senators are in his camp.

    But Senator Dino Melaye, speaking for those supporting the amendment, said only Adamu and a handful of senators are in the opposition. He said majority of APC senators are in support of the amendment. Whichever of these two claims turns out to be the truth, one thing is certain, APC senators are at loggerheads over the amendment and will still dig deeper into one another should Buhari refuse to sign the amendment.

    In anticipation of the President’s decision, the two camps, according to reliable sources, are currently carrying out intensive supporters’ recruitment, a situation that has further polarized the party’s caucus in the senate. While some senators are all over the place urging their colleague to be prepared to support President Buhari should he withhold assent, some others are urging senators to be prepared to overrule Buhari should that happen.

    “What we are doing currently is preempting the decision of President Buhari on the amendment sent to him. The same controversial amendment which was hurriedly and fraudulently passed by those working against the interest of the ruling party even when it was obvious that the majority of senators present are opposed to it. With high hopes that the President will reject it, we are planning on what next.

    “To override the President, the those promoting the amendment will need two-third majority of both Chambers of the National Assembly. We are mobilizing our members to ensure that they don’t get the required number and we are sure that given the opposition to the controversial amendment, and the outcry against it by Nigerians, they will not succeed,” a senator told The Nation.

    But a supporter of the amendment said, “We are battle ready to overrule the President if he refuses to sign the amendment.  Section 58 (5) of the 1999 Constitution reads: ‘Where the President withholds his assent and the bill is again passed by each House by a two-third majority, the bill shall become Law and the assent of the President shall not be required.’ And I am sure we will get the two-third majority to do just that.

    Only a few of our colleagues in the APC, say about 20 of them, are opposed to the amendment. The rest of us, all the PDP senators and even Senator Umeh of APGA, are in support of the amendment. So, with what we have on ground and what we are still doing, it is in the interest of President Buhari to just assent to the amendment and avoid a situation where he will be overruled,” he said.

    Beyond the amendment

    There are also strong indications that the decision of the federal government to file 11 grounds notice of appeal against the June 14, 2017, judgment of the Code of Conduct Tribunal which acquitted Senate President Bukola Saraki of 18 counts of false asset declaration and other related offenses, may have irredeemably pitched some senators against Buhari and the APC.

    According to a reliable source, many senators sympathetic to Saraki are angry that the party looked on while Buhari continue to use the judiciary to humiliate the Senate President. “Those accusing senators of working against APC by opposing Buhari are hypocrites. Where were they when Buahri worked against his own party by humiliating the senate President who is a fellow party man?

    “No matter what you say about Buhari and the APC today, there are many of us who will not be moved by all these cry of “anti-party”. What is more anti-party than humiliating your own party man the way the federal government has done to Senator Saraki in the last three years? At a time they were talking about reconciliation, they appealed a judgement that proved Saraki innocent and returned him to the dock. Is that the way to make peace? We are waiting for their explanation,” the senator said.

    The Nation also learnt that a good number of APC senators are prepared to leave the party should the Senate President be forced to leave. According to senators who spoke to our correspondents, while Saraki may not have made up his mind to leave the APC, there is pressure on him by his supporters in the PDP urging him to jump ship before the next general election.

    “You shouldn’t be surprised by the refusal of some of us to support the President in some instances. How do you want us to feel when we are made more comfortable by opposition senators while our own party men are daily plotting agains the leadership of the senate? There is no gainsaying in the fact that Saraki’s leadership of the senate is made possible by PDP senators. So, how then do you heal the crack in our own camp? That is how bad the situation is,” a senator from Niger state said.

    To further compound the situation, The Nation gathered that there are still some APC senators nursing the wound of how Saraki emerged as Senate President in defiance to the directive of the party. These senators, it was learnt, are already plotting on how best to prevent his return as Senate President in the next assembly. “Some members of the Unity Forum will stop at nothing to ensure Saraki is not re-elcted as Senate President,” a source claimed.

  • Estako by-election: PDP, APC return to trenches

    Estako by-election: PDP, APC return to trenches

    On January 28, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressive Congress (APC) will renew their battle for supremacy during the House of Representative by-election in Estako Constituency. The previous occupant, Hon Philip Shaibu, is now the Edo State deputy governor.

    Politician who have represented Estako since 1999 are late Dr. Austin Obozuwa on the PDP from 1999 to 2003. Hon Abubakar Momoh between 2003-2007. Hon Abbas Braimah was at the National Assembly between 2007-2011. Hon Abubakar Momoh was re-elected in 2011. Shaibu won the 2015 election to represent Estako.

    The Estako by-election will be the first test of the ability of Governor Godwin Obaseki to provide leadership for the ruling APC. The PDP, Chairman, Chief Dan Orbih, will have the opportunity to prove critics wrong that he has not won any election in his domain since he emerged chairman of the party.

    Estako Federal Constituency is made up of Estako East, Estako West and Estako Central local government areas. It is the constituency with the largest population in Edo North senatorial district. Estako West has the highest voting population among the three local governments. In the 2015 general elections, the votes from Estako West secured victory for the APC in the senatorial district.

    The PDP has always lost election since 2008 when it lost power in the state to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) under former Governor Adams Oshiomhole.

    The January 28 date fixed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) appeared to have taken the political parties by surprise as both the PDP and the APC had to fix their primaries on the same day. The PDP, which expressed reservations on the date, accused INEC of fixing the date to catch other political parties unawares.

    Its Publicity Secretary, Chris Nehikhare, said was a confirmation of an unholy alliance between the electoral body and the APC.

    Nehikhare, however said that the PDP was not deterred by the date fixed by INEC.

    He said: “We are pleased to inform the good people of Estako Federal Continuency and by the extension, the good people of Edo State, that many people from that Continuency have signified interest to participate in the party primaries forced on us by INEC, scheduled for Saturday irrespective of the very short notice.

    “PDP will be presenting a strong, viable and grassroots evolved candidate to represent the good people of Estako Federal Continuency.

    INEC and APC cannot stop the emergence of a PDP candidate to win and represent Estako Federal Continuency.”

    Three aspirants picked the nomination forms of the PDP. They are Mike Abekhe from Okpella in Estako East, Victor Okhamo from Iyamho in Estako West and Prince Musa Braimoh from Uzarue also in Estako West.

    However, the party caucus opted for a former President of the National Association of Nigeria Students (NANS) Comrade Jude Imagwe. Comrade Imagwe was later picked after the initial favoured aspirant, Victor Okhaimo stepped down. Imagwe emerged through a consensus agreement by party delegates.

    The race by members of the APC began immediately Shaibu was sworn-in as the deputy governor. Six persons, including a son of Oshiomhole, Dr. Cyril, indicated interest in the race. Others were John Akhigbe, Johnson Oghuma, Joseph Ugheoke,  Professor Waziri Erameh and a former governorship aspirants of the APC, Blessing Agbonmhere.

    The campaign posters of the APC aspirants flooded nooks and crannies of the three local government areas.

    For the purpose of balance of power, the APC zoned the seat to Estako Central since Estako East produced the senator representing Edo North while Shaibu hails from Estako West.

    Two days to the primary, four aspirants stepped down from the race after a meeting with Hon Shaibu. Oshiomhole’s son was asked to withdraw from the race since he hails from Estako West. Those that stepped down were John Akhigbe, Johnson Oghuma, Joseph Ugheoke,  Professor Waziri Erameh.

    Agbomhere and Oghuma contested the primary, which was won by Oghuma, despite protest the by Agbomhere. Agbomhere alleged that the primary was rigged in favour in his opponent. He later stormed out of the venue and ordered his supporters to go out.

    Oghuma polled 334 votes to defeat Agbomhere, who garnered 75 votes.

    But, Agbonmhere later asked his supporters to vote for the APC. He said his decision was because he is a loyal party man and believes in the growth of the APC.

    The chances of the PDP are very slim in the by-election. It was in the 2015 general elections that the PDP attempted dislodge the APC, but it was stopped by votes from Estako West, the local government where both Oshiomhole and Shaibu hail from. It performed woefully in last year’s governorship election as the APC won in the three local governments.

  • Back to the trenches

    The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) last week made good its threat of proceeding on a one week “warning strike” to compel the government to implement the 2009 Agreement and 2013 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) they both entered into. Expectedly, academic activities were grounded in several universities across the country. The fear of the union going back to the trenches is better imagined; students and stakeholders would not forget in a hurry the more than six months strike that crippled our varsities during the last administration.

    The issues at stake haven’t changed as we continue to dance in cycles. The depressing part is that the grand plan to finally bury public institutions may be entering a critical phase. The well perfected plan which started years ago has seen the emergence of several private varsities, some owned by politicians, their cronies and even militants. While there’s nothing wrong with private varsities – in fact, they’re a welcome development -, there’s everything wrong with killing public varsities at the expense of private varsities.

    No doubt, strikes have contributed significantly to the decline in the quality of graduates of our public universities. The hurried academic calendars – following the end of industrial actions – allow for very little attention to serious studies or research. That is one of the fundamental reason our public varsities have continued to go down the ladder of academic ranking, even among their peers in Africa.

    It is no longer news that the federal government and ASUU had for several years been locked in a running battle over the implementation of agreements on the funding of the country’s public varsities. The consequences have been lengthy industrial strikes by the lecturers, with the attendant debilitating effects on educational development in particular and academic pursuits in general. It is in this light that another strike would further damage whatever remains of the credibility of tertiary education in our country.

    The university lecturers had announced recently that the union was being owed about N660 billion as Needs Assessment Intervention Funds (NAIF) by the federal government. According to ASUU, the money is part of the unpaid intervention fund for the last three years.

    In addition, ASUU argues that the federal government still owes academic staff in the public universities a whopping N200 billion arrears of earned allowances for the 2014 and 2015 academic years. The union made a number of other claims with a warning that it could yet go on another strike. That was the genesis of the one-week warning strike which, given past experience, could be a prelude to another long closure of our campuses.

    Without mincing words, the under-funding of the education sector has had far reaching repercussions on the country, such that our universities have now become carcasses of their former selves. I must point out that dealing with the challenge requires more than seasonal strikes by the lecturers while the federal government also needs to understand the primacy of constant dialogue, especially given the current realities. Why wait until a strike before addressing critical issues?

    The state of Nigerian campuses today is pathetic; those who passed through the system in the past would not believe what our campuses have become. Students are practically left to their own devices in some institutions. This has made some to argue that other alternatives should be explored in getting government to adhere to agreements signed rather than the strike option.

    In 2009, Prof. Babatunde Munir Ogunsanwo who delivered the 49th Inaugural Lecture of Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU), Ago Iwoye, Ogun State said: “The union cannot claim the dearth of expertise in industrial psychology, sociology, law or crisis management, who should be able to synthesize an efficient alternative to strike actions which have done more damage to the public image of ASUU as a union of academics who are never contended, but rather are ready to sacrifice the future of their students for the improvement of their personal emoluments.”

    Several current and former members of the union have – in the past – also lent their voices to what some of them term the obsolete nature of strikes. From past experiences, it is clear that strikes do not solve the myriad of challenges in the sector; the system is always worse off after it. We deceive ourselves if we think we live in the present while in fact we are still living in the past. The present is seeking out workable and constructive solutions on how to make our varsities competitive and attune to the challenges of a technologically and knowledge driven 21st century.

    I’ve sat in discussions and fora where people often ask whether there is something mentally wrong with us as a people. Why do we “lack” the ability to consider the long term impact of some of our actions? Are our problems psychological? Are we in fact ‘mad’ as some now suggest? Why do we expend so much energy discussing inanities while serious issues are left unattended to?

    As we face the challenges of a new world we should be aware that a successful 21st century university is a student centered institution, unconstrained by time and place, that operates simultaneously in a local and global context, constantly measuring and communicating its progress, and continually renewing its commitment to students, community and the economic competitiveness of the country. Perhaps I need a megaphone to shout that the world has moved on while we are still battling with basic issues of leadership.

    The ground is shifting globally as universities are confronting new types of students – younger and more technology-driven, as well as older and more career-driven. They are confronting unprecedented competition, aggressive accountability demands and a view of operating in a global context. Higher education is facing the demands of a world with new and quickly changing student demographics, an increasingly flat global environment, and tighter funding and accountability constraints.

    These challenges involve much more than academics – it’s about the overall higher education experience students encounter on a day-to-day basis, from the moment they set foot on campus to commencement (if they get that far). Facing the challenges concerning student engagement requires a keen understanding about remediation issues, retention rates and the expectations of a diverse student population (adults, Millenials, NetGeners etc); getting faculty to modernize from a technology perspective; and making meaningful lifelong learning connections.

    Going forward therefore requires all critical stakeholders in the education sector joining forces in the efforts to find a lasting solution to what has become a perplexing and recurring national challenge. The onus is on the federal government to take the initiative so that we can collectively come up with ways to reposition tertiary education in our country. It is unfortunate that disputes are always occasioned by the broken promises and unfulfilled agreements of the federal government. Yet there is no way we can develop our country until efforts are made to revitalise key sectors like education.

    That the FG/ASUU meeting called last week to look at the issues ended in a deadlock – especially on the issue of earned allowance – is not a good development. Chaired by Senator Jibrin Barau, it had in attendance the national leadership of ASUU led by its national president, Prof. Biodun Ogunyemi; the executive secretary of the National Universities Commission (NUC), Prof. Abubakar Rasheed; and the director general of the National Pension Commission (PenCom), Mrs. Ahonu-Amazu, among others.

    Funding is a great challenge for education leaders in our varsities. Developing new revenue sources looms large as funding from both state and federal governments flattens, especially in an economy in recession. This is where creativity should come in through finding international partners, developing programs that can be offered internationally and that are enhanced through the creative use of educational technologies, and educating students to be competitive in a growing global economy and multi-national workforce environment.

    It’s no secret that institutions that forge deeper international partnerships present a more competitive profile for attracting and retaining both faculty and students. We were there in the past, but lost it. Let’s not forget this as we discuss earned allowances and other issues.

     

     

     

  • Don Jazzy, Olamide back to the trenches

    Don Jazzy, Olamide back to the trenches

    There are indications label owners Don Jazzy and Olamide might be back to their last quarrel, following the sudden disappearance, from their Instagram handles, of pictures taken at their reconciliation meeting.

    Fans are however linking this development to a message posted by Teebillz, Tiwa Savage’s husband on January 23, purportedly challenging some comments made by Olamide during the heat of their quarrel.

    Recall that Olamide, on January 1, had walked out of the Headies stage in protest, after the Next Rated award category was announced in favour of Don Jazzy’s artiste, Reekadobanks, claiming his artiste, Lil Kesh, deserved the laurel instead.

    Teebillz wrote: “After you have produced more than 10 major artists with back to back hits for over 10 years and still relevant then you can compare yourself to this guy @donjazzy until then I advise you mind your production and keep working hard #SMD #FactsOnly #Reminder”

    This is coming a few days after Tiwa Savage released the video of her street-esque track ‘Standing Ovation’ which Olamide who features in the song also promoted by posting pictures from the music video as well as snippets of the video on his Instagram page.

    All those posts have now disappeared, even though it was observed that Don Jazzy deleted images from his Instagram page first, leaving only a logo of his Supreme Mavin Dynasty.

    If the artistes are resuming their quarrel, observers reason that it is to undermine the effort of Nigerian business mogul, Aliko Dangote, who convened a peace meeting for them a few weeks ago.