Tag: triumph

  • For new NPA boss, the triumph of principle

    For new NPA boss, the triumph of principle

    Fate works in mysterious ways. That much was demonstrated in President Muhammadu Buhari’s re-appointment of the erstwhile Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Mallam Habib Abdullahi, penultimate Thursday. His reinstatement as the NPA boss has more or less turned the seat into a musical chair between him and the immediate past managing director of the all important agency, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Ado Bayero.

    Abdullahi had been relieved of his seat by former President Goodluck Jonathan towards the end of his tenure for reasons observers believed had to do with punishing him for insisting on principles that ran contrary to the reckless spending embarked upon by the Jonathan administration in the build up to the 2015 presidential election. While the ex-president was said to have seen the NPA as one of the juicy agencies of government that would supply the funds for his re-election bid, Abdullahi was said to have refused to the key to the agency’s treasury to Jonathan’s presidential campaign team like his counterparts in other ministries and parastatals were doing.

    His principled stance not to subject NPA’s funds to the whims and caprices of pro-Jonathan campaigners was said to have drawn the ire of the ex-president and his supporters, who promptly tagged Abdullahi an APC (All Progressives Congress) supporter and urged Jonathan to move against him. Jonathan himself found the proposal to remove Abdullahi as NPA managing director all the more appealing because he found in it an opportunity to kill two birds with one stone. Bayero had contested the stool of the Emir of Kano with the incumbent emir, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, whose candidacy Jonathan had opposed for obvious reasons. A face-off between Sanusi and Jonathan over the latter’s revelations on the state of the economy had drawn Jonathan to high dudgeon and culminated in the removal of Sanusi as the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria.

    The effort to humiliate Sanusi would become a huge embarrassment for Jonathan if he became the emir of Kano; a position Sanusi himself had repeatedly said he cherished more than any other in the world. Jonathan thought it expedient to raise an adversary against Sanusi in the jostle for the Emir of Kano’s stool and found one in Bayero. It turned out, however, that the kingmakers in Kano preferred Lamido to Bayero, and there was absolutely nothing the President could do about it because chieftaincy matters are handled purely at state level. Bayero lost out in the contest and Jonathan felt the best way to compensate him was to appoint him as the managing director of NPA in place of the intransigent Abdullahi.

    While President Buhari gave no reason for removing Bayero or appointing Abdullahi in his place, event watchers say it is a case of a Daniel coming to judgment. Sources at the Federal Ministry of Transport say that one of the reasons Jonathan booted out Abdullahi was the latter’s reluctance to support a certain N7 billion shore erosion control contract awarded by the administration through the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) at Akipelai, Ayakoro and Otuoke towns in Bayelsa state. It is said that while the job was not executed, there was pressure from official quarters that the contract’s sum be released to the contractor, but Abdullahi resisted.

    A ministry official commended President Buhari for reinstating Abdullahi, saying that his reinstatement will shed light on the controversial multi-billion naira contract. The official also alleged that Abdullahi was removed because he refused to release funds for the re-election bid of the erstwhile President, like other heads of the maritime agencies did.

    Abdullahi , it was gathered, had also expressed anger with the slow speed of the contractor that won the contract for the rehabilitation of NPA’s six-storey headquarters building in Marina, Lagos. The rehabilitation contract, the ministry official said, “was awarded in 2010 to Messrs Sageto Nigeria Limited for N5.billion.” The consultancy job, The Nation gathered, had earlier been awarded to AIMS Consultants Limited for an undisclosed sum. The contract was supposed to have been completed within 18 months, but more than three years after, the project had not been completed.

    Abdullahi, the official said, did a lot in the actualisation of capital projects of NPA, amongst which were:

    completion of the construction of a 1.6km road at Lagos Port Complex (LPC)

    Completion of reconstruction of terminals B&C at old Warri port

    Completion of the rehabilitation of rail track at LPC

    Continuation of the rehabilitation of the Tin Can Island Ports (TCIP) quay apron and third party projects, which includes initiation and completion of Island Berth on Lagos Channel by Oando and the completion of Eko Support Services project at Bullnose, Apapa.

    Port operators and other stakeholders in the maritime industry also said that Abdullahi had embarked on programmes designed to improve the efficiency of the ports before he was unceremoniously removed.

    Speaking with The Nation in Lagos, the President, Association of Nigerian Licensed Customs Agents (ANLCA), Prince Olayiwola Shittu, questioned Abdullahi’s removal, saying that the latter had the desire to make the nation’s seaports the leading and the most efficient ports in Africa.

    Before his sudden removal by Jonathan, Abdullahi, Shittu said, made sure that NPA was responsible for port planning and development, maintenance of common user facilities, regulation of safety and security of the port environment, ownership of port land and quick payment of government dues by the terminal operators.

    This, the ANLCA chief said, was in line with the concession agreement to bring efficiency to the ports and transfer investment costs from the public to the private sector.

    “Stakeholders were miffed by the sudden and unfathomable removal of Abdullahi. To most of the operators and stakeholders, he was doing creditably well in terms of performance and was charting a good course for the NPA’s greatness in terms of port operation and global best practices before he was removed. Most of us did not understand why the last government abruptly decided to replace him with somebody who had little or no knowledge of port operation and failed to give any reason for his removal. Many of us felt that the NPA top position had become a cartel for political patronage before Bayero was removed by President Buhari.

    “In the area of marine operation, many of us agreed that Abdullahi acted impressively. His efforts were anchored on the need to deliver an efficient port service in a safe, secure and customer-friendly environment in accordance with international practices.

    “To achieve this, he paid attention to improving existing port infrastructure such as the rehabilitation of port quay walls and aprons, deepening of the channels, upgrading common user facilities and removal of wrecks from the channels. It was this gesture that made it possible for bigger ships to now call regularly at the nation’s ports.

    “For instance, the weekly call of the WAFMAX vessel with a length of 232.33 metres and capacity of 4,500 TEUS requiring draught of 13.5 metres to Lagos and Onne ports was a great achievement that must be given to Abdullahi.”

    The channel management and conservancy function of the NPA, Shittu said, also improved under Abdullahi.

    “Most of the nation’s sea ports recorded increase in the Gross Registered Tonnage (GRT) of vessels mainly due to the capital and maintenance dredging of the channel by the NPA’s Joint Venture (JV) companies like the Lagos Channel Management (LCM) company for the management of the Lagos channel and the Bonny Channel Management (BCC) for the management of the Bonny channel. The profit for the constant dredging of the channels reflected in increasing cargo throughput to 77 million metric tonnes in 2013 from 44,953,073 metric tonnes in 2005 excluding crude oil and gas,” Shittu said.

    Other stakeholders said that Abdullahi did a lot in the area of IT development.

    An importer, Mr Solomon Adebari said that Mallam Abdullahi led-NPA management scored high in the area of IT as most of its operations mostly in the area of finance are now driven electronically.

    “The introduction of IT in its financial operations was a part of his ways of improving NPA’s revenue base without compromising efficiency and comfort of customers. The e-payment initiative by Abdullahi was a very good one.”

    The benefits of the e-payment initiative, Adebari said, included:

    instant payment confirmation

    elimination of human interface in payment procedures

    improved turn-around time and

    reduction of cost of doing business in the ports which impacts positively on the nation’s economy.

  • Saraki, Dogara’s triumph

    The emergence of Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara as the president and speaker of the Senate and House of Representatives respectively is now a settled issue. So also are the treacheries and high-wire politics that followed the contests. This conclusion is however, without prejudice to threats from some quarters to challenge the elections in court. If what we have been told about extant procedure for inaugurating the assembly is anything to go by, it does appear not much will come from such litigation.

    Diverse interpretations have been given to events that brought that pass. And they vary depending on the divide from which it is being viewed. Blames have also been freely traded.

    But the commonly held view is that the APC did not properly handle the crisis arising from disagreements over its mock elections. Not only was the party tepid in its resolution of the rebellion of some of its legislators, it committed a tactical error to have called for a meeting in another venue on the day of the inauguration. With the letter of proclamation, date and time duly signed and delivered by President Buhari, it is curious a meeting with APC senators-elect was hurriedly summoned for another venue around the same time. This says volumes about the handling of the schism arising from the mock elections. The argument that Buhari had just arrived that morning from a foreign assignment may not sway anybody given that the issue was there before he travelled.

    Obviously, the PDP put the situation to its advantage and could have taken up the senate presidency but perhaps, for the firm agreement they reached with Saraki. The PDP is now touted to have come into reckoning again such that its capacity to play the role of an effective opposition is being further strengthened. The election of Ike Ekweremadu as deputy senate president again, illustrates this viewpoint. There is also the argument in some quarters that even if all the APC senators-elect were at the chambers that morning, the outcome would not have changed. The numerical strength of the PDP and that of the dissenting senators-elect is cited to buttress this. This angle cannot be discounted. If anything, the election of Dogara with the full complement of legislators from all divide gives fillip to this perspective.

    However, there are those who scorn the success of the PDP as pyrrhic victory given that both Saraki and Dogara are all of the APC stock. This standpoint is no less appealing depending on how the game unfolds in the days ahead.

    It would appear all the contradictions that shaped those elections are not very obvious now. They are more likely to take clearer shape as the Buhari administration settles for the business of statecraft. All that can be reasonably conjectured, is that the way the coalition of forces at play during those elections manifest, will have wider repercussions for the party especially given that it has before now, been criticized as an amalgam of strange bedfellows with no soul of its own. Possibly, it is the above scenario that is bubbling.

    Various possibilities have been visualized. And much of these raise fresh challenges for the ruling party in terms of its cohesiveness, party supremacy, the discipline and commitment of members to party goals and objectives. There are also issues relating to principles and lack of party ideology.

    Expectedly, the APC has shown serious discomfort with the development. The party has rejected the emergence of Saraki and Dogara lamenting that it amounts to the highest level of “indiscipline and treachery to subject the party to ridicule and create obstacles for the new administration”. The party is highly piqued that the duo entered into an unholy alliance with the same people they worked hard to replace and promised to wield the big stick against them.

    But President Buhari had a different perspective and has gone ahead to recognise the new leadership promising to work with them to deliver his campaign promises to the people. Though he would have preferred the party choices to have prevailed, nonetheless he recognized that a constitutional process had been concluded through the rights of the legislators to elect their leaders.

    There are issues of interest for our democracy in the position taken by Buhari. And they strike a chord with that of former President Jonathan in the aftermath of the last presidential election. Buhari would have preferred his party’s choices to prevail. But events did not dictate so. He has accepted the outcome and promised to work with the new leaders for the stability of Nigeria’s constitutional order and in the overall interest of the common man. The president’s decision has all the trappings of patriotism and shares much in common with that of Jonathan when he saw the outcome of the last elections had tilted in favour of Buhari. Both are concerned with order, peace and the deepening of the democratic process irrespective of their own interests and preferences. That is the way to go.

    There is little doubt that such compromise positions will go at length not only to stabilize the country but the democratic process especially given the schism that trailed the last elections. If this represents a new frame of mind by our leaders, we will soon be on the path to real progress and sustainable development.

    But for the APC, it will go for broke with errant members. It is utterly averse to any alliance with the PDP that would incapacitate the party from delivering on its promise.

    The party leadership is within its rights to be livid with errant members. They are also right in their anger especially given the emergence of Ekweremadu of the PDP as the deputy senate president. In their calculations, there is no way they would have factored in either the PDP or the South-east in the sharing equation.

    That alone may sustain allegations of betrayal, treachery and an attempt to ridicule the party. It is also at the root of the accusation that the action of the dissenting members would create obstacles for the new administration. Should it necessarily be so? That is the issue to ponder.

    The APC is at pains with the reality of sharing power with the PDP, a party they fought very hard to defeat at the elections. The feeling is that the PDP, still nursing the wounds from the last elections, may be out for vengeance. But the APC legislators will somehow, still have to work with their PDP counterpart even if things had gone their way. So instead of court action or the impeachment option, the legislators should cultivate each other and rise to the challenges of law making for the order and good governance of the country.

    We would not have arrived at this point if all were well within the party. And the situation may not easily abate as indications are there is more to it than the selfish interests of the dissenting members. Saraki and Dogara may be the arrow heads of the rebellion. But the tunes they are dancing are definitely coming from drum beats hidden elsewhere.

  • Will Justice triumph in Ekiti?

    Will Justice triumph in Ekiti?

    Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose ran the 19 All Progressives Congress (APC) members of the House of Assembly  out of town on assumption of office last October.  Since then, he has been preventing them from returning to perform their legislative duties. But last week, the 19 ‘exiled’ lawmakers returned and served Fayose an impeachment notice. They wrote the Chief Judge to raise a panel to probe their allegations against Fayose, who is more comfortable doing business with the minority seven People Democratic Party (PDP) lawmakers. Are the governor’s days numbered? PRECIOUS IGBONWELUNDU asks.

    What Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose seems to fear most eventually happened last week. The 19 All Progressives Congress (APC) members of the House of Assembly that he ran out of town on assuming office last October beat all odds to serve him an impeachment notice. The impeachment process opens another front in the battle between the lawmakers and Fayose, who is more comfortable dealing with the minority seven legislators.

    Since his return as governor, Fayose, who was impeached by the then House in 2006, has been working with the seven lawmakers who are members of his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). With Fayose’s tacit support, the minority lawmakers approved some commissioners for him and the state’s 2015 budget.

    Fayose and his lawmakers have been carrying on despite warnings from the majority 19 legislators that what they are doing is wrong. Is this a replay of the 2006 impeachment of Fayose for gross misconduct?

    Following Fayose emergence as governor last year, the APC challenged his victory at the Election Petitions Tribunal, claiming that he is ineligible to contest having been impeached in 2006.

    Thugs disrupted proceedings, leading to the death of one person; many others were injured. Worried by the development, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) shut the courts in the state and the Tribunal was moved to Abuja.

    The crisis deepened when the Speaker, Dr. Adewale Omirin, was ‘impeached’ by the seven PDP lawmakers. Fayose is alleged to have instigated Omirin’s removal.

    Armed policemen were positioned outside the Assembly’s premises last November 18 to prevent the APC lawmakers from entering. Omirin’s aides were withdrawn. Electricity supply to his lodge was disconnected. Allowances meant for his office were stopped.

    Many faulted the minority lawmakers’ action. Reason: Section 92(2)(c) of the 1999 Constitution states that a Speaker can only be impeached by at least two-third majority of the House.

    With Omirin impeached and all 19 APC lawmakers allegedly chased out of the state by thugs, legislative business including the confirmation of key executive council members and approval of major financial decisions were taken by the pro-Fayose seven, led by Dele Olugbemi, who claimed that the APC lawmakers had deliberately absconded from duty.

     

    The case against Fayose

     

    In a letter titled: ‘‘Re: Notice of Allegations of Gross Misconduct’’, the lawmakers listed eight impeachable allegations against the governor and demanded a reply in line with Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution.

    The governor’s alleged offences include invasion of the House of Assembly with thugs and miscreants; instigating unconstitutional takeover of the House by seven legislators to sit in contravention of Section 96(2) of the Constitution; prevention of the 19 APC legislative members from performing legislative duties with the use of security agents and armed thugs and sponsoring an unlawful impeachment process in the house.

    Other allegations are spending Ekiti State funds without the requisite constitutional approval in contravention of the constitution; running the government of the state without a legally constituted Executive Council in contravention of Section 192(2) of the Constituion; operating an illegal 2014 Budget as well as sponsoring and instigating illegal sitting of the House in contravention of Section 96(1) of the Constitution.

    However, Fayose, who claimed he has not been served any impeachment notice, but only read it online, described the lawmakers as jesters for drafting the said notice outside the Hallowed Chamber. He reminded the lawmakers that there was a pending case in court instituted by Omirin, challenging his removal and asked them to await the outcome of the suit.

    He boasted that, despite being in the majority, the lawmakers can not impeach him because he had done nothing wrong. He accused Omirin of having an ulterior motive of becoming Acting Governor, thereby returning the state to APC.

    Since then, the state has not known peace. On April 7, at least one person was reportedly killed as the protest to stop Fayose’s impeachment raged on.

     

    Procedures for impeaching

    a governor

     

    According to Section 188 of the Constitution, a governor or his deputy shall be removed from office whenever a notice of any allegation in writing signed by not less than one-third of the members of the House of Assembly, alleging gross misconduct in the performance of the functions of his office, with detailed and specific particulars are availed the Speaker.

    Upon receipt of the notice, the Speaker is expected to, within seven days, cause a copy to be served on the Governor and on each member of the House of Assembly, as well as ensure that the governor’s response to the impeachment notice is also served on the legislators individually.

    ‘‘(3) Within 14 days of the presentation of the notice to the speaker of the House of Assembly (whether or not any statement was made by the holder of the office in reply to the allegation contained in the notice, the House of Assembly shall resolve by motion, without any debate whether or not the allegation shall be investigated.

    ‘‘(4) A motion of the House of Assembly that the allegation be investigated shall not be declared as having been passed unless it is supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds majority of all the members of the House of Assembly;

    “(5) Within seven days of the passing of a motion under the foregoing provisions of this section, the Chief judge of the State shall at the request of the Speaker of the House of Assembly, appoint a Panel of seven persons, who in his opinion are of unquestionable integrity, not being members of any public service, legislative house or political party, to investigate the allegation as provided in this section.

    ‘‘(6) The holder of an office whose conduct is being investigated under this section shall have the right to defend himself in person or be represented before the panel by a legal practitioner of his own choice;

    “(7) A panel appointed under this section shall – (a) have such powers and exercise its functions in accordance with such procedure as may be prescribed by the House of Assembly; and (b) within three months of its appointment, report its findings to the House of Assembly.

    ‘‘(8) Where the Panel reports to the House of Assembly that the allegation has not been proved, no further proceedings shall be taken in respect of the matter;

    “(9) Where the report of the Panel is that the allegation against the holder of the office has been proved, then within fourteen days of the receipt of the report, the house of Assembly shall consider the report, and if by a resolution of the House of Assembly supported by not less than two-thirds majority of all its members, the report of the Panel is adopted, then the holder of the office shall stand removed from office as from the date of the adoption of the report.

    ‘‘(10) No proceedings or determination of the Panel or of the House of Assembly or any matter relating to such proceedings or determination shall be entertained or questioned in any court;

    “(11) In this section – “gross misconduct” means a grave violation or breach of the provisions of this Constitution or a misconduct of such nature as amounts in the opinion in the House of Assembly to gross misconduct.’’

    Although the APC lawmakers have more than the stipulated one-third majority to institute an impeachment notice, many have wondered if it would be possible to impeach Fayose and his deputy, giving that the state House of Assembly currently has two factional speakers – Omirin and Olugbemi.

    Analysts have also expressed concerns that the impeachment may be stalled by the Chief Judge of the State, Justice Ayodeji Daramola, who the lawmakers allegedly requested to constitute a seven-man probe panel to investigate the allegation of gross misconduct, because of pending cases in various courts, even though the lawmakers have applied to withdraw the suit at the Federal High Court in Lagos.

    The 19 lawmakers are also racing against time. With the PDP reportedly winning majority of the seats in the state Assembly in last Saturday’s election, the APC lawmakers have only until May 29 to impeach Fayose, for it will be difficult to do so by a House dominated by PDP lawmakers.

    It also appears that the security agencies have not granted Omirin and the 19 lawmakers maximum protection to enable them perform their duties in the House. The presidency, so far, has been silent on the crisis and observers feel every effort is being made to prevent Fayose’s impeachment until at least, May 29.

     

    Lawyers react

     

    Can the 19 lawmakers “impeach” Fayose outside the hollowed chambers to which access has been blocked? Can they legally sit anywhere and take a decision? Lawyers believe that the APC lawmakers have so far acted in accordance with the law. They argued that impeachment notice can be drafted anywhere, but must be signed by at least one-third of the members (one-third of 26 lawmakers in this case).

    •Adekoya
    •Adekoya

    Constitutional lawyer, Funke Adekoya (SAN) noted that in terms of the venue and number of members, the notice of impeachment on Fayose was valid.

    She, however, argued that the notice must be sent to the Speaker, who will serve on the Governor to avoid being invalidated when challenged in court.

    On the way out, she said the governor must be duly served with the impeachment notice.

    Like Adekoya, renowned lawyer Chief Emeka Ngige (SAN) said the constitution is silent as to the location where an impeachment notice can be drafted.

    He said: ‘“What is important is where the deliberation to impeach is taken. It can be done outside the Hallowed Chamber and so, the venue is valid.

    ‘‘Now that the governor has refused to respond, the next stage is what the legislators have done by writing the CJ for a panel. After the panel has finished its investigation, it will send its findings to the Assembly, which must be received in the Hallowed Chamber after which the deliberation for impeachment will commence there.

    ‘‘The charges against Fayose are the grossest of misconducts I have ever seen. A typical example is the governor using seven members of the state Assembly to constitute majority against 19 members. That alone is a rip on the constitution.

    ‘‘Another gross misconduct is driving the 19 members out of the state by use of force and violence, as well as using six lawmakers to approve sensitive cabinet positions like Attorney-General, Accountant-General and Commissioner for Finance.

    ‘‘The governor’s misconduct cries to high heavens and I am happy that the lawmakers have summoned the courage. Since Fayose emerged as governor, has he run the state in accordance with the constitution? No!

    ‘‘Way forward is for the House to complete the process. If the legislature does not do it well, the judiciary will play its role.

    “Nigerians are witnesses to the use of thugs to molest and drive away legislators from their chambers; humiliation of judges, who were beaten up by thugs of Fayose.

    ‘‘He made the state unsafe for the legislators and cannot truthfully claim they absconded from duty.’’

    •Falana
    •Falana

    Responding, Femi Falana (SAN) explained that what was required to serve an impeachment notice was one-third of the members of the assembly and the APC lawmakers are more than one-third.

    “Once the governor receives the notice, it has to be taken seriously because impeachment is a serious matter in the Constitution. That is why I am advising the governor to take this matter very seriously. He should seek legal advice on this matter,” he said.

    Falana said in a democratic system of government, the majority would have its way while the minority would have its say.

    “Section 96 (1) says the quorum of a House of Assembly shall be one-third of all the members of the House. In the case of Ekiti, the very least that can sit is eight members.

    “Section 188 says that whenever a notice of any allegation in writing is signed by not less than one-third of the members of the House of Assembly and is presented to the Speaker that is known to law, the Speaker shall, within seven days of the receipt, cause a copy to be served on the governor or the deputy governor.

    “That is enough to put the engine in motion for the impeachment of a governor. The constitution does not say that the letter must be signed in the House.

    “And from the look of things, that constitutional provision has been met. I do hope that the governor will take this notice very seriously, and react under the law,” Falana said.

    All eyes are also on the Chief Judge to see the next step he takes.

  • Buhari: Triumph of a resilient fighter

    Buhari: Triumph of a resilient fighter

    SIR: General Muhammadu Buhari is one man that is highly respected and loved by many within and outside Nigeria for his simplicity, uprightness and zero tolerance for corruption. Born on December 17, 1942 in Daura, Katsina State, Buhari, a professionally trained soldier and former military Head of State between 31 December 31, 1983 and August 27, 1985, has over the

    years proved himself as a man of rectitude, and demonstrated his commitment towards the struggle to build a better Nigeria in the interest of the masses.

    As a dogged, resilient fighter and uncompromising politician with unalloyed forthrightness, he pursued his presidential ambition with great tenacity, despite his failure at every attempt since 2003. The retired

    Army General’s actually sojourn to the Presidency started in 2003, when he vied on the platform of the defunct All Peoples Party, APP.  In that year’s election, Buhari garnered about 12.7 million votes, which represented 32.1per cent to lose to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who was seeking a second term at that time. Obasanjo scored about 24.5 million votes representing 61.9per cent of total votes cast.

    Four years later in 2007, he contested under the umbrella of All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), but again lost to Umaru Yar’Adua of blessed memory also of the PDP, polling a meager 6.6 million votes, a far worse performance than that of 2003. Yar’Adua had about 24.6 million votes. Not taking his eyes off the Presidency, by 2011, the unrelenting and persevering Buhari contested on the ticket of a new party he founded-the Congress for Progressive Change. Despite being a new party single handedly formed by the retired General with the support of people of like minds, just less than six months to the election, he scored 12.2 million votes to lose to the incumbent President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan of PDP who got 22.5million votes in that contest.

    However, the figures Buhari had in 2011, as the CPC candidate was an impressive improvement compared to his 2007 outing. In fact, he received commendations from a lot of Nigerians who had maintained that the support

    for Buhari from the people since he began his journey to occupy the seat of power at the centre in the current democratic dispensation was purely based on his personality and reputation. He is believed to have distinguished himself in all the various positions he held in the past and thereby succeeded in getting endeared into the hearts of the populace.

    After the conduct of the 2011 general elections, some major political parties in the country – Buhari’s CPC, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the ANPP and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)

    commenced talks on a merger that would provide them with a formidably strong platform to unknot the dominance of the ruling PDP. On February 6, 2013, the All Progressives Congress (APC) was founded from the merger arrangement and Buhari eventually emerged as the party’s presidential candidate after a well-organized, transparent, free and fair primary election in Lagos last December.

    Today, the former Head of State has made history by becoming the first Nigerian politician to defeat an incumbent President. He polled a total of 15,424,921 votes to defeat Jonathan, who scored a total of 12,853,162 votes to place second in the race involving 14 contestants. His victory has been described by many observers as a welcome development heralding the beginning of a new era in the affairs of the country under a democratic setting. Indeed, most Nigerians cannot wait for this new horizon to unfurl.

     •Michael Jegede,

    Abuja

  • Technological triumph

    •Nigeria must begin to avail itself of advances in technology

    One of the most prominent characteristics of the contemporary era is the speed and comprehensiveness of technological change. The truth of this was asserted yet again when a solar-powered aircraft launched an ambitious attempt to make the first-ever circumnavigation of the globe.

    Called Solar Impulse-2, the aircraft took off from Abu Dhabi last week, and will cross India, China, the Pacific Ocean, the United States and the Atlantic before landing in Oman after 25 days later. The significance of a successful journey is hard to downplay. It will demonstrate the increasing relevance of solar power and other clean technologies in an era of global warming, growing environmental pollution and climate change, and will further accelerate the adoption of products, services and techniques based on them.

    Where does all this leave Nigeria? In the immediate short-term, the country will suffer. Indeed, the sharp decline in the price of crude oil, its main export, has already begun to have negative effects on revenues. Like other developing nations, the emergence of new technologies and processes will upset current policies based on outdated approaches to agriculture, manufacturing and industry.

    The irony, however, is that Nigeria is also uniquely placed to take maximum advantages of green technologies if it can comprehensively integrate them into the development process. Unlike developed economies that have had to experiment with nuclear power, for instance, Nigeria can focus its efforts on solar, wind, wave and other forms of renewable energy. The advantages are even more beneficial when it is realised that the country has an abundance of the sunlight and coasts that are the basis of these new technologies.

    To achieve these goals, there must be a wide-ranging change in attitudes. In spite of the obvious benefits of modern technology, it does not seem that Nigerians are mentally conditioned to exploit them to the fullest. A notorious example is the uproar over card-readers in the forthcoming general elections. Even though the efficiency of card technology has been conclusively demonstrated in the banking sector, there appears to be no consensus on extending its benefits to an electoral process in which fraud has been rampant.

    One way in which this problem can be adequately resolved is to expand and entrench the use of renewable energies to the extent that it is more prominent in development policy. Federal and state governments can begin to insist on solar-powered street lights on all roads currently under construction. The Lagos State government can extend its commendable school solar power initiative to more schools, and to its housing estates and parastatals. Businesses and firms should begin to sponsor research into  renewable energy and projects like Solar Impulse-2.

    It is especially important that interest in renewable energy increases in Nigerian society generally. Given their travails with public power supply, it is amazing that more citizens have not taken it upon themselves to learn more about sources of power which are almost infinite in their sustainability. The available alternatives are woefully inadequate, and are often limited to the noisy and polluting generators that have become ubiquitous across the national landscape.

    Such attitudes are to be contrasted with what is prevalent in other places. The Solar Impulse-2 project is being promoted by Swiss nationals, and is the logical evolution of their enduring passion with extending the frontiers of renewable energy. It has received corporate sponsorship, worldwide publicity, and is leveraging the pioneering spirit of its pilots to the fullest.

    The lesson is clear: no nation can make real progress if its citizens do not make concerted efforts to conduct scientific research and ensure that they benefit fully from its fruits.

  • Triumph of hope

    For the Dominiques, quadruplets to a 44-year old, after 18 years’ wait, are a triumph of hope

    For those who believe in divine intervention, it must be reinforcing news that a 44-year-old woman, Mrs. Clara Dominique, was delivered of quadruplets in Benin, the Edo State capital, after an 18-year wait for a child. Even for those who are perhaps not so trusting in the power of faith, the event may likely prompt a sense of wonder about the inscrutability of nature.

    Interestingly, the ecstatic woman at the centre of the thought-provoking drama interpreted the happening in supernatural terms. Mrs. Dominique, who has been married since 1996, was quoted as saying: “I am happy that my husband and I were able to stay together till this day to witness the blessings of the Lord. My husband has been encouraging me that God would do it for us.” Against this background, it may be considered fitting that the babies arrived at Graceland Medical Centre, a name highly suggestive of the proverbial grace of God.

    It is unsurprising that the prolonged expectation came with cultural and social challenges, which Mrs. Dominique and her husband thankfully overcame. According to her, “My husband’s cousins tried to take up the matter but he silenced them. My parents were also there to encourage us. That was what kept us together because the family pressure was not there. They knew we were Christians and nobody could come between my husband and me.” It is commendable that her husband demonstrated such an impressive degree of devotion in the face of subtle and not-so-subtle pressures.

    In addition, it is worth mentioning that she herself displayed admirable stoicism in the manner she endured the long years of waiting. There is no doubt that the period of patience must have been mentally and psychologically exhausting for her, particularly given the role she reportedly played in connection with the birth of other children by members of her church. She said: “I was the one dedicating children at our church every last Sunday of the month. I was the first to visit anybody that gave birth so that I could give them what I had. I am not the envious type.”

    It is likely that, even in her wildest dreams, she did not imagine that she would in one moment become the mother of quadruplets, three girls and a boy. “I was happy when the scan showed it was four,” she said. “Sometimes I thought of how I would carry the four of them. I have not seen somebody else who was delivered of four babies.” The question may be asked: Was this nature’s way of compensating her for such a disheartening delay? By the look of things, it was worth the wait.

    It is noteworthy that Mrs. Dominique was not the only one who had a new experience in this striking tale. For the hospital also where the babies were delivered through a Caesarean section, quadruplets were novel. “This is the first time we had a set of quadruplets in this hospital. They are okay,” a doctor reportedly said. It was a positive development, especially considering that the operation was successfully handled, which is a plus for the hospital’s personnel and facilities.

    Indeed, Mrs. Dominique’s experience deserves publicity and reflection not only on account of the unusualness of quadruplets, but more importantly, because of the tortuous and torturing path she had to take. She may well be a symbol of patience, endurance and optimism. Hers is an inspiring story of hope and possibly infinite possibilities. In the final analysis, couples who may be going through what Mrs. Dominique and her husband experienced before the miraculous quadruplets came ought to draw strength from the happy ending.

  • Nasarawa: Triumph of people’s will

    Reason prevailed, and democracy as well as the rule of law triumphed recently, when a probe panel ended a month-old altercation between the Nasarawa State Governor, Umaru Tanko Al-Makura and members of the state House of Assembly.

    The “not guilty” verdict by the seven wise men of the law was the balm the state needed to ease the mounting tension created by the action of the “honourable” members.

    For putting out the raging flame intended not only to consume Al-Makura, but the entire state and its peace-loving people, the panel showed wisdom and justice.

    It speaks the mind of the people of the state, who have earlier revolted against the unpopular action of the members. So the verdict is a victory for the masses of the state.

    The governor is a product of the people; they brought him to power. They stood by him when elements within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who think they own the state, denied him ticket to serve the people on its platform.

    The people, not Al-Makura, triumphed in the end by throwing out the old-order, when they voted overwhelmingly for the incumbent.

    Three years on, Lafia has ceded its decades-old status as a glorified local government headquarters to that of an enviable state capital. Asphalt roads transcend every nook and cranny in the ancient town. The T. Abdul Kura street, Abdul Shatu-Adamu Mua’azu road, Agwai-Angwan Nugu junction, Lafia East-Government Guest House with spurs towards Makonjigi, Peoples Bank-New market dualisation, UAC-Gonar Mallam Sarkin road, Awe Street, Stanbic Bank-Kurikyo road among others are prides of an average resident of the state capital. Approximately, 80 kilometers asphalt-drained roads were completed in Lafia within the period, while four kilometres asphalt drained roads in 12 other towns are on as well as 600km rural roads.

    The people will always rise in defence of the governor because for the first time, storey buildings dot the landscape of even primary schools across the state. More than one billion naira was spent in providing furniture to primary and post primary schools across the state alone. Today, pupils no longer study under the trees, or on the floors. The administration has also built classrooms in post primary schools across the state, while hostels have sprung up in all tertiary institutions in the state.

    The people would revolt against any attempt to unseat the incumbent because for the first time, multi-million naira hospital projects have sprung up across the three senatorial districts of the state.150-bed hospitals are being built in Lafia, the state capital, Akwanga, and Nassarawa town.

    The people would protest because they don’t need to trek far distances to access potable water; farmers now smile at the end of every farming season, while traders and market women have locations to transact their business.

    The people will agitate because for the first time, civil servants are being paid as at when due, even with the minimum wage. They do not have to wait for an overdraft of N850m to be taken from a bank before they are paid as was the case during the old-order.

    They will revolt because their state has been liberated from the chains of debt the PDP government plugged it into.

    So the people would rise; and they did rose when their so-called representatives dared them by raising the impeachment axe against their own. They took to major streets in Lafia, Karu, Akwanga, Keffi, Nassrawa, Wamba, Keana, Awe, Doma, Obi, Kokona among others.

    The protest attracted the leaderships and members of Association of Market Women (AMW), Nigerian Union of Local Government Employees (NULGE), student union bodies, Keffi Traders Association (KTF), National Association of Transport Owners (NATO), National Union of Roads Transport Workers (NURTW), religious leaders, as well as political groups.

    They raised placards, with various inscriptions including “Impeach Our Governor, Get Recall,” Impeachment Not In Nasarawa,” “N50 million Is Paid To Each Member,” “Lawmakers Are Lawbreakers,”  and so on.

    The number of protesters grew by the day, while the protest lasted, with the people insisting it was time to commence a recall of the lawmakers.

    Yes! The people are angry because the very people, who pledged to represent them are working against them, so what is the need keeping them at the assembly any way?

    What is more, the members did not deem it necessary to consult their constituencies before their decision on a matter as serious as the recall of the governor was taken. Who then are they representing? Themselves apparently!

    The people are angry because even the resolutions and motions so far initiated by the so-called representatives are anti-people. They denied the youth employment by the removal of appropriation for empowerment programmes that would take the jobless from the street. The members shot themselves in the foot, when the youth empowerment matter was advertised in the newspapers along with other issues in the impeachment notice.

    “Imagine that our own lawmakers will raise impeachment notice against a governor for recruiting our teeming unemployed youths. Do they prefer our youths continue to roam the streets,” queried Bisallah Adamus, who said his group has commenced modalities at mobilizing Nasarawa people to begin a recall process against the lawmakers.

    Apart from the youth empowerment issue, the members also see the introduction of minimum wage, which would have cushioned the suffering of civil servants in the state as illegal. It also ordered the stoppage of laudable programmes such as Biometric exercise and digitalization of land matters by the state government. Then there is also the issue of the controversial law prescribing one year tenure for local government chairmen, in which the assembly overrode Governor Al-Makura to pass into law, the state Local Government Amendment Bill 2013 despite rationalization by stakeholders that it tread with caution.

    The governor had written to the house to reconsider their stand intimating them of the implication of their decision. He told them that apart from the fact that chairmen and councillors so elected would hardly settle down to work before their tenure expires under the new law, it would be wasteful on the part of government to conduct election into the council every year.

    Tenable as the governor’s intervention is, the assembly went ahead to override him by passing the bill into law in a manner described by those who should know as an abuse of legislative process and anti-masses. The members by that singular action showed that the relationship between it and the governor is frosty, but in getting at him, they choose the wrong weapon and the casualty as it were, are the very people who elected them in the first place.

    The members do not really deserve to stay because while they illegally appropriate fund for themselves, the state assembly workers suffer in silence. Greater numbers of the assembly staff are on casual basis and the members and its leadership do not deem it necessary to effect the necessary changes. The members did not also deemed it necessary to organize public hearings before laws are passed and there is never a time they reach out to their constituencies before major decisions concerning the people are taken among other offences or do we call them breaches?

    So our members are not so clean as they made the public to believe. They went for equity but their hands are soiled up to the shoulders. And the manner and haste they went about the impeachment process show apparent ignorance of the law and an immaturity that offends sensibility.

    No wonder they could not appear before the panel to defend their allegations. But litigation arising from the action of members would further expose their ignorance when it will be determined that they erred in law by all ramifications.

    We will be able to know at a later date whether  their purported service of Notice of the allegations of gross misconduct for the purpose of impeaching the governor, vide the media or Newspaper publication is valid or constitutional within the meaning of section 188(2) of the 1999 Constitution.

    We will also know whether or not the said purported Notice for the purpose of impeaching the governor was duly served on each member of the 24-member House as envisaged by section 188(2) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, let alone fulfilling the conditions for impeachment proceedings.

    The panel as it were, gave them soft-landing by merely dismissing the allegations and acquitting the governor and that is the most important thing to do at this juncture. The verdict has calmed fraying nerves and reduced tension across the state.

     

    • Inuwa wrote in from Akwanga, Nasarawa State.
  • Triumph of reason

    Triumph of reason

    •The redeployment of Joseph Mbu marks victory of national interest over parochial concerns

    IT last, controversial Commissioner of Police Joseph Mbu has been redeployed from Rivers State. This, in a way, marks the triumph of the campaign against impunity. Many Nigerians and groups had wondered why the police authority dithered in getting him moved despite heavy allegations that he acted in ways considered blatantly partisan and contrary to the ethics of the force. He was seen as an antagonist of Governor Rotimi Amaechi who is constitutionally regarded as the state’s Chief Security Officer. Rather than complement the state government and take instructions from the governor, as provided in the constitution, he became a law unto himself. Prior to his redeployment, Mbu’s conduct had threatened the peace of the state on many occasions. At a point, he blocked the road leading to the Government House and turned back the governor and his entourage; he prevented rallies by those considered loyal to the governor; he got the House of Assembly sealed off and generally got the police perceived as an unfriendly force. It is curious that, days after the Police Service Commission declared that it could not redeploy the commissioner owing to a case in court, the man was eventually removed. That was after the All Progressives Congress (APC) had brought the matter to the front burner of high politics by instructing its members in the National Assembly to block consideration and passage of all executive bills, especially the 2014 Appropriation Bill. The redeployment is a vindication of the extraordinary step taken by the political party and an indication that the opposition could actually serve as watchdog for public interest. We are however surprised that all CP Mbu got as punishment for nearly plunging the state into anarchy was a redeployment. The allegations against him ought to have been thoroughly investigated and, if found guilty, he deserved full punishment from the police authority. If, too, he was cleared of the charges, the report should be made public. Until a full report on what transpired in the state is presented, Mbu should not be taken to another state. The Nigerian people deserve the best; the very best. The redeployment is a soft-landing that tends to confirm the suggestion that he was on a mission at the behest of some political interest. At the heart of this is President Goodluck Jonathan who is both the Commander- in-Chief of the Armed Forces and leader of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Those who find themselves occupying sensitive offices like the presidency should place the national interest above narrow partisan concerns. Otherwise, peace and tranquility cannot be guaranteed in the land. We call on Mbu’s successor in Rivers State to learn from the experience of his predecessor. He must see himself as a servant of the people, subordinate himself to civil authorities and work with the state government in ensuring that the best interest of the people is served. The task before him is daunting as he now has to sanitise the system and boost confidence in the force. For no reason must the state be allowed to degenerate once again to the den of kidnappers and armed robbers. Rivers State is so important to the national economy that law and order must be promoted there at all times. The drive for foreign investment would fail unless those being invited see the system as fair, and the environment tranquil. In the next one year, the political theatre all over the country would be agog with activities and Rivers State is one of the likely flash-points. The tension can only be doused by a force deemed fair and firm. It takes a police force that could rise above petty local interests to draw the necessary support from the citizens. The force should be seen as an impartial arbiter in conflicts, not an interested party.

  • Fayemi’s final triumph (2)

    Fayemi’s final triumph (2)

    I was with General Adetunji Olurin from October 2006 till March 2007 as media consultant, when he was in charge in Ekiti State as the Administrator. This was sequel to the political crisis that engulfed the state after the dramatic impeachment of Ayodele Fayose, erstwhile governor of the state. A member of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, Fayose was impeached by the PDP-controlled state House of Assembly in highly controversial circumstances. This led to the war of succession as two members of the ruling party – Friday Aderemi and Biodun Olujimi – laid claim to the seat of power. Aderemi was the Speaker of the House of Assembly who presided over the impeachment of Fayose, while Olujimi was the deputy governor at the time of impeachment. Both Fayose and Olujimi were swept off in the political volcano that swept the man of power away from his ‘throne’. At that time, Fayose had almost converted the governorship position to an imperial majesty dishing out orders which the highly enlightened people of Ekiti found not only distasteful but undignifying of a people with practically one of the largest colony of professors and academics.

    Olujimi did not take kindly to the blanket removal of herself and her principal. That resentment soon snowballed into a near major conflagration as she took on Aderemi, who had immediately pronounced himself governor in line with the constitution. It was in the hullabaloo that ensued that the then maximum President (note the use of the word ‘maximum’), Olusegun Okikiola Aremu Obasanjo, slammed a six-month emergency rule on the state. Although the emergency rule declaration on October 17, 2006 almost stirred another ‘okiki’ (hue and cry) as certain members of the House of Representatives vehemently kicked against the move.

    By the provisions of the Constitution, the House of Representatives automatically assumes the duty of legislation for any state placed under emergency rule. The implication of this was that from then on, the duties of the state House of Assembly, which had been suspended, fell on the House of Representatives. The argument then was that Obasanjo ought to have consulted the House before making the declaration and subsequent appointment of a retired General to take over the running of affairs. Some of the members of the House, especially some principal officers, then seized the opportunity to extort money from the Presidency in order to dance to the President’s tune.

    One other salient issue that came up in the House of Reps over the emergency rule was the dissolution of the local government councils. This was buoyed by internal wrangling in the political landscape of Ekiti itself, especially the fresh bid by those who wanted to succeed Olurin after the expiration of his six-month duty tour as Administrator within the PDP-dominated House of Assembly that was billed to resume sitting immediately the emergency period was over.

    It was really a testing time for Ekiti politics but through prayers, divine intervention and perhaps sophistication of the people of Ekiti, no violence of the minutest magnitude was witnessed during the period. The rest is history. It was a sharp departure from the prevailing political atmosphere in the country today characterised by arson, killings and brigandage of unimaginable proportion which have completely taken over the landscape. This is probably the type of lawlessness and jungle justice a person like Segun Oni might have wished for in order to enable him to actualize his weird and myopic ambition to rule or misrule Ekiti once more since he cannot get his way through in the courts.

    Unfortunately, and surprisingly too, after the latest defeat at the Supreme Court, Oni has now conceded defeat and said that he could not question God. But the reality is that elections will still hold in this country, and dissatisfied parties will still run to the courts and pursue appeals, even beyond the final point as it now appears. But should the electoral process always be compromised and made questionable? Should politicians always question the will of the people? And shall we then not question the decisions of the judiciary?

    Should people or a person like Oni continue to weep and gnash their teeth over spilled milk, when in actual fact, it is glaringly clear to all that Fayemi possesses more administrative, management and human relations acumen to lead his people than the lacklustre administration or style of governance which completely alienated Oni and his government from the people? See the tumultuous crowd that heralded the news of the recent Supreme Court verdict on the Oni-Fayemi challenge. It is apparent that, that same large number or even twice or thrice that could have taken to the streets in protests if Oni had mistakenly been returned to the Government House. Perhaps, he could have thought about the option of ruling from his hometown of Ifaki Ekiti, if he had been returned to government. And, that is, if his people would not reject him outright.

    Oni and others in his clique are no match for Fayemi whose sense of reasoning and scholarly adventurism are enough to send the Onis of this world scampering for cover. Who dare mention a Lilliputian in the gathering of giants? It is an abnormality, a complete misnomer.

    Having said all these, it is instructive to sound a note of warning to the electorate in Ekiti State that 2014 is almost here when elections will be keenly contested in the state. Fayemi and his lieutenants in the Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, now re-christened All Progressive Congress, APC, will be standing proudly with the flag of the party soaring higher and higher, Ekiti people should shine their eyes. Do not allow these never-do-well politicians who are clothed like normal human beings confuse you. Vote for Fayemi and his lieutenants and shame the devil. Apart from Fayemi and his henchmen in the APC, no other politician in Ekiti today has anything to offer or that is better to offer the people. They are only after the lean finances of the government, the public till which they are only interested in plundering and plunging the populace into endless poverty, misery and want. You can take their money because it is your money, take their rice and other perquisites but reject them at the final polls. They are not deserving of your votes. Any vote for them is a vote for hunger, deprivation and mass slaughter through non-provision of the essentials of a meaningful living like Fayemi and his people have been doing for the people in the past three years.

    I am not an indigene of Ekiti but I have lived in Ekiti, I have enjoyed the warmth and hospitality of the people, I have observed them from both afar and within. Ekitis are a hardworking lot. With good leaders, they can be the food basket of Nigeria. They have hectares of uncultivated, arable lands scattered all over the state. They are a proud people because they believe in what they can do with either their brains or their hands. I do not see any other society in Nigeria or Africa that parades such a contingent of professors and other academics. It is only in Ekiti that every family has at least one professor or more. They dot the whole landscape, every town, every village, every hamlet. They are just ubiquitous.

    I think Oni should go and look for something more profitable for him to do at the moment. His brand of politics has since become extinct with the coming into the arena by Fayemi and his group. Politics is not the best for Oni. As a water engineer, he can retire to his village in one of the hinterlands and devote his talents to agriculture, especially irrigation farming, channelization and all that. Let him leave politics for the Fayemis of this world!

    Ends.

  • The travails, triumphs of a missionary politician (2)

    Chapter 3 titled “GENEALOGY” contains elaboration and elucidation on the family trees of Pa Ajayi in his four cities. The chapter naturally includes description of the lineage, as well as the distinctive values and unique virtues of the father of the autobiographer, Moses Ajayi. Though from a lineage of medicine men and warriors, Moses Ajayi “veered off the family line of traditional medicine as he got converted to Christianity very early in his own life …”

    This chapter highlights the age-old issue of land tenure system in Nigeria. Pa Moses Ajayi (because his father came from Erinmo and his mother from Efon) was a virtual stranger in Ilara, so “he had to beg for land to farm.” It is a strange irony that, in Nigeria, no matter how many years you have been resident in a land outside the birth place of your parents, you are still considered a settler who must beg for land or pay through the nose to acquire land for farming and housing purposes, even when you yourself might have been born in your current location outside your ancestral roots. This forced the author’s father to go secure farmlands in distant locations and virgin forests like Omimeje, “where no one was landowner and vacant land lay plenty.” However, apart from the long distance and the huge trees that a farmer needs to contend with in the pristine forest of Omimeje, there was also the menace of wild beasts, such as monkeys, baboons and wartdogs that devastated farm crops. So, only sticklers of a rare genre could farm in Omimeje jungles in those days! However, the autobiographer gleefully informs readers that those brutes (jungle beasts) met more than their match in his father, who was “a formidable fighter and a sharp shooter of a hunter.” He recalls with admirable nostalgia: “We ate bush meat to the point of losing some of our teeth.” It is hyperboles like this that Pa Ajayi, an enchanting story teller, generously deploys to breathe life into the otherwise dry bones that are recipes of historical narratives. Unfortunately, he concludes the genealogy of his paternal lineage with the death of his strong and dedicated father under mysterious circumstances that he, as a practical psychologist, attributes to assassination through “mental suggestion”. The Ifa diviner, called Epipu-kan-gidi, who visited the author’s home without invitation, told them of the need for conducting sacrifices and rituals to ward off imminent death. The family cooperated with him and provided the materials for the sacrifice, which the diviner dutifully performed with all the razzmatazz associated with such rituals. A couple of weeks later, the author’s father came back from the family distant farm, Omimeje, shivering with severe fever which, within three days, degenerated into a distended abdomen accompanied by acute pains. The intervention of the village nurse who administered an enema provided temporary relief, as the author’s father defecated “but as comfort replaced pain, he grunted and breathed his last.” The tragedy occurred, in the inimitably dramatic language of the author, “at about 8 p.m. on Tuesday September 21, 1943; and there was a great tumult, then a great calm; and I became fatherless, bedevilled by a life of struggles.”

     

    Chapter Four, titled: “The Birth of a Revolutionary”, describes the political import and impact of the obnoxious British policy of indirect rule on Nigeria as a whole, as well as the regions, provinces and other sub-units of the country. Indirect rule introduced the concept of paramountcy of some traditional rulers (Obas, Baales, Emirs, and Obis) of big towns and the consequent political subjugation and social marginalisation of rulers of relatively smaller towns unilaterally put under them.”

    Rightly believing that “Resistance to tyranny is obedience to God,” it was the tyranny and injustice that the concept of paramountcy constituted to the people of Ilara and other villages and towns in Ifedore community that compelled the autobiographer to go into political activism and later politics proper. Given the seemingly accidental but carefully predestined circumstances through which he was introduced to and became engrossed with the fight to free his people from the oppression of the Deji of Akure, Pa Ajayi identifies his historic destiny as the liberation of the people of Ifedore from colonially inspired slavery.

    In his own words, “There is a clear indication that my mission in life is to fight for liberation and it was easy to realise that the scourge I came to combat was also ready for me.”

    The author recalls how he was sucked into political activism by a seemingly innocuous assignment of helping certain Itaogbolu traditional rulers to write a letter, which turned out to be a petition to British administrative officers, against the imposition of an Oba or Baale on Itaogbolu against the wish of the chiefs.

    Pa John Ajayi innocently wrote the protest letter at the behest of the chiefs and it was dutifully forwarded to the Native Authority. The Native Authority police reacted by arresting the chiefs, who revealed the identity of their letter writer, and subsequently picked up the then young and politically naïve John Ajayi for writing a subversive and seditious letter. He was dumped half-nude in a dingy cell and later charged to court. Needless stating that rather than discouraging or demotivating him, this baptism of fire into political activism whetted his appetite for the liberation struggles that he later spearheaded in Ilara.

    Chapter Five is devoted to “My Religious Life”. The academic rigour and polemical essence of this chapter are testimonies to the intellectual sophistication and spiritual depth of the autobiographer. This recommends this chapter, and several others like it, to theologians and polemically inclined academicians. The chapter takes the reader down memory lane on how the author was born a consummate “omo awo”, into a family of warriors and veritable medicine men, who were reputed, revered, envied and persecuted in the same breath for their sorcery, wizardry, juju, efficacious herbs, voodoo, necromancy, hypnotism and mesmerism. He goes on to say, “So, in all the meanings and connotations of the term, I could be said to be an omo awo indeed,” asserted Pa John Ajayi.

    Largely due to intellectual curiosity and inquisitiveness, the author, as a youngster, devoted ample time to collecting and memorizing ofo or ogede (incantations), as well as compiling herbal recipes and antidotes for common ailments, such as fever, aches and snake bites. He also took special interest in herbal ingredients and incantations for ofe (burden lightener or body lifter) and isoye (memory enhancer). Yet he abhorred, resented and shunned divining and elements of traditional medicine “requiring consultation with or conjuration of any god and idols.” In the same vein, he resented, “the concoctions and decoctions prepared and administered by the dirty hardly-ever-washed hands of awo dispensers” oftentimes forced on him to drink to treat sicknesses that are less nauseous than the dirty hands and repulsive activities of omo awos. He recounts sickening and unwholesome rituals, such as “the sight of blood oozing out of the neck of a fowl whose head was pulled out to supply blood for one medicine or the other” and the scene of “miniature gourds (ado) and statues sprinkled with blood of fowl or other animals.” Yet, he retained his interest in incantations and made a habit of collecting ofo and ogede on all problems or challenging situations that could require them.

    Perhaps to warn the reader of the limited reliability of incantations, the author, in his inimitably dramatic manner, recalls how “one day during high jump at a school meet” he put ofe to use and commanded it to lift him up, only for him to crash down and break his right wrist!” In his words, “Ofe, rather than bear me up, had let me down. It marked the parting of ways between ofe and me, and largely too between traditional medicine and me. At any rate, even while writing notes on herbal medicine recipes and collecting incantations for deployment in several trying situations, he said, “yet I did not worship the gods of the awos or babalawos.” He declares, “I never for one day deviated from my belief in and loyalty to the one God, though I had problems of not knowing how to benefit from His power!”

    examinations that earned him academic and professional certificates comparable to first and second degrees. This chapter is an exposition of how Pa John Ajayi became a home-grown professor who could not be outperformed or intimidated by any intellectual of his time. It is a revelation of how the author became an academic terrorist despite never seeing the four walls of a university. This segment of the autobiography is a practical manual for those who want to learn about self-development. It could be a motivational tool and an encouragement to those who lack the financial resources but are desirous of achieving higher academic goals.

     

    Chapter 7 of the autobiography details the work experience of the author from the tender age of 10 years until he breathed his last on earth.

     

    The sundry occupations discussed in the book as having been engaged in by the author at various times of his life are not just indicative of his versatility but also evidence of his positive work ethics, can-do spirit, doggedness and diligence. The job descriptions and titles include Isaana Oju Ale re e (Matches for evening light are here), Agbegilodo (timber merchant), the Alagbaro (the farmhand), Weaver of Baskets and Maker of Thatch, the Untrained Teacher, the Public Letter Writer, Journalist and Salesman, the block maker, the Oyinbo Elepo (Fuel Merchant), Gari Maker, Produce Merchant, and the Party Agent.

     

    An incurable believer in the dignity of labour and an apostle of “hard work does not kill,” Pa Ajayi did every legitimate job available to raise money for his cherished life goal: sound education. From his account, he started work as an auxiliary teacher because “teaching provided the only salaried employment in those days.” However, he had to leave teaching because of “the drudgery of the job, compounded by the untrained, uncertificated stigma, the low earning and the monotony.” He even tried to become a constable in the police force, as he “preferred that to remaining in teaching without any prospect of advancement” or returning to good old farming!

     

    This was the difficult situation under which he went into trading. The objective, he says, was “first and foremost, to facilitate the means of funding advanced education.” He reflects, “All the business enterprises I did in those years were for keeping body and soul together, while the real goal [good education] remained at the back of my mind all the time.”

     

    Not for him the life of a loafer or cheat, he strongly believed the only way to success is hard work, self-denial, perseverance, dedication to the achievement of the defined goal. He says excellent service was always his goal.

     

    Despite his diligence and dedication, the author recalls how he got sacked from A. J. Seward under very strange and inexplicable circumstances. However, he says the contrary winds that led to his getting sacked took him to Cadbury Nigeria Limited, where he rapidly rose to become an Area Manager. “When a person needs to be pushed up the ladder of life, men and circumstances are used by the divine hands for the pushing.”

     

    Chapter 8 of the book is about his Family Life. The chapter describes how the loneliness of being orphaned at the age of 23 years drove the author into early marriage, as he lost his father when he was only thirteen and his mother barely ten years after. Desperate “to fill this aching void through marriage,” he got married in 1954, at the age of 24, to the second girl he ever befriended, Beatrice Adebanke, then an 18-year-old girl. The author speaks glowingly and passionately about this love of his life “who filled her roles beautifully.” She was a wife as well as a mother.” The early and unfortunate loss of his parents, a shattering experience of his life, ironically brought his marriage to his wife Banke (the best marriage that he could have had), a testimony to the truth of the Scripture, “All things work together for good to them who love God…” He equally says that his blissful marriage to Banke made her untimely transition at the age of 60 on 25th December 1996 “the most grievous experience of my life.”

     

    The author also uses the book to explain the circumstances that led to his contracting another marriage even during the subsistence of his “recounted blessed marriage.” He attributes his second marriage mainly to the fact that his wife, because of the demanding circumstances of her profession, “was most of the time in the early days an absentee wife.” Aside from “this fact of perennial separation” from his wife, the author, in his characteristic bluntness and candour, confesses, “But fundamentally, the African in me is polygamist.” So, in 1958, while his first wife was undergoing her midwifery course, the author married another spinster, then Miss Margaret Ogbenuubi Ojo, who, like him, was a descendant of Erinmo. He recalls that he had to snatch the maiden from the man to whom she was betrothed at a tender age, “as the custom went in those days.” Explaining the seeming conflict between this anti-tradition action and his self-description as “an irredeemable traditionalist,” he says, “while I am a traditionalist and I respect the tradition of my people a lot, I revolt against, and break at will, such as I regard as unreasonable, anachronistic and unacceptable.” He points out that this oppressive aspect of our marriage custom falls into this category. The author pays tribute to the understanding of his first wife, her liberality and the motherly role she played to his second wife for the period the second marriage lasted. He regrets the dissolution of his second marriage, which he attributes largely to his pattern of “distancing from wife” because of the roving existence forced on him by his occupation.

     

    The book underlines the topmost priority that the author placed on the education of his children. He states, “I could not bear to have children that would not be well-educated and well-read.”

     

    The book also highlights the travails and trials of the author in his quest to build a personal house to provide shelter to his family. The experience, he notes, was “typical of the difficulty faced by all salary earners in the country and perhaps most countries of the world.” As the monthly income is never enough to take care of immediate and basic family needs while the building of a personal house is capital intensive, it is a daunting challenge saving enough capital, except in rare cases where employment conditions of service include a housing loan scheme. As he could not cut corners or bend the rules, not to talk of engaging in outright stealing or embezzlement, because of his moral principles and Christian ethics, he had to wait for God’s time. God’s time came through “a government wage policy [that] reverberated in the private sector and gave me a lump sum in salary arrears.” This was how the author started the building of his house, which he completed several years later.

     

    The narration about the building project does not end without an account of the fortuitous circumstances that gave the author the “building site in a choice area” of Ilara. The prime land, which later became Ajayi Street, was left undeveloped and overgrown by weeds because people, rooted in superstition, believed “it was the forest of ghosts, the abode of fairies, which no human being could share or, in fact, visit at night, as, according to general belief, fairies would snuff life out of such mortals!”

     

    As the author, despite being an irredeemable traditionalist, by his own admission, lived above silly superstition, he built and inhabited his house without any interference from fairies. He records having welcomed six other houses to Ajayi Street with several occupants, none of whom ever saw any fairy or had any unusual experience.

     

    The autobiography also vividly captures the circumstances that pressed the author into community service, development activism and ultimately partisan politics. The remote cause is of course the ancestry of the author as “his forbears, left and right, maternal and paternal, were politicians, warriors and servers of the people.” Another motivating factor highlighted in the book was the fascination of the author by “the exploits and struggles of Nigerian nationalists who were agitating for independence”.

     

    Notwithstanding this, the book pin-points the actual trigger of his entry into politics as “the dehumanizing practice of paramountcy”, which was a logical consequence of the system of Indirect Rule imposed on Nigeria by the colonial British administration. Ilara, according to the passionate account of the author, felt the full and brutal weight of “the repulsive practices of paramountcy” which peaked with the banishment of the then Alara of Ilara-mokin, Oba Adamu Arojojoye for re-crowning himself and wearing a beaded crown in defiance of the colonially-selected paramount ruler, Oba Afunbiowo, the then Deji of Akure. This, the author stated, “sets the stage, no doubt, for a liberation struggle since slavery is not the legitimate state of man, and must be overthrown.”

     

    If any was needed, this provocation was a clarion call to arms for the autobiographer. Being a man of valour by lineage, by nature and by nurture, he took up the gauntlet to play “Moses” of not just Ilara town but the entire community of Ilara, Ijare and Igbara-Oke, later christened Ifedore. The rest as they say is history.

     

    The book further documents the pioneering role of the author, along with other patriots, to mid-wife Ifedore community, which later transmuted into Ifedore District Council, and much later to Ifedore Local Government. Ifedore was the unified umbrella for collective and effective resistance to the oppression and enslavement of Ifedore people by the rapacious and evil agents of paramount mis-government. The book also chronicles the titanic efforts of the author and other community leaders to resolve the divisive tripartite battles that later ensued for the hosting of the Local Government Headquarters of Ifedore.

     

    Aside from “passion for service to humanity” that is a common denominator of all the actions and activities during his life and time, one unmistakable tendency is the missionary zeal and messianic streak of the author. This led him to spearhead several liberation struggles and freedom-fighting initiatives which inevitably brought him into confrontation and face-offs with external political oppressors like the Deji of Akure, social suppressors like the local Ogboni confraternity and tyrannical traditional leaders like Oba Ojoopagogo. The autobiographer’s abhorrence for “arrogance of power and despotism or tyranny” and “misrule” or “reign of terror” saw him fight to finish several monarchs, including Oba Ojoopagogo, though the author was largely instrumental to drafting him from the police force for royal tutelage and subsequent crowning as an Oba. Thus the king-maker easily and unrepentantly turned to a king-fighter because of his moral outrage against oppression and injustice against the people.

     

    The author’s fight for freedom was also extended to social vices like silly and anachronistic superstitions and obnoxious cultural practices. The book gleeful reports the battle that the author singlehandedly fought and won against the retrogressive cultural taboo attached to selling of pounded yam in Ilara Mokin. Now, thanks to the daring and revolutionary Pa John Ajayi, Ilara people don’t have to leave Ilara and go to ‘bukateria’ in Ijare, Igbara-Oke or Akure to buy and eat good Iyan-gbona (hot pounded yam)!

     

    For all his zeal for selfless service and passion for people’s welfare, the many intrigues and the pervasive pathologies of politics forced the autobiographer to leave politics on two different occasions which is responsible for the chapters on to his second coming and third coming into politics in this book. The author was detained several times on trumped up charges by the native authority police and he narrowly escaped assassination several times by either the Ogboni confraternity or Oba Ojoopagogo, who he helped to install but, he stated, “who was in mortal fear of my political activism.”

     

    Perhaps because the Akure-styled “wizard of Ilara”could not be assassinated, his political enemies decided to raze down his family home. The book narrates the circumstances that surrounded the attempted burning down of his family house and the heroic efforts of Ilara indigenes to rescue the house after the endless wait for the summoned firemen to arrive from Akure. The author testified that the villagers successfully put out the fire before the coming of the firemen, adding: “My whole house remained standing but with my own apartment reduced to outright charcoal. “ The fact that the arson preceded the third coming of the author into politics after his earlier “indefinite withdrawal from community service” is a clear testimony that the author was indeed a fanatical and incurable community servant, who is passionate about service to his community even at the risk of losing his freedom.

     

    Teaching by example, the author has through his autobiography made a good case for selfless service to mankind as the raison d’etre for continued existence and relevance. As one of the converts and disciples of the autobiographer, let me in concluding this review leave you with my own thoughts on service:

     

    To serve is to live,

    And to live is to serve,

    A life devoid of service

    is a life bereft of essence.

     

    Pa Ajayi’s career and life were uniquely driven by the irresistible passion and altruistic desire to right societal wrongs as well as promote fair-play and justice. He was a development missionary and veritable change-agent with undeniable dedication to value addition and positive social transformation.

     

    Though William Shakespare said that “the evil that men do lives after them and the good often interred with their bones”, yet Pa John Ajayi will be remembered and his memory cherished anywhere selfless service is valued because he lived for service and fought for justice.

     

    At this stage, permit me to express my appreciation and enduring love to the noble family of Pa John Ayanfe Ajayi. I feel quite honoured that I was given the rare privilege to review this exceptional autobiography of a quintessential personality and outstanding community leader whose life of selfless service positively changed the course of history of his people and community. I thank you all for your presence and attention.