British Prime Minister Keir Starmer will meet French President Emmanuel Macron on Monday to discuss ways to help Ukraine, after the election of Donald Trump has raised concerns of reduced U.S. support for the war against Russia.
Days after Trump was elected to begin a second term as U.S.president in January, Starmer will travel to France, where he will talk with Macron and also become the first British leader to attend French Armistice Day services since World War Two.
Starmer and Macron will discuss “Russia’s ongoing barbaric invasion of Ukraine and the appalling humanitarian situation in Gaza,” Downing Street said.
Trump has criticised the level of U.S. support for Ukraine’s fight against Russia since the 2022 full-scale invasion and has promised to end the conflict without explaining how.
Britain and France have said it is essential to keep supporting Ukraine against Russia to protect the European continent as a whole.
Europe has been the biggest provider of aid to Ukraine, allocating 118 billion euros ($126 billion) since the start of the conflict, while the United States has provided 85 billion euros in total, according to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy.
Britain and the European Union are expected to begin talks next year on a post-Brexit security pact, covering areas such as defence and energy cooperation, as they look to take more responsibility for their own security.
Some European politicians have said Europe cannot replace the financial and military aid from the United States, including military resources such as F-16 fighter jets and Army Tactical Missile Systems (ATACMS).
On his visit to France, Starmer is scheduled to meet the new French Prime Minister Michel Barnier. The meeting will be their first since Barnier became prime minister in September.
The last British leader to attend the French Armistice Day commemorations was Winston Churchill, who was hosted by Charles de Gaulle in 1944, Starmer’s office said.
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The imminent return of Donald Trump to the Oval Office as the 47th President of the United States is a classic case of thunder striking twice; no doubt, it has sent shockwaves far beyond American borders. His triumph over Vice President Kamala Harris in the November 6, 2024, election—a stunning upset that defied most pre-election polls—feels like history repeating itself. Much like in 2016, when the then-political novice Trump vanquished seasoned Democrat Hillary Clinton, this victory once again leaves the world pondering: what does Trump’s presidency mean for global stability and the sanctity of democratic norms?
This second coming is steeped in controversy and apprehension. His campaign, riddled with incendiary rhetoric and relentless attacks on perceived enemies, struck a chord with over 73 million voters. The electorate, it seems, prioritized immediate, tangible concerns over Trump’s questionable moral compass. In a political landscape increasingly shaped by “stomach infrastructure”—policies that address economic and existential anxieties—the allure of populism eclipsed calls for decency and decorum.
In 2016, Trump’s shocking ascent to power was met with a mixture of disbelief and dread. At the time, I reflected on the uncanny parallels between his victory and Nigeria’s 2015 election, where Muhammadu Buhari, another populist figure, unseated Goodluck Jonathan against formidable odds. The mood then, as now, was one of profound unease.
Back then, I wrote:
“For Trump, the author of the bestseller Think Like a Champion, victory over a formidable opponent like Hillary Clinton validated his mantra: ‘Quitters never win.’ Despite his crude, often demeaning rhetoric, Trump’s populist playbook resonated deeply with a segment of American society disillusioned by the establishment.”
Trump’s strategy was clear: he courted the disenfranchised, amplifying their grievances and stoking their fears. His supporters—many of whom are white, working-class voters—saw in him a champion who could disrupt the status quo. Their rallying cries of “Lock her up” during the 2016 campaign now seem eerily prophetic of the vendettas he may pursue during this term.
One cannot examine Trump’s political trajectory without revisiting the dark stain of January 6, 2021. On that day, a mob of his supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol, driven by Trump’s baseless claims of a stolen election. That unprecedented attack on American democracy left an indelible mark, raising questions about the resilience of the nation’s institutions.
Fast forward to 2024, and those concerns have resurfaced. Trump’s rhetoric on the campaign trail—marked by threats to jail political opponents and dismantle perceived obstacles—signals a leader unrepentant and emboldened. Can the world expect a more restrained Trump in 2025? Or will his presidency further polarise a deeply divided America?
Trump’s return heralds significant geopolitical ramifications. Foreign policy experts, including Nigeria’s former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, warn of turbulent times ahead and indeed, Europe’s leaders appear to be huddling together with anxiety-driven whispers on what to do and how to do it with the re-emergence of Donald Trump. Within a few hours after Trump was declared President-elect, those that should know have already painted a picture of a troubling scenario. In Nigeria, Prof. Akinyemi said there was nothing to be happy about and that the world should prepare for a tough time in American diplomacy with Trump in the saddle. He said if what he did in his first term in office was anything to go by, we should be prepared for a rude shock because the world would be left worse off in its relations with the USA. Several other persons have expressed the same sentiments, especially about what would happen to Ukraine in its war with Russia; the Israel/Gaza war and the growing tension in the Middle East; the fate of immigrants and undocumented persons in the USA, the issues of race and gender in the scheme of things and the role they played in the eventual emergence of Trump in addition to a plethora of sundry other issues. We cannot forget easily that Trump’s isolationist stance during his first term strained alliances and emboldened adversaries. His withdrawal from multilateral agreements, coupled with erratic diplomatic moves, left the world scrambling to adapt.
Today, key flashpoints loom on the horizon. There is the Russia/Ukraine conflict going on; with Trump’s lukewarm support for NATO and his chummy disposition towards Vladimir Putin, Ukraine’s fight against Russian aggression may face new hurdles. There is also the Israel/Iran tension that has pulled in Iranian proxies across Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen. Trump’s unyielding support for Israel could exacerbate tensions in the already volatile Middle East but there is some strong likelihood too that his tough stance may include a firm, rapid push for all to head to the negotiation table.
On Trump’s domestic front, his hard-line stance on immigration is expected to resurface, potentially upending the lives of millions of undocumented immigrants. Much to the admiration of Africans whom pro-LGBT advocates in the USA during the Obama/Biden era label as homophobes, Donald Trump has sent out resounding signals about his plans to overturn what has been existing. The issues of race and gender in the scheme of things and the role they played in the eventual emergence of Trump add to a plethora of sundry other issues. It must be noted that these challenges are coming at a time when global leadership demands tact and cooperation. Yet, Trump’s adversarial approach may leave little room for the kind of diplomatic finesse required to navigate such complexities.
Supporters argue that America’s robust institutions will act as a check on Trump’s power. But history suggests otherwise. During his first term, Trump often circumvented norms, leveraging executive powers in unprecedented ways. His judicial appointments, including to the Supreme Court, may provide him a protective shield against legal challenges, further consolidating his grip on power.
What makes this presidency particularly concerning is Trump’s apparent vendetta against those who opposed him. His vow to root out “deep state” operatives and pursue political adversaries threatens to undermine the democratic fabric. A Trump unrestrained by reelection concerns could wield power with little regard for precedent or consequence.
And so, As the world braces for Trump’s inauguration on January 22, 2025, uncertainty reigns. Can Trump’s presidency steer America toward unity and progress, or will it deepen existing fault lines? The stakes are high—not just for the U.S., but for the global community. In the end, as America grapples with its political identity, the world watches, hopeful yet wary, of what the next four years will bring. One thing is certain: the era of Trump 2.0 will be anything but ordinary as everyone looks towards January 20, 2025 when Donald Trump is expected to begin this fresh journey to, as he says, Make America Great Again while damning what the world feels about that!
There is a story, much beloved of historians and pundits, of the Chinese leader, Zhou Enlai, being asked what he thought about the impact of the French Revolution. Zhou’s answer, apparently, was that it was too soon to tell.
In the case of Trump’s sweeping victory in the just-concluded 2024 US Presidential Election, that response might make more sense, given that it has been only a few days since the declaration of the results and that it will be two months till he assumes the presidency. Yet, his record as the American president from 2016 to 2020 and his relentless expression of extremist sentiments in the course of his campaign give us some sense of what lies ahead.
The most dire consequence of Trump 2.0, should his plans come to fruition will be the gradual transformation of the US into a racialised carceral state. Trump appears set to embark on implementing his campaign vow of deporting undocumented migrants, including those who arrived in the US as children, as well as those who have permission to stay temporarily in the US on humanitarian grounds.
This project, though, should be understood more broadly as one in which the movements and agency of specific social groups are subject to restrictions and barriers, and one which, consequently, creates de facto tiers of citizenship even among legal citizens based on their race.
Stephen Miller, the former advisor to Trump, has already declared that the administration will undertake denaturalisation of various US citizens. The objective of the mass deportation of millions of people will require the detention of large numbers of individuals as an interim step. Discussions regarding the construction of centres to hold detainees are already underway among Trump’s allies and advisors. The stock price of private prison companies that will benefit from contracts to build these centers has immediately soared after Trump’s victory.
Along with the horrific social costs and unimaginable cruelty of these actions, the economic consequences will be devastating for the US in terms of their impact on GDP and their burden on numerous industries. The cost of just the deportations range from 88 billion dollars to 315 billion dollars a year.
Compounded with the inflationary pressures that Trump’s promised tariffs will unleash, there is simply no way in which these measures will redress the economic burdens that large numbers of Americans feel they have been saddled with as a result of the policies of the Biden-Harris administration over the last few years.
Despite the US economy having been on firm footing for the last year, the “vibecession”, or sense of living through a recession, in the term coined by economic commentator Kyla Scanlon, was apparently a significant factor in the strong support for Trump among voters across most demographics.
Yet, though economic populism may have played an important role in the election results, Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric, overt racism about non-White groups, and hysterical invocations of nativist nationalism should leave no doubt that his presidency will essentially be a White majoritarian project as indeed was his campaign.
Mass deportations are a key initiative of Trump’s Day 1 agenda, and he has recently issued a statement that considerations of cost will not prevent him from undertaking these endeavors. It is entirely unsurprising that Trump won the majority of the White vote, with the majority of White women voting for Trump as well.
Trump’s support among the majority of White women, given his conviction for sexual assault, the record of countless allegations along similar lines, and litany of rank misogynist remarks, reveals the ugly reality of the pervasive racism in American society. Misogyny and the lack of belief in the capability of a woman to be president, factors that arguably cut across demographics, played a role in the election results, as did economic considerations, but the centrality of race as a factor simply cannot be ignored.
Trump’s significant gains among Latino voters, men in particular, may seem to contradict this but the range and diversity of the social groups encompassed under the term “Latino” provide an explanation. An academic colleague (who wishes to remain anonymous), an expert on South and Central American communities in the US, shared with me that the term “Latino” encompasses numerous immigrant streams in the US, with histories that are distinct yet entangled in enormously complex ways.
There are tensions among these communities, among those who have emigrated legally and those who are undocumented, and between sections that identify as White or multiracial and those who are marked as not White.
Perhaps it is not a coincidence that Elon Musk, who has mutated progressively from liberal to rabid right-wing demagogue, and has thrown his lot in with Trump with the objective of remaking America, grew up in apartheid South Africa.
Project 2025, a blueprint for transforming American society along deeply conservative lines, also emphasises mass deportations as well as ending federal support for initiatives related to diversity, equity, and inclusion.
And yet, most of the election post-mortem in mainstream American media is silent about the extent to which racism might have influenced the election. That silence reflects a particularly American malaise, that of historical amnesia and an unease across most of the political spectrum in talking about racism as an abiding, and central, force in American society.
The racialised carceral state that threatens to come into being under Trump is, tragically, not an entirely new creature. For much of their history, the experience of non-White groups in America, whether it African-Americans, or those of Asian or Latino ancestry, has been that of living under such a state, the anchor and foundation of a segregated society.
The reborn racialised carceral state, though, will be much more powerful, with its capabilities for violence and surveillance amplified exponentially. As it lurks in the shadows, like Yeats’ proverbial rough beast, its hour come around again, slouching toward Bethlehem to be reborn, we can only hope that Marx’s words that history repeats itself as tragedy and farce come true.
Given that we have already suffered these tragedies before, perhaps the spirit of history, or some deux ex machina, or residual force of American democracy, will put paid to the ambitions of the project of the carceral state, rendering it a brief nightmare rather than a horrifying reality that materialises again.
This article was first published in www.scroll.in under the headline ‘With Trump re-election, US will see de facto tiers of citizenship based on race’
After a gruelling and bitter election season, Donald Trump has defeated his Democratic rival, Kamala Harris, to become the United States’ 47th president-elect. It was a poll that defied many things. It defied the polls that predicted a nail-biter, but it was rather a shellacking.
Americans will hardly trust their pollsters going forward. Maybe the pollsters will relearn and reboot their polling infrastructure and systems for credibility. This is the third straight electoral cycle when the polls lost out to reality. On the eve of the polls, a poll predicted Harris would win the state of Iowa. The reality was a triple-digit success for Trump.
The election defied moral view. It anointed a criminal and convicted felon, a 34-count verdict hanging over his head as he strides, next January, in a halo of America’s majesty into the White House.
It defied the hope for the first coloured woman, first Indian or Asian blood, first second-generation immigrant to be clad in the robes of the first citizen of the most powerful country on earth.
Rather, Mr. trump rode to victory beating his own first crack. He clutched the majority of votes, which haunted him in 2016. The American system did not ride on numbers of electors but the spread, but in their own case, it is determined by the electoral college. Each state has electoral counts and a winner must hit the 270 thresholds.
In spite of his slur words, his racial spews and unabashed bigotry, most Americans rallied behind him. It was a victory for populism of the vile and vitriolic sort. This is the first time a democracy calibrated as a model will vote in a bigot, a felon, liar, reviler of women, a bully into the most awesome office in the world. He has crafted the mystique of a bully as hero.
This is a man who described developing countries such as ours as ‘shithole’, and yet, even in Nigeria, he has attracted impressive numbers of admirers, even lovers. Those who are priests who preach “thou shall not lie,” “thou shall not commit adultery,” and “thou shall not steal,” consecrated him and asked their folks to vote for him. Not only that he has been found guilty of all these, but also that he believes, against all evidence, that he is innocent. And he has become the beloved of the righteous nation. They turned his adversity into encouragement and now into a boost of sacrament.
The United States’ Republican Party is the party of the conservatives, and Trump has taken advantage of them. We can understand why some Nigerians admire him. One, he flatters the Nigerian religious sentiment with his lashing out at gays/lesbians, or what is known as LGBTQ, his condemnation of abortion rights, and his support of Christian ethos in general. Yet, he is a
known lecher, who does not read the bible, or go to church. He once called first Corinthians one Corinthians.
If Christianity is about love, he is about stoking up hate. And he gets away with it by not getting away from it. One of his taunt victims is the Hispanic whom he described as murderers and rapists. Yet, in the last poll, Hispanics voted for him in historic numbers in the nation’s history for Republican candidates. This is what psychologists call the Stockholm Syndrome, that is: bonding with your oppressor.
One of his signature campaign ideas was to double down on immigration. Who are those streaming into the country through the borders? Hispanics. Yet, they voted for him in record numbers. It is possible that the Hispanic would rather vote for him as a white man than for a woman who is black. If the election was about rejecting a black woman, it was also about other minorities bonding with the whites instead of black woman, even if the white man has cursed them in the open square.
The rise in inflation and complaints over economic struggles were facts, but they provided the pretext to reject a woman of non-white ethnicity and justify their choices as noble, not bigoted.
Trump was so strong at the polls that even in otherwise Democratic strongholds, his acceptance competed, especially in New York, New Jersey and Virginia. In the so-called Blue Wall, he lost all the states of Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin in record numbers.
Trump has not been known to merely bluster. When he makes promises, he tries to deliver. But not always. He began building the wall on the Mexican border, although he could not go far. He
pursued the Muslim ban. He coddled dictators around the world. He also threatened to leave NATO and that forced the Trans-Atlantic partners in Europe to boost their budgets out of panic. Now, he has promised mass deportation, high tariffs and onslaught on his political enemies. He did not do these in his first coming. But Barack Obama is known to be the deportation monster for record mass deportation of illegal immigrants, a Democrat and black man. He beat Trump in that department. We are looking forward to what the second term will look like.
It must be noted that record numbers of black men also voted for Trump, which may also indicate that the black men caught the Stockholm Syndrome, and associated with a white man rather than a woman of colour – of mixed and Indian descent – that they might have regarded as not black enough.
While the post-mortem of the elections is still ongoing, the world waits to see how he will handle a restive world with Russia hectoring Ukraine and the Middle East burning with sectarian conflicts.
With 295 electoral votes to Vice President Kamala Harris’ 226, and 73.47m popular votes to his opponent’s 69.13m votes, former president Donald Trump took the November 5 presidential election anticlimactically, rubbing the noses of pollsters in the dirt. Polls had predicted a very close race, neck and neck they said, and, in some instances, too close to call. It turned out by and large to be a mini drubbing, accentuated by a Republican senate victory of some eight seats difference (53 Republicans to 45 Democrats). Not only was the entire race not close, it shattered nearly all the myths about the United States of America, particularly regarding the quality and depth of their democracy and the moral and philosophical foundations upon which it was constructed and had rested for more than two centuries. Questioning the direction of US democracy in recent years was a heresy; now, questioning its survivability has become a statement of fact, if not received wisdom.
Mr Trump is at the centre of the recent whisperings and concerns about the health and longevity of US democracy. Whether in his first term (2016-2020) as the 45th president or his campaign for the second term, the president-elect was easily the most scurrilous, divisive, meanspirited, and one of the nastiest American politicians to occupy the White House. There is no denying his popularity and the integrity of his victory or the votes that fetched him the presidency, but he was and remains paradoxically everything no American, including those who voted him in, would want their children to be. His victory admittedly instantly lowered the country’s political temperature, for the losers were gracious in defeat more than he was magnanimous in victory. Had he lost, many feared, and he himself and his supporters had threatened, that the US would have faced Armageddon. There was nothing redeeming about him, his personality, his considerably tenuous arguments and logic, and his completely jaded and superficial ideas. But his electoral victory remains a statistical and political reality.
Chastened pollsters and political analysts, of whom there is a multitude, have suggested a number of quaint factors for Mr Trump’s victory. These include the economy which is facing a daunting inflationary spiral, immigration nightmares, particularly at its southern borders, believed capable of diffusing and ultimately diminishing the whiteness of America, the evangelical right which took umbrage at the Democratic Party’s ‘amoral platform’, including the defeated party’s ‘offensive’ interpretation of women’s reproductive rights as well as their position on LGBQT. And then there are the superannuated and militating factors of race (Vice President Harris is all but black), and gender (she is a woman and America is arguably not ready for a woman president. If they spurned white Hillary Clinton, with all her achievements and profundity, why would they entertain Mrs Harris after having been seduced for eight ‘galling’ years by Barack Obama?
In the years ahead, assuming Mr Trump leaves the American economy in one piece, and democracy fairly unscathed by his brutishness at the end of his second term, the US system will still be tested in unexampled ways, probably far beyond its elastic limits. Everything since the emergence of the president-elect, first in 2016, has exposed American democracy – as if it needed any help – as shallow, probably lacking in depth, if not unremarkable. Centuries of slavery and racial bigotry have not done the country well while they have weakened its global credibility and undermined its moral fibre and arguments. Their technological advancement and capacity to wage war made them superheroes, but they have done little to disguise their uncouthness and religious hypocrisy. The election of Mr Obama in 2008 and perhaps the presumptive election of Mrs Harris were thought to offer redemption for American democracy and social cohesion. Unfortunately, not only did Mr Obama’s election lead to a lasting backlash against blacks and other civil rights gains, the repudiation of Mrs Harris confirms that whatever progress was made before 2016 was only knee-deep.
Mr Trump’s style and peculiarly waspish tongue are not expected to change significantly for the better in his second term. In his first advent, he rode roughshod over the polity, skewering civil rights, operating and speaking fascistically, denouncing and alienating the media, and dismantling the world order, particularly Western alliances and values that had stood his country and Europe well since World War II. On the germane global security issues needing the placatory and remonstrating interventions of the US, Mr Trump had repeatedly and consistently skied off-piste, dismaying the Western alliance, romancing and romanticising authoritarianism, and in general turning the world, not to say his cabinet, upside down. Yet, his first term came at a time of general tranquility. Should he maintain the foul tempo of his first term, a tempo that has terribly disquieted the world and petrified his enemies, there is no telling what new belligerent schemes he would dream up, against his friends and enemies alike. The world is today fevered by wars and crises of apocalyptic dimensions, a condition that needs not only a tested hand but a wise, prudent and even-tempered statesman, unfortunately, Mr Trump is alarmingly not any of these. But if his victory last week, after a galling and deflating four-year hiatus, has unexpectedly conditioned him into unaccustomed quiescence, there is a small chance he might browbeat warring global factions into some tentative peace, no matter how short-lived. Few hold out such fanciful hopes, however, especially because he does not seem cut from that cloth; but who can tell?
But there is one inalienable factor in his politics that is beyond any dispute: his racism, both borne out of his flawed and dysfunctional background and also propelled by his violent and unrelenting so-called MAGA (Make America Great Again) support base. In consonance with the demographics of those who voted for him, the racist overtones of his politics will neither change nor be attenuated by exigent political circumstances. It is, however, important not to draw very simplistic conclusions about those demographics, whether they pertain to age (more young people voted Harris than Trump), or race (more Latino men and white men and women voted Trump), or general perception of who between the two is a stronger leader who can manage crisis better and handle the economy more satisfactorily. Even though Mr Trump’s leadership perceptions during the campaigns were more elementary than his opponent’s, and his projections of his competence more based on superfluities than anything measurable, he managed overall to create the impression that he is what America and a crisis-ridden world need at the moment.
But far beyond interpreting what the voting demographics say, America and the world must brace up for a very turbulent ride by a new president who is essentially shallow, confused, and morally and ideologically unmoored. As this column consistently maintains, America will implode rather than be defeated in battle, a prospect that may convulse a shaky world already difficult to police by any superpower. The evangelicals who repose their trust in so fragile and flawed a politician to achieve the required moral transformation they pine after, and the acquiescent Michigan Muslims who incongruously expect him to bring peace to the Middle East, not to talk of the pedantic Nigerian Christian right who see him as a rampart to forestall the sexual deviancy invasion of their private nightmares are setting up themselves for a heartbreak. All three groups see him as a champion for their cause; but does he know God, and does he even care about God, especially being himself an avatar of extreme moral monstrosities?
Four years after he was defeated at the United State’s presidential election, Donald Trump has made a surprise return to the White House. Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the factors that shaped the poll and made the former president to bounce back.
Donald Trump, 78-year old wealthy businessman and Republican candidate, has returned to the White House, which he vacated four years ago when his re-election bid as United States president collapsed like a pack of cards.
He was defeated by Democratic President Joe Biden, who like Barack Obama, who handed over to him, could not handover to a fellow party stalwart.
Trump’s struggles are full of lessons. He won by the grace of rare resilience, hardwork, courage, determination, focus, and tenacity of purpose. But, he also profitted from the deep seated tradition of racism and gender bias, which to a certain degree, shaped the whites’ perception about a coloured rival, whose gender category has never been installed in the State House.
While Trump never directly unfolded any offensive gender- biased campaign, he definitely manipulated the tools of nationalism, portaying himself as a patriot who can be absolutely trusted to realistically defend the interests of Americans who felt threatened by the soaring number of immigrats who trooped into the country in geometric proportions.
His slogan: ‘America will be great again,’ was both electrifying and captivating. It inspired those traditional states nurturing nostalgic feelings about a protective greener pastures into electoral action.
His speech at the midnight when it was evident that he had won bore testimony to his appeal to national pride, values and beliefs. He said:” I want to thank the American people for the extraordinary honour of being elected your 45th president and your 47th president… I will be fighting for you with every breath in my body. I will not rest until we have delivered the strong, safe, and prosperous America that our children deserve and that you deserve.”
Trump will be inaugurated as the 47th president of the most powerful country on Monday, January 20, next year at the U.S. Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. The date, which was set in 1845, has not changed.
His triumph over Vice President Kamala Harris of the Democratic Party beat the imagination of anti-Republican elements who loathed the push for a come back because they were not impressed by his strange and unconventional styles during his first term in office. Trump’s styles have been at variance with the public statemanship attributes of his illustrious Democratic and Republican predecessors. He has been ubduely aggressive, taking on opponents in a war-like manner and coming across as a strong, unbending and strict leader.
In his first coming, Trump, a well known figure, but who was not widely rated as a politician of immense stature, succeeded President Obama, beating an experienced politician, Senator Hillary Clinton, former First Lady and ex-Secretary of State.
Trump has made history as the first US president in over 130 years to return to office after suffering a defeat. He therefore, takes after the Democrat, Grover Cleveland, 22nd and 24th president, who served between 1885 and 1889, and later, 1893 and 1897.
The American model of converting and compressing popular votes into electoral college votes has endured for centuries. It is curious to developing countries in Africa which are lagging behind in the development of home-grown democratic system backed by strong institutions. The model has also distinguished electoral democracy in United States from the brands adopted by other matured democracies. By constitution, convention and ethos that have been internalised, the states award all of their electoral college votes to whoever wins the popular vote, and this is confirmed after meetings on December 17. Thereafter, the new US Congress will meet on January 6 to count the electoral college votes and confirm the new president. Ironically, Harris, who is the titular head of Senate, and Trump’s rival, has a role to play during the confirmation.
That ceremony face a theat four years ago, but the fortified institutions of American democracy withstood and resisted the deviant onslaught when after the 2020 election, Trump refused to concede and rallied supporters to march on the US Capitol as Congress was meeting to certify Biden’s victory.
Planning
Election is not a tea party anywhere in the world. It requires meticulous planning. Vying for the highest office in US is rigorous. The first personal condition is sound health. It was an issue during the early phase of electioneering, as age tended to have deprived outgoing President Biden the vibrancy and agility required for a rigorous campaign.
Republicans were better prepared, unlike Biden’s decision to step down, which was an after thought. Biden was given the right of first refusal, a standard party policy and practice of limiting the tendency towards a divisive, if not, a destabilising shadow poll.
The decision to step down at the late hour left little room for choice. Although Obama suggested a primary for the choice of another candidate, mood of the party accommodated Biden’s inclination to be succeeded by his deputy.
Planning also requires personal conviction, wit and capacity for adaptation, as Trump had demonstrated.
Trump had described Biden as a leader who could not fly, after he missed his steps in the public. When the president dropped out, pro-Harris forces turned the heat on Trump as the next old man who should give way. But Trump shook off the label and indulged in some forms of physical culture, stretching out his bands, raising his voice and expanding his intenerary in demonstration of curious agility at his age.
He was not a reluctant candidate like former President Shehu Shagari of Nigeria, who loved being a senator than being the Commander-in-Chief. He backed up his ambition with his vision and ideas, showing a direction. He believed in himself, ability and his ‘I can do spirit’ was the propeller.
Plan implementation
Trump was also not distracted by allusions to his antecedents, scandals and setbacks, which made him a loser four years ago. Apart from his capacity for planning, he was also good in execution of plans. Thus, he planned to take power and he took it, by surprise. He looked like a political magician. “An of-maligned turnout operation produced enough young men, black men and Hispanic voters to prevail over Vice President Kamala Harris in key battleground states, including Georgia, North Carolina and Pennsylvania,” said David Jackson, a commentator.
The lesson is instructive. Some people give up easily when things do not go their own way. Courage is an asset in politics, and moreso in governance. Perseverance is also key. The resolve to succeed is an important factor. These virtues also aided President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria to overcome the hurdles of last year’s electionering.
Trump built his campaigns around the ideas dictated by the majority, allowing the crowd of supporters to take ownership of his candidacy. He aligned his vision and programmes with people’s needs. He said he had no apology for being a conservative. He successfully wiped up sentiments around the issues of border protection, immigration control, job regulations and preservations in American interest. The tactics resonated with Americans who treasured the message that the land was been recovered from foreigners
Echoing that perspective, Trump’s vice presidentialcandidate, J. D. Vance, said: “We need a leader who’s not in the pocket of big business, but answers to the working man.”
The Ohio Senator, who spoke at the Republican National Convention, added: “A leader who won’t sell out to multinational corporations, but will stand up for American companies and American industry.”
Trump succeeded in recreating the dicotomy between whites who are in the majority and blacks who have struggled to overcome the memory of past marginalization and exclusion. Taking a defiant and sentimental position on racism without voicing it out, his message worked with those seized by elemental patriotism.
Residual racism
The poll outcome raised a fundamental question for coloured people. Despite its reputation as an advantageous country at the forefront of global egalitarianism, equality, equity and justice, American is not free of racism. The white majority, particularly in rural areas where there is concern for security of jobs among unskilled or non-white collar workers, adopted the Republican candidate as a liberator and hero.
Electoral economy
There is also a relationship between victory and financial muscle. Across most countries, election is a capital intensive project. The power of money was also a core, if not an overriding, factor in some voting areas. Rich businessmen, including founders and executives of some of America’s biggest businesses, backed the Trump-Vance ticket. An example was Elon Musk who promised to donate billions to the cause.
Trump also successfully won over other wealthy figures: Nelson Peltz, Steve Wynn and Miriam Adelson. While direct vote buying was ruled out, big money was put into the mobilisation and campaigns.
According to reports, Hedge fund billionaire Bill Ackman endorsed Trump, saying: “A divided America is a weak America. Let’s help Trump succeed and bring the country together.”
Venture capitalist David Sacks took to X to praise the decision of Trump to pick Vance as his vice president. He said: “When the Twin Towers came down, J.D. Vance enlisted in the Marine Corps, gung-ho to exact justice on America’s enemies.” Sacks added: “Subsequently he came to believe the Forever Wars were a mistake. This is who I want by Trump’s side: an American patriot, with the courage to fight America’s wars but the wisdom to know when to avoid them. God bless J.D., God bless Trump, and God bless the USA.”
Sacks, along with his wife, Jacqueline Sacks, rheld a fundraiser for Trump at his Pacific Heights mansion. The event was co-hosted by Sri Lankan businessman Chamath Palihapitiya
In May, a Trump super PAC, MAGA Inc., received $50 million from businessman Timothy Mellon, following the former president’s conviction. Also, Shaun Maguire, a partner at Sequoia Capital, gave $300,000 to the Trump campaign after the ruling.
Venture capitalist Douglas Leone, former managing partner at Sequoia Capital, who criticised Trump in 2021 after rejecting the election results, decided to support him.
Blackstone chief executive Stephen Schwarzman also endorsed Trump for president as a “vote for change.”
J.P. Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon offered praise for Trump’s first-term policies while at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.“Just take a step back and be honest,” he said. “He was kind of right about NATO. He was kind of right about immigration. He grew the economy quite well. Trade, tax reform worked. He was right about some of China.”
Casino billionaire and Republican megadonor Miriam Adelson was the lead financier of a spending group backing Trump.
Uline shipping and packaging company co-founder Liz Uihlein promised support Trump after donating to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ primary campaign
An heir to the Johnson and Johnson pharmaceutical fortune and co-owner of the New York Jets, Woody Johnson, donated $1 million to a Trump super PAC, MAGA Inc. He was the U.S. ambassador to the United Kingdom during Trump’s presidency.
The Home Depot co-founder Bernie Marcus co-hosted an Atlanta fundraiser for Trump in April, according to Forbes.
Other financial backers included Continental Resources founder Harold Hamm, Energy Transfer pipeline company founder Kelcy Warren, CEO of Marvel Entertainment Isaac Perlmutter, Chairman of TD Ameritrade J. Joe Ricketts, Hedge fund billionaire John Paulson, former casino mogul Steve Wynn, Los Angeles real estate magnate Geoffrey Palmer, co-founder of World Wrestling Entertainment Linda McMahon, casino magnate Phil Ruffin, and Texas oil businessman Timothy Dunn.
Power of structure and intense mobilisation
Trump is not perceived as a man of tact or diplomacy, judging by his style of public speaking. But, he is charismatic and even foes like to listen to him, expecting jibes.
According to analysts, the job of getting new Trump voters to actually vote belonged to a turnout setup that drew questions throughout the Republican’s presidential campaign.
The Trump team outsourced much of its canvassing and door-knocking to private organizations. It also targeted what officials called “low-propensity voters” − people who don’t often get to the polls − as opposed to “swing” voters who could have gone for either major party candidate. Thus, Trump gave voting strength through a number of groups, particularly young men, black men and Hispanics.
The organisational prowess was a tribute to sound strategies designed to attract different kinds of voters. Trump also campaigned in a number of urban areas with people of colour. He found success with Hispanics despite a tumultuous last phase of the campaign that included insults to Latinos and Puerto Rico by a speaker at his rally in New York, awkward comments about female voters, and violent rhetoric toward political opponents.
In the closing days of the campaign, Trump proclaimed himself the nation’s champion and protector, even though aides told him the statements sounded patronising.
“Well, I’m going to do it, whether the women like it or not,” Trump said in a rally in Green Bay, Wisconsin. “I’m going to protect them.”
In presidential competition, these Trump voters had many motives and came from many parts of the electorate. They also turned out despite their candidate’s many other problems, including four felony criminal indictments and a conviction.
A great comunicator endowed with adequate verbal facility, Trump employed personal propaganda. He claimed that the allegations against him are politically motivated. He told a group of Hispanic voters on Oct. 22: “I hope the public is understanding it. I hope, because I found the public to be amazingly smart. They get it.”
Trump was found guilty in May in a New York hush money case. The dent was ignored by the majority voting public. Also ignored were his alleged involvement in the insurrection of Jan. 6, 2021; his two impeachments while in office; his civil judgments in bank fraud and sexual abuse cases totaling more than $500 million; his conviction and potential prison sentence in a New York hush money case; and intense opposition that included many members of his first administration, including former Vive President Mike Pence.
Jackson noted that Trump’s constant threats to prosecute political enemies − and perhaps use the military to quell demonstrations − led opponents to accuse him of authoritarianism and fascism.
Overwhelming the populace, Trump’s sagacity and magnetism propelled a positive outcome. Those things that characterised his past government, including inflation, the rising cost of living, transgender rights, tax cuts and reduced business regulations, and illegal border crossings and crimes committed by migrants were properly managed.
A political scientist, Lara Brown, author of “Jockeying for the American Presidency: The Political Opportunism of Aspirants,” said Trump fed on deep divisions within the electorate by demonizing migrants and political opponents.
He also said Trump convinced enough voters that he actually won the 2020 election, adding that he was deprived because of voter fraud.
“In addition to focusing on voters’ “economic concerns by playing up their fears around crime and immigration” and ignoring more recent good economic news, Brown said Trump “has won in the way that all authoritarians do − on fear, hatred, and division,” Jackson said
Early in the campaign, Trump played up the economy and inflation. When economic statistics improved during the fall campaign − lower inflation rates, a booming stock market − he shifted to more talk about immigration, especially crimes committed by migrants.
Trump and Africa
African leaders have congratulated Trump. President
Tinubu expressed hope that his second term would bring “reciprocal economic and development partnerships between Africa and the United States”.
During his first stint in the White House, critics accused Trump of dismissing Africa, having cut some funding, curbed immigration and reportedly referred to some of its nations as “shithole countries.” Thus, many Africans have reservations with justification.
Frowning at the statement, the African Union said it was “alarmed.” “Given the historical reality of how many Africans arrived in the United States as slaves, this statement flies in the face of all accepted behavior and practice,” spokeswoman Ebba Kalondo said. She said it was “particularly surprising as the United States of America remains a global example of how migration gave birth to a nation built on strong values of diversity and opportunity.
If African leaders have developed their countries with the human and material resources at their disposal on the continent, the perception of world leaders about the continent would not have been so demeaning.
Experts have identified six areas of cooperation. These are trade and investment, immigration,aids, security and conflict resolution, drugs control and anti-corruption fight.
The outgoing government has maintained partnerships in some key areas.
Biden’s outgoing administration “tried really hard to create an impression that Africa was a valued and important partner,” said W Gyude Moore, a fellow at the Center for Global Development and former Liberian minister.
The US has invested in the Lobito Corridor – a rail line stretching through Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia that will be used to transport critical raw materials.
In 2023, the US said it had invested more than $22bn since Biden came to power. Many fear that Trump may roll back on this investment and trade, adding that he has more of a protectionist, insular outlook than Biden – one of the slogans for his first term was “America First”.
Trump’s views on illegal immigration are clear. He promised to deport one million people who do not have legal permission to be in the United States.
African immigrats are livid. In 2022, around 13,000 African migrants were recorded at the US-Mexico border, according to US Customs and Border protection data. By 2023, the figure had quadrupled to 58,000. The migrants said they were fleeing from war, persecution and poverty.
Africa gets most of its aid from the US, put at $3.7bn this year. In his first term, Trump made proposals to slash foreign aid worldwide. The Council on Foreign Relations, think-tank bsed in Washington, said if the cuts had been implemented, “traditional US policies with respect to health, democracy promotion, and security assistance in Africa would have been eviscerated.”
“This is obviously not the outcome we had hoped for, given our profound disagreements with the Republican ticket on a whole host of issues,” Obama said in a joint statement with wife Michelle.
“But living in a democracy is about recognising that our point of view won’t always win out, and being willing to accept the peaceful transfer of power.
“The United States had been through a lot over recent years, from a historic pandemic and price hikes resulting from the pandemic, to rapid change and the feeling a lot of folks have that, no matter how hard they work, treading water is the best they can do,” the former Democratic president wrote.
“Those conditions have created headwinds for democratic incumbents around the world, and last night showed that America is not immune,” Obama said.
Donald J Trump is returning to the White House, the world’s most popular address where the destinies of nations are shaped, where the good, the bad and the ugly have been ordained, and where coups in Africa have been sanctioned.
His victory, as it did in his first coming, sealed the hope that America was about to have Madam President and First Gentleman.
He is returning because his supporters care less about conviction for felony charges. It looks like they believe the charges were trumped up to rubbish him. Churches openly adopted him, prayed for his success and prophesied victory for him on the account of him being a rock-solid Christian. He is the sort of a person you can say his ota po ju enemies lo, but still he rises. All the American constitution requires of him is to be at least 35, be natural born American, and to have lived in America in the last 14 years. Felony conviction means nothing when it comes to leading the world’s greatest nation.
Trump’s second coming, after failing to get re-elected four years ago, is going to be combative. He is going to fire from all cylinders. It’s going to be one day, one wahala. He is already settled about the many policies he would reverse on his first day in office. He has done it before and he will do it again.
For Trump, he believes he is the best thing that has happened to America. He believes he has brought so much glory to God’s own country that years after his time on earth, America and Americans should worship him the way Ogun worshippers pour palm oil in deference of this human-turned god.
In his first coming, it looked like it was Hilary Clinton’s time, and that she would cruise to victory but she had no idea she was running against a god in human flesh! She learnt the lesson the bitter way and has since remained scared to run for the most-coveted seat in the world.
On July 13, United States Vice President Kamala Harris, who Biden endorsed as his replacement, reached out to voters. Her message: With the United States Supreme Court granting Donald Trump wide-reaching immunity for his actions as president, he has been emboldened to weaponise the Department of Justice against his political enemies. Harris added that the ‘Donald Trump running for office right now is not the same one that we ran against in 2020’. This candidate Trump, she says, is more unhinged, more dangerous and has nothing to lose.
Harris argued that if Trump wins four more years in the White House, not even the courts will hold him back. “It’s what he wanted. It’s why he hand-picked three justices for the Court who helped deliver this decision,” Harris said. Hours after Harris message to voters, 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks, who lived in Bethel Park, Pennsylvania, shot at Trump, who fell to the ground, and Secret Service agents had to surround him. Trump said a bullet pierced the upper part of his right ear. The shooter was killed by the Secret Service.
In all sincerity, Trump’s four years in the White House was not all bad news. His next four years will also not be. He is credited with overhauling the U.S. judiciary, especially with the appointment of three Supreme Court justices and the fast-tracking of the appointment of more than 200 federal judges. He is also respected in some quarters for pushing through massive tax cuts for corporations, expanding the economy faster than it was under Barack Obama, and crashing unemployment to a record low— before the economic gains were washed away by the Coronavirus. He also normalised relations between Israel and four once-antagonistic Arab neighbours, and he condensed U.S. forces in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria. But like a commentator noted, all these were “dwarfed by what Trump got wrong”. Whether or not he is able to repeat the feats is a different kettle of fish.
My final take: Trump will continue the White House tradition that ensures its international politics, better known as diplomacy, is not just about saving the world, but also about making it have access to overseas economies, fossil fuels, mineral resources and the blue economy. Under him, the White House will still maintain the tradition that uses treaties and deals to ensure America has easy markets for its goods. Harris would have done the same had she made history as America’s first female president.
Middle East leaders have congratulated Donald Trump on winning the U.S. presidential election and expressed hope for greater efforts toward peace and stability in the region.
Trump, who previously held the U.S. presidency from 2017 to 2021, won the 2024 U.S. presidential race on Wednesday, defeating Democratic candidate and current Vice President Kamala Harris.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu congratulated Trump on “history’s greatest comeback” in a statement posted on social media platform X.
He hailed Trump’s return as a “new beginning for America” and emphasised a renewed commitment to the U.S.-Israel alliance, calling it a “huge victory” for both countries.
“I look forward to working together to establish peace, maintain regional peace and stability,” Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi wrote on X.
“And also strengthen the strategic partnership between Egypt and the United States and their friendly peoples.”
Al-Sisi also expressed hope for continued cooperation during the critical circumstances the world is currently facing.
In a statement, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed hope for strengthened relations with the United States under Trump’s leadership and underscored the importance of mutual efforts to address pressing global issues.
Erdogan specifically highlighted the ongoing crises in Palestine and the Russia-Ukraine conflict as areas where collaboration between the two countries could make a meaningful impact.
United Arab Emirates (UAE) President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan said the UAE was looking forward to “continuing to work with our partners in the United States towards a future of opportunity, prosperity, and stability for all.”
In their congratulatory messages to Trump, Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud wished him success in his endeavors.
He praised the strong historical ties between the two countries and emphasised a shared desire to further strengthen these bonds.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said in a congratulatory message that he looks forward to working with Trump for peace and security in the region.
“We will remain steadfast in our commitment to peace, and we are confident that the United States will support, under your leadership, the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people,” Abbas said.
Meanwhile, Hamas said in a press statement that its position on the new U.S. administration would depend on the administration’s positions and practical behavior towards the Palestinian people, their legitimate rights, and their just cause.
“We demand an end to the blind bias toward the occupation and serious and real work to stop the war of extermination and aggression against our Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank.
“And to stop the aggression against the brotherly Lebanese people,” read the statement.
Earlier on Wednesday, the Iranian government’s spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani said that the country is “not worried” about Trump’s victory, as Iran “has done our planning in advance.” (Xinhua/NAN)
