Tag: trial

  • Trial of Supreme Court judgments

    Trial of Supreme Court judgments

    The obiter dictum from the fecund mind of, late pre-eminent jurist, Chukwudifu Akunne Oputa, JSC, in Adegoke Motors Ltd vs. Dr Babatunde Adesanya & Anor (1989) 3NWLR (Pt. 109), 250 at 274, on the finality and the infallibility of the judgments of the Supreme Court, regardless of what lesser mortals, may think, wherein he said: “we are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final”, has resurrected, following some recent judgments of the apex court; and will resonate across the country, for some time to come.

    Just as Nigerians were ruminating on the judgment of the Supreme Court in Ejike Oguebego & anor. vs. Peoples Democratic Party & ors., on the Anambra State Peoples Democratic Party’s 2015 party primaries, the court delivered her judgments, in the controversial Akwa Ibom and Abia states’ gubernatorial elections, to add to the fire, already stoked by her earlier judgment in the Rivers State’s gubernatorial election. While awaiting the reasons behind the judgments, from the apex court, no doubt, these judgments, that have secured the mandates of all the gubernatorial incumbents, have stirred controversies.

    What is however abundantly clear, from the reactions, in the mainstream and social media, is that some Nigerians are insinuating extraneous reasons for the judgments. Indeed, many of the commentators that were offended by the judgements, that upturned the concurrent judgments of electoral tribunals and the court of appeal, in some of the cases, used unprintable words, in their condemnation of the learned Justices. Even among the parties to the suit, and their supporters, their actions, days before the judgment, betrayed their strong believe that the courts are not merely guided by the provisions of the law and the facts emanating from their presentation at the tribunals, but can be influenced by fresh media campaigns, rallies and sponsored commentaries.

    So, while the Justices of the Supreme Court were sifting through the facts presented to them, and gauging the provisions of the law, the parties were busy presenting their claims, evidences and supporting arguments to the public, in the earnest believe that the Justices, who also live within the larger society, would be persuaded by the dexterity of these presentations. With the judgment delivered, those who feel that the facts in the public domain, particularly with respect to the Rivers, Akwa Ibom and Abia states’ elections, do not support the judgment of the apex court, are up in arms, against the learned law lords.

    For some of those who participated in those elections, some of those who saw action in the war that our elections turn out as, some of those who were flagrantly and violently denied participation in some of the elections by thugs and political opponents, and who were upbeat that some of the results would be cancelled or upturned, are flabbergasted by the decisions of the courts, and would swear that some of the judgments were procured by external influences. Conversely, those who have gained from the judgments are expressing their gratitude to the jurisprudential ingenuity of the learned Justices of the Supreme Court. Perhaps it is time to open a debate on our adversarial legal system, and consider the merits of mediation, which substantially approximates to our native jurisprudence.

    In Anambra State, the jejune interpretation by a vocal minority, of the judgment of the Supreme Court, over the 2015 PDP primaries in the state, more than any other, portrays our legal system, as a joke, particularly for a layman. In that state, where the PDP acquired a gargantuan reputation for cash and carry politics, the state executive committee, recognized by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), organized a primary which produced a set of candidates, whose names were submitted to the electoral body, for the 2015 general elections.

    Some weeks to the election, that state executive committee was dissolved, and a caretaker committee was put in place. INEC was compelled by a judgment of the Court of Appeal, which set aside a High Court judgment, and recognised the caretaker committee, to change the names of the party’s candidates, to those elected in the primaries organised by the caretaker committee. Now, the Supreme Court has set aside the judgment of the Court of Appeal, and re-instated that of the High Court, which had declared the caretaker committee, “as illegal, null and void”.

    The restored judgment made an order that any delegate list or nominated candidates from the purported caretaker committee or ad-hoc committee, is “illegal, invalid, unconstitutional, abuse of court process, null and void and cannot be used for any purpose.” It also forbade the PDP from sending the list from that caretaker committee, to INEC, and also ordered INEC, not to accept any such list.

    Those who were elected at the primaries conducted by the Oguebego faction, whose mandate as the authentic state executive council, has now be restored, hoped that INEC would give them their certificates of return, without much ado, since their names were substituted with the eventual winners in the election, based on the Court of Appeal judgment, just before the 2015 general election. Now, to their chagrin, the beneficiaries of the Court of Appeal’s judgment, already enjoying their ‘purported mandate’ at the National Assembly, are saying that the reversal suffered at the Supreme Court, do not affect them.

    After reading the judgment, as published in the press, which I presume to be correct, I do not agree that the judgment does not jeopardise the continued representation of those, nominated by the ‘purported caretaker committee’. Of note, the court specifically declared any primary conducted by them, or any list submitted by them as “illegal, invalid, unconstitutional, abuse of court process, null and void and cannot be used for any purpose.” The argument that the judgment is merely declaratory, and cannot be enforced, is not supported, by the available facts.

    While reliefs 1 and 2 are declaratory, reliefs 3, 4 and 5 in my humble view are mandatory injunctions, clearly restraining the PDP and INEC, from specific acts. While the PDP is restrained from submitting the list from the ‘purported caretaker committee’ to the second defendant, INEC is retrained from accepting any such list, from the PDP. In my view, the judgment of the Supreme Court renders the election of those on the list submitted by the ‘purported caretaker committee’ a nullity. To contend otherwise, is gravely absurd. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court did not make any consequential order, as to what happens, after nullifying the said process.

    Even those contending that the judgment is merely declaratory, and dose not amount to anything, miss the point. For by our High Court Rules, emanating from England Rules of 1883 and their Order 15, r. 16, “no action or other proceeding shall be open to objection on ground that a mere declaratory judgment or order is sought thereby, and the court may make binding declarations of right, whether or not any consequential relief is or could be claimed.” This position is supported by the judgment of our Supreme Court, in Dantata vs. Mohammed (2000) FWLR, 889, at 908. The real tragedy in Anambra State, is in the integrity of some of the personas involved, and their despicable do-or-die politics.

     

  • The road to trial

    The road to trial

    In the period of reckoning, the Supreme Court’s balance of justice swings constant. As it did previously on 2015 electoral processes that produced the governors of Abia, Akwa Ibom, Rivers and Delta, it does on Senate President Abubakar Bukola Saraki and charges of corruption levelled against him.

    Yesterday’s dismissal by the Supreme Court of an appeal by Dr Saraki challenging the validity of his trial on charges of assets declaration at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) reopened the dramatic case after a lull.

    Disregarding the furore caused by his emergence as Senate President in apparent defiance of the party’s wishes, Saraki’s troubles began when the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) said that he lied about his assets and maintained a foreign account while he was chief executive in Kwara State. He governed the North-central state for two terms between 2003 and 2011.

    Saraki on September 16, 2015 denied the charge, which he called “frivolous”. He pledged full cooperation at the tribunal but proceeded to substantiate the saying, ‘easier said than done’.

    Saraki said the charges were politically motivated, and challenged the powers and composition of the Code of Conduct Tribunal to hear the case.

    The CCT ordered Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Solomon Arase to arrest Saraki, but it emerged that the order was not received in time. In any case, Saraki said he was ready to submit himself to due process but also had the right to resort to the same judiciary for protection in case of rights infringement.

    While allegations of corruption and party disloyalty swirled around him, and President Muhammadu Buhari strained to dissociate himself from the case and the emergence of Saraki as Senate President in the first place, Saraki again shunned the trial, pledging to eventually appear in court.

    He failed to appear on September 21, but his camp put it down to legal advice from his counsel that it was not necessary for him to appear before the tribunal at that stage. To counter the court’s summons, Saraki’s lawyer, Mahmud Magaji (SAN), filed an application at an Abuja High Court to halt proceedings. Claiming that the charges were politically motivated, Saraki challenged the powers and composition of the CCT, to which he was referred, to hear the case.

    He asked the Court of Appeal to determine whether or not the tribunal was right in issuing a bench warrant against him, and asked the court to explain if any other person, other than the Attorney General of the Federation, could file criminal charges against him.

    In effect, he asked that the Court of Appeal nullify the decisions of the Code of Conduct Tribunal for allegedly violating the decision of the high court.

    Beyond accompanying their colleague to court on more than one occasion during his pre-trial battle, 84 lawmakers took their show of solidarity further. They passed a vote of confidence in the Senate President at the resumption of the upper legislative house on September 29, 2015, following a six-week recess.

    The appeal court, however, dismissed Saraki’s objection to the trial on October 30, 2015, affirming the powers of the tribunal to hear the charges against the senate president. Saraki appealed to the Supreme Court on November 4, 2015.

    Trained medical doctor, two-term governor to rave reviews on developmental programmes and erstwhile charismatic leader of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF), Saraki eventually succumbed to the rule of law. Taking his records of firsts a notch lower, he became, after a series of legal rigmarole, the first Senate President of the Federal Republic to be docked.

    In the end, a seven-man panel of the apex court presided over by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mahmud Mohammed, unanimously ruled that Saraki’s appeal against the jurisdiction of the trial and competence of the charges lacked merit.

    Contrary to Saraki’s contention, Justice Walter Onnoghen, who read the lead judgment, held that the Danladi Umar-led CCT was validly constituted by two members as opposed to Saraki’s claim.

    After the judgment, an army of political associates who attended the proceedings walked out of the court quietly. Their gait contrasted the brash conduct of his legal team on November 5, 2015, which walked out of his trial at the CCT to register their anger at the proceedings after the tribunal ruled that the Senate President’s trial must continue despite a pending appeal.

    By yesterday’s ruling, the Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the Court of Appeal and dismissed the appeal in its entirety. The Supreme Court said that under the 1999 Constitution, the Code of Conduct Tribunal could validly sit with only its chairman and one member.

    Besides, the tribunal was also right in issuing a bench warrant as the constitution provides the tribunal with a “quasi” criminal jurisdiction and the office of the Attorney General is, as the name implies, an office, which should not cease to function in the absence of the attorney general.

    In reaction to the Supreme Court ruling, the Senate President’s spokesperson, Yusuph Olaniyonu, hinted at another appeal. His principal wished to express his disappointment on the apex court’s judgment on the six grounds of his appeal.

    As the facts of the substantial matter were not before the Supreme Court, which was only invited to rule on some preliminary issues in the process of commencing the trial, the Senate President hoped to have his day in the court at the eventual trial, Olaniyonu maintained.

    Whether he succeeds or not, Saraki’s defence should provide lasting reference for political students and fodder for jurisprudence.

  • N13.9 arms deal: FG accuses Dasuki of plotting to scuttle trial

    N13.9 arms deal: FG accuses Dasuki of plotting to scuttle trial

    • Court to rule Feb 8

    The Federal Government Thursday accused former National Security Adviser (NSA), Mohammed Sambo Dasuki of plotting to scuttle his trial before a High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Maitama, Abuja.

    Dasuki is being tried with a former Director of Finance and Administration, Office of the National Security Adviser, Shuaibu Salisu, a former General Manager, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Aminu Babakusa and two  companies – Acacia Holdings Limited and Reliance Referral Hospital Limited  – on a 19-count charge  bordering on money laundering and criminal breach of trust.

    The accusation is contained in a counter-affidavit filed by the prosecution against an application filed by Dasuki.

    The ex-NSA is, in an application he filed last month, accused the prosecuting agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and by extension, the Federal Government, of breaching his right to prepare for his defence by re-arresting him after the court granted him bail on December 18 last years.

    He urged the court to among others, restrain the prosecution from proceeding with the trial or quash all the charges against him on the ground that the prosecution could no longer proceed with the case having allegedly flouted the court’s order granting him bail.

    Arguing the prosecution’s counter -affidavit Thursday, prosecution lawyer, Rotimi Jacobs (SAN) contended that the application was misconceived and an attempt to frustrate proceedings in the case.

    He faulted Dasuki’s claim that the prosecution has flouted the court’s order.

    He noted that Dasuki, in an affidavit supporting his application, admitted that he was released from Kuje Prison after he met the bail condition.

    Jacobs argued that having admitted that he was released from prison based on the bail granted him, Dasuki could not now turn around to accuse the prosecution of disobeying the court’s order granting him bail.

    The prosecution lawyer noted that Dasuki was re-arrested by the Department of State Services (DSS) in respect of separate allegations of criminality.

    He argued that it was wrong for Dasuki to seek to hold EFCC for contempt on account of actions taken by the DSS. It was his position that Dasuki ought to initiate fundamental rights enforcement proceedings, under Section 46 of the Constitution, if he was convinced that the re-arrest amounted to a violation of his rights.

    Jacobs noted that the order for bail made by the court on December 18 last year did not restrain other security agencies from further arresting him in relation to separate offences.

    “It is the EFCC that is prosecuting this case. The DSS has a separate case against him before the Federal High Court. If he has anything against DSS for re-arresting him, he should go before the FHC.

    “This application is intended to delay the trial here. The application is an abuse of court process.

    “They admitted in their affidavit that he was released from Kuje prison. By their admission, the order was obeyed. There is no other of this court that has been breached as they alleged.

    “That order granting bail to the applicant (Dasuki) did not confer immunity on him against further arrest,” Jacobs said.

    He urged the court to reject Dasuki’s application on the ground that it was without merit and only intended to delay trial.

    Earlier, while arguing the application, Dasuki’s lawyer, Joseph Daudu (SAN) argued that the re-arrest of his client by DSS was a violation of his client’s right to fair trial and the right to prepare for his defence.

    “The 1st defendant (Dasuki) was granted bail on December 18, 2015 he perfected the bail, but shortly afterwards, the complainant (EFCC) took him (Dasuki) into custody again.

    “We have shown how his denial of freedom has denied him the ability to prepare for his defence. And it is a breach of his right to fair trial.

    “His liberty was breached despite the order of the court. It is our argument that a party in breach of court order cannot seek the court’s indulgence, including seeking to continue with the prosecution of the defendant,” Daudu said.

    He faulted Jacob’s attempt to distinguish between EFCC and DSS, arguing that they were both agents of the Executive, who were allegedly carrying out a purported instruction of the President to keep Dasuki in custody at all cost.

    Jacobs also queried the legitimacy of the powers of the EFCC, DSS and other agencies of the Federal Government to prosecute, arguing that it was only the Nigeria Police Force, under Section 204 of the Constitution that has such prosecutorial power.

    Daudu said his client’s application is intended to compel the prosecution, who is an agent of the Federal Government, to comply with an existing order of the court.

    “The prosecution of all cases should be grounded to compel the Executive to obey court’s orders. It is high time the court asserts itself by insisting that its orders are complied with,” Daudu said.

    He urged the court to grant his client’s application.

    The trial judge, Justice Hussein Baba-Yusuf refused oral applications by other defence lawyers – Akin Olujinmi, Solomon Umoh, A. I. Layonu and Olajide Ayodele (all Senior Advocates of Nigeria) – for an adjournment to enable them file written submission in support of Dasuki’s application.

    The judge held that parties were allowed ample time to file their processes in the case, but Olujinmi, Umoh, Layonu and Ayodeji failed to utilise the opportunity granted to all parytes.

    He upheld Jacobs’ argument that there was no cogent reason adduced by the four lawyers to warrant an adjournment.

    The judge adjourned to February 8 for ruling.

     

  • ‎Court frees accused man after seven years without trial

    ‎Court frees accused man after seven years without trial

    Justice Sedoten Ogunsanya of a Lagos State High Court, sitting in Ikeja Tuesday set free a 40 year old man, Dona Jamari, accused of armed robbery after spending seven years in prison custody without trial.

    A Police prosecutor had alleged that the defendant, armed with a sharp dagger knife, razor blade and charms ‎robbed one Habib Saidu of a Samsung handset valued at N16, 000.00.

    The defendant was said to have committed the offence on March 25, 2009.

    The prosecution had then alleged before the court that the defendant committed armed robbery contrary to Section 402(2)(a) of the Criminal Code Law Cap C17 Vol. 2 Laws of Lagos State, 2003.

    However, at the resumed hearing of the matter Tuesday, counsels from the Office of the Public Defender (OPD), Jamiu Alapo and K.O Adebayo told the court that the prosecution has not been forthcoming with witnesses to give evidence in the matter in spite of several adjournments over the last seven years.

    The defence counsels pleaded with the court to release their client from prison custody for lack of diligent prosecution by the prosecution in the interest of justice and fairness.

    They submitted that there was no need to continue to hold the defendant in Ikoyi prison custody since prosecution has since 2009 stopped coming to court‎.

    The trial judge, Justice Ogunsanya upheld their submission and granted their prayer and ordered immediate release of the custody from prison custody.

    The defendant, Jamarin, walked out of the court a free man at 11: 30a.m.

     

  • Alleged bribe: FG reopens Farouk Lawan’s trial Tuesday

    Alleged bribe: FG reopens Farouk Lawan’s trial Tuesday

    The Federal Government will Tuesday reopen the trial of a former Chairman, House of Representatives Ad-hoc Committee on Fuel Subsidy, , and its ex-Secretary, Boniface Emenalo for allegedly obtaining $620,000 bribe money from Femi Otedola, chairman of Forte Oil.

    Lawan and Emenalo were first arraigned on a seven-count charge before Justice Mudashiru Oniyangi of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory in Maitama, Abuja on February 2, 2013.

    They were, in the charge filed by the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related Commission (ICPC) accused of receiving the $620, 000 as bribe from Otedola, ostensibly to exclude the names of Otedola’s companies – Zenon Petroleum and Gas as well as Synopsis Enterprises Limited – from the list of companies found to have allegedly defrauded the Federal Government of billions of naira in the petroleum subsidy scam, which their committee was created to investigate.

    Before the prosecution could proceed to trial, Lawan and Emenalo appealed the decision of a High Court, to the effect that the prosecution had established a prima facie case against them

    On May 12, 2014 the Court of Appeal, Abuja dismissed their appeal on the ground that was without merit. But before proceedings could resume again at the trial court, Justice Oniyangi was elevated to the Court of Appeal, prompting the court’s Chief Judge to reassign the case to another judge, Justice Adebukola Banjoko of the Gudu division of the High Court of the FCT.

    Lawan and Emenalo later compelled Justice Banjoko to withdraw from the case when they wrote a petition against her, alleging that she was likely to be bias in handling the case.

    Lawan had in a petition addressed to the court’s Chief Judge,  sought the  re-assignment of the case to another judge on the ground  that Justice Banjoko was close to Otedola, who was the accuser and a proposed prosecution witness in the case.

    Shortly after the petition, Lawan’s lawyer, Mike Ozekhome (SAN) filed a motion and requested Justice Banjoko to disqualify herself from further handling the case on the same grounds of likelihood of bias.

    Justice Banjoko subsequently withdrew from the case on November 2014 and returned the case file to court’s Chief Judge.

    The Nation learnt Monday that the case has since been reassigned to Justice Angela Otaluka of the High Court of the FCT in Lugbe, Abuja, before who the case is to start afresh today.

  • Co-accused’s absence stalls Ex-NIMASA DG’s trial

    Co-accused’s absence stalls Ex-NIMASA DG’s trial

    The trial of a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), , was stalled at the Federal High Court in Lagos Friday due to the sixth defendant’s absence.

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) arraigned him and nine others, including two companies, before Justice Saliu Saidu.

    They were accused of conspiring to convert N3.4 billion belonging to NIMASA.  The commission said the money “was derived from stealing”.

    EFCC said the alleged offence contravened Section 18 (a) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition/Amendment) Act of 2012 and punishable under Section 15 (3).

    The other accused are Captain Ezekiel Agaba, Ekene Nwakuche, Felix Bob-Nabena, Captain Warredi Enisuoh, Governor Juan, Ugo Fredrick, Timi Alari and two companies Al-Kenzo Limited and Peniel Engineering Services Limited.

    All of them were in court Friday, except Juan, who was said to be in prison custody due to his inability to meet a bail condition granted him in a separate charge by a Lagos High Court.

    His lawyer, Ige Ashemudare, said: “The sixth defendant is not in court. He is confined in prison custody. He has not been able to perfect the bail condition as we speak. He’s still in custody.”

    EFCC’s lawyer Festus Keyamo said he was informed about Juan’s inability to meet his bail condition.

    He, therefore, did not oppose Ashemudare’s application for an adjournment.

    “In the circumstance, all of us (prosecution and defence counsel) have put heads together to agree on a date, subject to the convenience of the court,” he said.

    The accused persons alleged converted the money to their use between December 2013 and July 15 last year.

    In count one, the defendants allegedly “conspired among themselves to commit an offence, to wit: conversion of N1, 151,214,000.00, property of NIMASA, money derived from stealing…”

    EFCC said on December 23, 2013, the defendants allegedly converted N861.5 million. On July 7 and 15 this year, they allegedly converted N235.4 million.

    Akpobolokemi, Agaba, Nwakuche and Al-Kenzo were accused of converting N60 million, which they “derived from stealing,” among others. They all pleaded not guilty to all counts.

    Akpobolokemi is facing four criminal charges at the Federal High Court, and one at the Lagos High Court.

    In one of the pending charges, his co-accused is a former Niger Delta militant, Government Ekpemupolo (alias Tompolo), who a bench was issued for his arrest.

    Trial has begun in one of the charges before Justice Ibrahim, with two witnesses already called.

    However, no witness has testified in the case before Justice Saidu, who‎ adjourned till February 17 and 18.

     

  • EFCC to Falae, Odili, Ladoja: refund cash or face trial

    EFCC to Falae, Odili, Ladoja: refund cash or face trial

    Commission retrieves Dasuki’s memos to Jonathan

    Ex-MILAD refunds 60 per cent

    All politicians who shared in the allegedly diverted $2.1billion arms cash must return what they got or face trial, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has said.

    A former Military Administrator of Kaduna State, Gen. Lawal Jafaru Isa, has refunded 60 per cent of the money he allegedly collected from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), The Nation learnt yesterday.

    Also yesterday, it was gathered that  Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Publicity Secretary Chief Olisa Metuh had admitted the transfer of N400million into a company in which he has substantial interest.

    According to sources, EFCC decided on refund of cash after retrieving some of the memoranda which the embattled former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd.), wrote to President Goodluck Jonathan to request for funds.

    A top EFCC source said none of the memos seen so far indicated that the funds would be used for political purposes, party funding and the 2015 general election.

    Based on the vetting of the memos and disbursement of money to PDP chieftains and other highly-placed Nigerians, the EFCC has drawn the battle line of either “you make a refund or face trial”.

    Some of the beneficiaries of the cash include former governors Peter Odili (N100m);  Rashidi Ladoja(N100m), Attahiru Bafarawa(N100m), Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi (N100m), and Jim Nwobodo(N500m).

    Others are: Chief Tony Anenih(N260m); ex-PDP National Chairman Ahmadu Ali(N100m); Chief Bode George (N100m/ $30,000), Yerima Abdullahi (N100m); Chief Olu Falae (N100m); Tanko Yakassai (N63m); Gen. Bello Sarkin Yaki(N200m); Raymond Dokpesi, Iyorchia Ayu’s company(N345m); BAM Properties(N300m); Dalhatu Investment Limited(N1.5b); ex-PDP National Chairman Mohammed Bello Haliru, Abba Mohammed, Sagir Attahiru, serving and former members of the House of Representatives(over N600 million); former Chairman of the House of Representatives on Security and Intelligence, Bello Matawalle(N300m); ACACIA Holdings(N600m); Bashir Yuguda (N1,950,000) and many companies.

    Based on the vetting, the EFCC is insisting that all those implicated so far must refund the “illegal disbursement” of cash to them or face trial.

    A top EFCC source said: “We have conducted a thorough investigation and we have retrieved some of the memos sent to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan by the former National Security Adviser; none of them indicated that the cash should be for political purposes.

    “There was never a memo for cash advance for political matters like campaign or election.

    “We have also traced some of these funds directly to the accounts of these bigwigs or their proxy companies.

    “Having gone far, we are asking them to return these funds or else, we will go after them any moment from now. I think they should respect themselves and make urgent refund.

    “In the alternative, we will arrest them and arraign them in court to defend such strange allocations.

    “We will retrieve every kobo given out from ONSA. It is insufficient to say somebody gave me this money. Once we trace undeserved public funds into your account or phony and proxy  companies, we will ask for refund.”

    Regarding the interrogation of Gen. Isa, the source added: “He admitted collecting money from ONSA and he has refunded 60 per cent of the sum credited to him. I think it should be about N100 million.

    “Isa is the only person who has so far refunded money among the political figures who collected funds from ONSA. We have granted him bail to allow him time to source for the balance.”

    On the detention of the National Publicity Secretary of PDP, the source said: “So far, Metuh has admitted the transfer of N400 million by ONSA  into a company in which he has substantial interest.

    “It is left to him to justify why he deserved such benefit from arms cash. We are still questioning him on other remittances into the company’s account. We are also demanding how he will refund the cash.

    “Contrary to the noise outside, we did our homework very well. Anybody we bring to the EFCC this time around, we used to make sure that we have established a case against him.

    “So, we don’t invite or arrest on frivolous basis. We do thorough investigation this time around.”

  • GM Ignition switch set for trial

    General Motors will go to trial this month for what is considered to be the first “bellwether” case in the ignition switch fiasco.

    A United States judge rejected GM’s motion to dismiss the case, paving the way for a trial date of January 11.

    During the trial, a jury will hear the case of Robert Scheuer, who allegedly sustained injuries because of an ignition switch defect on his 2003 Saturn Ion. In May 2014, another vehicle forced Scheuer off an Oklahoma highway causing him to collide with two trees. Thanks to a faulty ignition switch, the airbags did not deploy, his suit claims.

    The Ion was one of a number of older cars recalled because they can slip out of the “run” position while in motion. In certain cars, the engine may stall and airbags may not deploy in a crash.

    GM started recalling 2.6 million cars last year to fix the defect, although the company has since admitted to knowing about the problem over a decade earlier. A victim’s compensation program headed by attorney Kenneth Feinberg tallied 124 deaths related to the ignition switches.

    The first GM ignition switch trial is only one of six bellwether trials scheduled for the year, reports Reuters. The results of these cases could determine the fate of future cases involving defective ignition switches.

  • IMF boss to stand trial over $438m payment

    IMF boss to stand trial over $438m payment

    The International Monetary Fund (IMF) chief Christine Lagarde is to stand trial in France for alleged negligence over a $438 million payment to a businessman in 2008.

    She was the Finance Minister in President Nicolas Sarkozy’s government at the time of the compensation award to Bernard Tapie for the sale of a firm.

    Tapie supported  Sarkozy in the 2007 presidential election. Ms. Lagarde’s lawyer described the court’s decision as “incomprehensible”, and said the IMF boss would appeal.

    In a statement, she said she had “always acted in this affair in the interest of the state and in respect of the law.” Tapie was once a majority shareholder in sports goods company, Adidas, but sold it in 1993 in order to become a Cabinet minister in Francois Mitterrand’s Socialist government.

    He sued the Credit Lyonnais Bank over the handling of the sale, alleging that the partly state-owned bank had defrauded him by deliberately undervaluing the company. His case was later referred by Ms. Lagarde to a three-member arbitration panel, which awarded the compensation.

    A French court has ruled that Bernard Tapie should pay back the $438 with interest. Investigators suspected that he was granted a deal in return for his support for Sarkozy. Earlier this month, a French court ruled that Tapie was not entitled to any compensation for that sale and should pay back the €404m with interest.

    France’s Court of Justice of the Republic (CJR) decided that Ms. Lagarde, 59, should be tried on the charge of “negligence by a person in position of public authority” over the compensation case.

    A court spokesman later confirmed the decision. If convicted, she could be sentenced to one year in prison. French media said the CJR investigation magistrates declined to follow the recommendation of another court which last year decided not to pursue the case. “It’s incomprehensible,” Ms Lagarde’s lawyer Yves Repiquet told iTele. “I will recommend Mrs Lagarde appeal against this decision.”

    A spokesman for France’s attorney general said Ms Lagarde would have five days to appeal, once the court decision is made public today or Monday.

    Meanwhile, IMF spokesman, Gerry Rice, said the organisation – which represents 188 member nations, “continues to express its confidence in the Managing Director’s ability to effectively carry out her duties”.

  • Eta: Judiciary on trial over Akwa Ibom polls

    Eta: Judiciary on trial over Akwa Ibom polls

    The National Vice-Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Southsouth, Prince Hilliard Eta, has said the report by Sahara Reporters on judicial decisions on the Akwa Ibom elections has vindicated his stand that judges that handled the cases were compromised.

    Eta stressed that he was referring to decided cases from the Akwa Ibom polls, and not the pending appeal on the governorship election.

    He explained that the judicial decisions on the election cases in were curious in the light of the fact that the European Union, the American government, the African Union and local election monitors agreed that there were no elections in both Akwa Ibom and Rivers states, only for the courts to cancel all the disputed elections but one in Rivers while upholding all the election cases in Akwa Ibom. “I am of the strong opinion that what accounts for the differential judicial outcome on the Siamese election fraud cases in Rivers and Akwa Ibom is corruption,” the APC South-South national vice-chairman said.

    Lamenting that the judiciary has reduced Nigeria to a laughing stock before the international community, Eta drew attention to specific cases”. He added: “In Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District (Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District), where both the election tribunal and the Court of Appeal upheld the election of the Senate Minority Leader, Chief Godswill Akpabio, the number of votes cast in the election, which stood at 450,000, according to INEC records, far exceeded the number of registered voters in the district, which stood at 205,000 voters. Yet the courts overlooked this clear case of over voting, contrary to section 53 of the Electoral Act 2010, as amended. In the case of the governorship election petition, the tribunal also refused to take into account the case of over voting where 1,222,836 votes were recorded by Akwa Ibom State INEC as against INEC headquarters Card Reader data that show that only 437,128 voters were accredited to cast ballot in the governorship election.

    “The courts equally overlooked the critical fact that Senator Akpabio was not presented by his party for election in Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District, where he was declared elected, only to  rationalise that the nomination of Akpabio for election in a different senatorial district other than where he was declared winner was a minor error outweighed by the curious view of the courts that the voters knew whom they voted for even if he was not validly nominated for the election.”

    Eta compared the case of Akpabio v. Okori of the APC to the decision of the governorship tribunal in Taraba State, where it was decided that the PDP candidate for the election, who is now the state governor, could not be returned elected because he was not validly nominated by his party due to a similar irregularity in his nomination process. Votes for the PDP candidate in the election were regarded as wasted votes because he was not validly noted. Why was the law applied differently in the case of Akwa Ibom North Senatorial District? Eta asked.

    He called on the judiciary to uphold the rule of law and save the nation’s democracy from fatal judicial abuse. He also called on the federal government to institute a full scale probe into the corruption of election petition judges in Akwa Ibom State, given detailed information on specific cases from open sources.