Tag: U.S. elections

  • U.S. Elections: Why 45th President would return as 47th

    U.S. Elections: Why 45th President would return as 47th

    By Magnus Onyibe

    As prominent figures like Elon Musk, who is on the path to becoming the world’s first trillionaire, advocate for former President Donald Trump, and musical icons like Beyoncé, Taylor Swift, Eminem, and Bruce Springsteen lend their support to Vice President Kamala Harris, the upcoming November 5 presidential election is being tightly contested, with the race said to be in a dead heat as both candidates are tied in opinion polls conducted by CNN.

    So, by and large, who becomes the next occupant of the White House, from January 20, 2025, is being defined by those in the commanding heights of hardcore business and show business as detailed above.

    That is why the American presidential race remains a source of fascination, a maze, and even an enigma to those of us looking in from the outside due to its constant drama featuring unique political twists and turns arising from gaffes and other idiosyncracies the contestants or their allies. For example, as the anniversary of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel approached, threats were made against synagogues in New York City. Earlier this year, there were bomb threats aimed at schools in Springfield, Ohio, following warnings from Trump about Haitian immigrants allegedly harming pets in the area. Just as a misspeak about other sensitive issues by leaders from both sides of the campaigns be it Trump’s or Harris’s supporters results in the rise and fall of the needle in their popularity barometer.

    Notably, there have been two assassination attempts on the Republican candidate, Donald Trump. The first occurred in Butler, Pennsylvania, where he was shot at and narrowly escaped, with a bullet grazing his earlobe. The second was thwarted when a Secret Service agent intercepted an individual hiding in the bushes near Trump’s Palm Beach golf course during a game.

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    Also in a manner astonishing to most observers, mid-way through the race, the incumbent president Joe Biden withdrew from pursuing his mandatory second-term opportunity and yielded the ticket to Vice President Harris who did not contest for the ticket through party primaries as is customary.

    That is not all the intrigues.

    While the Democratic National Committee (DNC) linked the school bomb threats in schools in the state of Ohio to Trump’s statements about Haitian immigrants, they have failed to admit how their portrayal of Trump as a threat to democracy might have contributed to the assassination attempts on his life. This reveals the double standards often present in politics, both in established democracies like the U.S. and in developing ones in the African continent like Nigeria, South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Egypt where pre and post-election violence often define civic exercise. In comparison, the unwholesome political situation unfolding around the world appears even more dire in Venezuela and Haiti, countries near the U.S. that are acclaimed as the global beacon of democracy; but where democratic values and institutions seem to have been greatly eroded in the course of the campaigns for the 2024 presidential elections.

    In Haiti for instance, a weakened presidency has given way to militia-led governance characterized by brutality. Meanwhile, in Venezuela, the sitting president claimed victory in a contested election without disclosing the results. When contrasted with the political challenges in the U.S., these examples illustrate the broader decline in democratic standards, even in a country as influential as the U.S.which prides itself as the bastion of democracy.

    It’s worth considering that the current threats to democracy might not be solely linked to the DNC’s narrative that Trump’s refusal to accept the 2020 election results, which led to the Capitol Hill incident during the certification process, poses a danger. Instead, the real danger to democracy could be seen in the ruling party’s actions aimed at excluding Trump and Robert Kennedy Jr. (who left the DNC to run as an independent) from the ballot in the 2024 election—a strategy some describe as a “kitchen sink” approach.

    It’s notable that, despite numerous legal challenges and even surviving an assassination attempt, Mr. Trump and the Republican National Committee (RNC) are neck-and-neck with the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and its candidate, Vice President Kamala Harris, as reflected in the latest CNN polls, which tend to be biased in favor of the DNC and Harris. This situation contrasts with the stance of the Washington Post and Los Angeles Times, both of which, for the first time in a long time, have chosen not to endorse any candidate, citing a desire to maintain independence and allow readers to make their own choices. In the case of Washington, it is a decision that has had a backlash as critics attribute the none endorsement of either of the candidates to the owner, Jeff Bezos inclination not to take a gamble that would have negative consequences on him and his business empire including the e-commerce giant Amazon.

    Amazingly, such prependal politics that was thought in the past to be only in the precinct of third-world politics are manifesting in the U.S. thought to be the world’s bastion of democracy.

    Notably, this is the first time since 1986 that the Washington Post has refrained from endorsing a candidate, the last instance being when it withheld support for then-presidential candidate Jimmy Carter. The publication’s explanation that its decision was aimed at preserving readers’ autonomy in choosing their candidate, has not vitiated the angst from its critics.

    It’s striking that while President Biden and Vice President Harris emphasize the narrative that Trump is a threat to democracy—a rhetoric some believe is fueling violence and attempts on Trump’s life—Trump is simultaneously being blamed for his anti-abortion stance. He is alleged to have influenced the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, a landmark ruling that had made abortion legal nationwide, and Trump has made the case that the abortion decision should be determined by individual states, not a national policy.

    Somehow, the issue of reproductive rights has gained traction for Harris’s campaign, as many American women believe that the government should not decide the right to have an abortion. However, if it is okay for the government to prosecute those who assist others in attempting suicide—typically under Section 2 of the Suicide Act 1961, requiring prosecution approval by the Director of Public Prosecutions—why shouldn’t the government have an interest in cases involving pregnant individuals ending the lives of unborn children through abortion?

    Moreover, it’s intriguing that while the government heavily regulates euthanasia, with involuntary euthanasia being illegal across all  50 U.S. states, the protection of unborn life seems less prioritized. Therefore, it seems inconsistent to me, as it doesn’t appear logically sound. Nonetheless, this point of making abortion at a point in time illegal is one that the DNC candidate has emphasized by making it a selling point and leveraging it as a political advantage, given its popularity among Democrats and women across the political divide generally.

    However, the matter of reproductive rights is complex and complicated by the presence of a large Catholic population in the U.S., whose doctrine opposes abortion, alongside a significant evangelical base.

    Remarkably, both groups generally are not supportive of the LGBTQ policies that Kamala Harris and the DNC promote. Thus, it is not surprising that Vice President Harris, the second female candidate after Senator Hillary Clinton to run for president with a major party, faces significant challenges in her bid to return to the White House as the country’s number one citizen.

    In addition to the aforementioned headwinds against Harris’s presidential bid, what baffles me the most is that despite the intense pressure Mr. Trump has faced from the ruling party—including being impeached by the House of Representatives (though not convicted by the Senate) and the numerous legal battles he has been slammed with since announcing his candidacy last year—he remains the candidate to beat.

    In discussions with friends around the world, who are engaged in various fields, the general expectation was that former President Trump would be imprisoned and thus ineligible for the ballot, let alone be a viable contender in an election now just days away. Yet, defying the odds, Trump, known for his resilience, has emerged as a front-runner, even though media outlets and pollsters favoring Vice President Harris often present the race as being on Knive’s edge or even suggest that Harris leads in the opinion polls. It feels reminiscent of 2016 when, as Trump’s victory over Hillary Clinton became increasingly likely, the DNC rallied high-profile figures like former President Barack Obama and Michelle Obama to campaign on Clinton’s behalf. Despite their efforts, Senator Clinton ultimately lost the election to Trump.

    Currently, once again, influential figures like the Obamas, and Clintons, and popular artists such as Beyoncé, Taylor Swift, Bruce Springsteen, and Eminem amongst others are actively campaigning for Kamala Harris. In contrast, Trump’s growing support comes without the backing of former presidents of the republican stock such as former president George Bush Jnr and ex-vice presidents Dick Cheney and Mike Pence, or major music stars who have not open displayed support openly for Trump, yet has remained the candidate to beat.

    However, his popularity is bolstered by tech billionaire Elon Musk, who has stirred attention by offering through his Super Pac  $1 million to registered voters in seven swing states willing to sign a letter protesting government restrictions on free speech.

    It is worthy to underscore the fact that Trump’s campaign focuses on both domestic and international issues. He emphasizes “kitchen table” concerns like the rising cost of living, asserting that Americans had better economic conditions during his first term (2016-2020) than they are currently under the watch of President Biden and Vice President Harris.

    On foreign policy, Trump highlights that, under his administration, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin did not engage in warfare with Ukraine—a conflict that began during the Obama administration with the 2014 annexation of Crimea and resumed under Joe Biden’s presidency, pitching NATO against Russia with a potential to degenerate to a global conflict as ally nations to Russia like North Korea are taking side with Russia as evidenced by North Korean countries being trained in Russia. Furthermore, commentators suggest that President Putin tends to act when he perceives the U.S. leadership as weak.

    A similar narrative surrounds the absence of conflict between Israel and Hamas during Trump’s presidency. The peace in the Middle East during Trump’s tenure is credited to his role in the Abraham Accords agreement that had helped foster peace in the Middle East and was underpinned by the origin of the three main religions in the region – Judaism, Islam, and Christianity traced to Abraham. These agreements eased tensions between Arabs and Jews, even leading to unprecedented cooperation between Israeli and Arab airlines. However, about a year ago, on October 7, under the watch of Biden and Harris, Hamas launched a deadly attack on Israel, leading to a large-scale Israeli counteroffensive in Gaza, resulting in over 40,000 Palestinian casualties and widespread destruction of infrastructure in Gaza.

    Consequently, the U.S. and the rest of the world have been struggling to prevent further degeneration of the raging conflict in the Middle East region.

    Despite these advantages for the 45th president, Donald J. Trump’s potential comeback as the 47th president, Democratic strategist James Carville remains confident and in a recent New York Times piece, he expressed belief that Kamala Harris would emerge victorious in the November 5 election.

    Similarly, CNN has been showing bias towards the DNC and Kamala Harris, particularly through programs like Fareed Zakaria’s GPS. In an episode on October 20, Zakaria appealed to Black voters to support Harris by emphasizing the high educational attainment of Nigerian Americans, an attempt to attract African American support, especially the men which Harris has struggled to secure. Recent polls show Harris has 10% less support among Black men than Joe Biden had at the same point in his campaign four years ago.

    This has prompted frustration from former President Barack and ex-First Lady Michelle Obama, who question why Black voters are not rallying behind Kamala Harris but instead gravitate towards Trump. Fareed Zakaria in his program highlighted the fact that Nigerians in the diaspora are known for their high levels of education, both in the U.S. and Europe, with many holding prominent roles, such as Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo in the U.S. and Kemi Badenoch in the UK who is vying for the leadership of the Tory.

    The truth is that historically, many Nigerians intentionally traveled abroad to seek  education rather than migrating for economic reasons—a shift seen today with the “Japa” phenomenon, where many leave Nigeria seeking better opportunities amid economic hardship at home

    This is the reason Nigerians in the diaspora are highly educated.

    Now, it is worth noting that no country wants to admit individuals who are immigrants without useful skills who might become a societal burden, which is why Trump has campaigned against admitting unskilled immigrants. However, he supports immigration for skilled workers, consistent with America’s identity as a nation built by immigrants. Mr. Trump himself traces his roots to Scotland, President Biden to Ireland, and Vice President Kamala Harris could reference her Jamaican heritage. Yet, based on records she has often emphasized her Indian heritage over her Jamaican background, which some Black voters see as distancing herself from a Black identity and contributing to their disconnect with her campaign.

    So, it remains uncertain whether the combined efforts of influential figures like the Obamas, Beyoncé, Oprah Winfrey, and other Black celebrities campaigning for Kamala Harris will sway what strong support for Trump among Black voters. Regarding the growing anti-immigration sentiment worldwide, as observed in countries like the UK, France, and Germany, it’s important to recall Nigeria’s expulsion of Ghanaians in the mid-1980s under General Muhammadu Buhari. During that time, both unskilled and skilled Ghanaian workers, such as teachers and doctors, were sent back to Ghana, leading to the emergence of the term “Ghana-Must-Go” bag.

    More recently, South Africa has shown xenophobic tendencies by expelling other Africans, including Nigerians, accusing them of taking jobs from them and committing crimes. Ghanaians have also restricted Nigerian businesses in their clime, and the UAE, especially Dubai, has expelled many Africans, including Nigerians, for similar reasons. This aligns with and justifies Trump’s stance on preventing illegal immigrants from entering the U.S. and highlighting the reality that the issue of blocking illegal immigration has become a global phenomenon.

    In light of the above, efforts to attract African and Nigerian-American voters to support the DNC and Kamala Harris by criticizing Trump’s anti-illegal immigration stance, as Fareed Zakaria attempted on his show, might not significantly benefit Harris. Although current polls conducted by CNN indicate that she and Trump are tied at 47%, despite the monumental obstacles placed on the path to the White House for Trump. After all, is said and done, some potential voters do not display their political leaning publicly as they often want to be seen as politically correct and keep their political inclinations to themselves. It is such voters that may swing the election in favor of Trump.

    Kamala Harris’s difficulty in securing Black votes is not without cause. Conversations with Black American men reveal lingering resentment over her time as California’s Attorney General, where she was seen as disproportionately harsh toward Black people. Many believe this harshness may stem from unresolved personal issues with her Jamaican father, who left her Indian mother to raise her and her sister alone.

    As a result, some Black Americans remember her as being unsympathetic before her rise in national politics as a senator and now as the DNC’s presidential candidate. Additionally, many Black men are drawn to Trump’s blunt and direct manner, feeling that he would be a more authentic leader than Harris, whom they view as shifting her stance based on political convenience.

    Without a doubt, the  U.S. presidential election holds global significance due to the country’s status as the world’s most powerful nation and largest economy. But it is also to its outcome degenerate into violence as was the case on January 6, 2020.

    I find former President Donald Trump, the RNC’s 2024 candidate, appealing due to his straightforwardness—something not often seen in politicians. Like many Americans, I am less familiar with Vice President Kamala Harris, making it difficult to endorse her. This lack of familiarity is also why many Black men view voting for her as a leap into uncertainty.

    As a scholar in the international relations space, I have closely followed global politics and the U.S. elections. My observations suggest that Trump is not a conventional politician, having only entered the political arena about a decade ago. During his presidency from 2016 to 2020, he approached governance as an outsider, challenging the traditional “business as usual” mindset that has characterized U.S. politics since its founding in 1776. This divergence from the norm has led to pushback from traditionalists who see him as a threat to democracy due to his unconventional style.

    A similar resistance faced the 40th U.S. President, Ronald Reagan, though he had prior political experience as a two-term Governor of California before becoming president in 1981 and serving until 1989. Likewise, many U.S. allies, particularly NATO members, appear to favor a Harris victory, preferring the more traditional diplomatic approach seen during Joe Biden’s administration than Trump that would make them take more responsibility for the protection of Europe against aggressors such as Russia, etc.

    It may be recalled that during  Trump’s presidency from 2016 to 2020, he pushed NATO members to fulfill their financial commitments, easing a burden that had largely been carried by the U.S. The former NATO Secretary-General, Jens Stoltenberg, acknowledged that the alliance’s funding improved due to Trump’s pressure. Understandably, some NATO members and global leaders might feel uneasy about the possibility of Trump returning to the White House in January 2025.

    Expectedly, the world is paying close attention to the election, as whoever becomes the U.S. president will hold considerable global influence, almost serving as a de facto leader of the world. That is why the issue of misinformation and disinformation threatening the integrity of the exercise become so concerning that U.S. authorities recently announced a $10,000 reward for tips on individuals spreading false information that could impact the November 5 presidential election.

    Having obtained our presidential system of government franchise from the U.S., there are a couple of lessons that as a country we can learn from the 2024 presidential election campaign in the U.S.

    The world’s richest man openly campaigned for and massively funded Trump’s campaign as other billionaires equally did Harris’s campaign without fear.

    That is because between the two candidates, whoever triumphs at the polls, none of those who funded the candidates will face reprisal actions or be victimized. After all, they are protected by strong laws and institutions against strong men.

    In Nigeria, can Aliko Dangote, Mike Adenuga, or Allen Onyema fund the campaign of a presidential candidate openly and his business continue to thrive if his candidate loses?

    Dear readers your guess is as good as mine, but l look forward to that day.

    Circling back to the ongoing keenly contested and highly consequential U.S. election, ultimately, as the mail-in voting has commenced, it will be up to American voters to choose their next president on November 5, despite the challenges posed by misinformation. It is hoped that the efforts that have been made to guarantee the sanctity of the electioneering system will help ensure a fair and secure voting process.

    Be that as it may, it is rather dismaying that the impending 2024 presidential election does not inspire much confidence as it is currently looking like a typical electioneering process hitherto endemic to Africa because the ballot drop boxes in some states are already stuffed with votes due to early voting are being set on fire by nefarious ambassadors, reminiscent of how ballot snatching, burning and stuffing during elections in Africa define an otherwise civic exercise.

    During the last presidential election circle in the U.S.,(2020), massive violence trailed the allegation of fraud by former President Donald Trump who was then the incumbent president against the declared winner, Joe Biden.

    Before then, in 2016, Senator Hillary Clinton had protested her loss to Mr.Trump by alleging election fraud.

    But her protest did not trigger the sort of violence that ensued in January 2020 that set off a firestorm of sort in the Capitol Hill, the seat of power for the legislators/ Congress in the US leading to the death of a protester, injuring of policemen, and resulting in the death of a few after the incident and extensive damage to the Capitol Hill infrastructure. The presidential contest between George Bush Jnr and former vice president Al Gore in 2000 was also contested in court at the Supreme Court level owing to alleged fraud in ballot counting in Florida where Jeb Bush, brother to George Bush Jnr was governor. So, elections in the U.S. have become progressively fractious and violent in a manner that mimics the situation in nascent democracies in Africa.

    As the conventional wisdom goes, the morning foretells the night, so it is ominous, and people are apprehensive if the November 5 polls might end up in a fiasco as was the case in 2020 or have a happy ending with the 45th president returning to the White House as the 47th president.

    Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria. 

    To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.

  • U.S Elections: How Africa can manage its outcome

    U.S Elections: How Africa can manage its outcome

    • By: Charles Onunaiju

    Whatever the outcome of the US presidential election slated for November 5, it will present to Africa with both a challenge and opportunity. Already Donald Trump, former U.S president is the formal nominee of his Republican Party and Kamala Harris, current vice president has inherited the outcome of the Democratic Party nomination of former candidate, Joe Biden and is now presidential candidate of the party. Vice President Harris is on the momentous threshold of history, if she manages to pull off a victory that will see her become the first female U.S President in the over 200 years of the country’s history.

    However, each candidate, like the previous leaders of the country, since Barak Obama, would offer very little in terms of critical tangibles in relations with Africa. That does not mean that Africa would be struck off the maps in the Oval Presidential Office, State Department (Foreign Affairs Ministry), or even the Pentagon (the Defence Ministry). It is just in the nature U.S statecraft that when there is a clash between the choice of values and interest, the rational pick is the later.

    Many countries in Africa, including Nigeria emphasize shared values of liberal democracy with the United States. While this is true, it does not in reality shape the U.S policy. Like every other nation, foreign policy is organized to generate returns of critical aggregates that translate to strength, influence and national power.

    Currently, the United States have quite a number of domestic challenges that would influence the direction of her foreign policy. Despite what appears like a gulf of differences between the candidates of the two major parties, their approach to foreign policy would be the same. The U.S post-industrial economy has failed to deliver broad dividends, thereby massively excluding a huge swath of citizens. The Republican candidate Donald Trump laments the country’s massive deindustrialization, which he said currently stand at 64%. His solution is to massively increase import tariffs in what he thinks would lure industries back to the United States. The flip side of this strategy however, is that imported finished products will be expensive for the working families, he claimed to fight for and due to labour costs and other related factors of production, product manufacturing in the United States will not be reasonably cost effective as to be competitive.  However, these basic economic facts will not deter a President Trump from launching a wide ranging trade war especially with China and even Europe, whose consequences, Africa must proactively anticipate and build the necessary resilience with a view to optimize the opportunities and minimize the risks associated with it.

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    The fledgling Africa Growth Opportunity Act, AGOA, established since 2000, but has languished because of extensive political meddling by the U.S successive administrations will further drown into irrelevance as the incoming administration, whether Republican or Democratic, will erect further high walls of tariff. Meanwhile, Africa’s economic prospects of growth and sustainable development lay substantially in trade and investments and only a paltry of this essential economic oxygen can come from the United States and the global West.

    The Democratic Party’s candidate may not have starkly outlined trade policy as her Republican rival has done, but would do much of the same, with the difference being only regards to the intensity of the rhetoric.

    With ballooning crime, gun violence and rising racial tensions in the U.S, candidate Trump sees the only solution in building high-fence border walls to deter what he called “invasion” of criminals, rapists whom he claimed are deliberately unleashed on the U.S from prisons and mental homes from across the world. He has promised to start from his “Day One” in office to deport undocumented immigrants. Despite that the United States has historically benefitted from being a melting pot, with relative open borders that attracted talents, from across the world, demonizing migrants as the cause of all U.S contemporary domestic troubles, is the new rallying point for U.S political elites across party lines. Vice President Kamala Harris has been uptick in the anti-migrant rhetoric too.

    Largely, a problem of poorly managed economic transition, that left a huge swath of the population at the bottom, the U.S economic and social troubles, for which its elites disproportionately blame on migration, with its consequent policy choices, have ramification for the expectations of U.S-Africa relations. More importantly, the critical inputs to address the structural lacunas in the U.S economy will objectively have little coming from Africa and therefore, the task and challenge of U.S economic recovery will not be considerably consequential to her relations with Africa.

    To this effect, the leadership that would emerge from the November elections will focus largely on dealing with broad range of domestic issues and the consequent foreign policy direction would be essentially transactional. However, no matter the weight and the attention to domestic issues which the administration might be devoted to, the U.S is still the world sole superpower, the wealthiest and even the most influential and therefore, relations with Washington is considerably consequential for any country or region.

    The challenge for Africa is therefore, how to maintain strategic visibility. In recent times, U.S attention to Africa has been largely on geo-political considerations with an only strategic and limited aim of cutting down or reducing what Washington considers the outsize influence and impact of China and to a lesser degree, Russia in Africa. This also offers some opportunity for Africa to leverage her strategic competitiveness as a geo-political entity of interest to major powers.

    But the opportunity for a more inward-looking America for Africa is even more enormous. Africa can pivot to vital global centres most likely to bring the tangible inputs necessary to support durable resilience in African economies for sustainable and inclusive growth.

    An inward-looking America, more pragmatically concerned with economic recovery and other essentially domestic issues, would not only be less sensitive to such pivot, but would not automatically consider such pivot as ideological heresy. Africa can leverage a less meddlesome America to consolidate on the diversification of her international partnerships.

    The U.S Presidential election in November is the country’s internal affair, with doubtless international significance not least because Washington is vital in resolving most of the big global issues. Whether is President Donald J. Trump or President Kamala Harris, what happens in Washington will continue to matter to the world, and Africa’s enormous soft power which consist in the main, the African-American community will remain an important bridge of the U.S-Africa relations. Despite several multi-layered ties with the United States, Africa must recognize that the sole superpower will have only marginal impact in the area of economic cooperation with practical results for the region.

    America’s traditional security concerns in Africa has always focused on the symptoms rather that the root causes and has consequently had little effects on the security challenges in the continent and it will be important that Africa makes the U.S to listen to her, if Washington truly want to be a credible security partner.

    One thing very discernible about America’s international behaviour is that durability of her partnership is contingent on her shifting internal politics and cannot be relied on in the long term. Africa’s long march to economic goal of sustained and inclusive growth, and stability require long-term players who can be trusted through the twists and turns of the evolving international landscape. And in this regards, Africa can borrow a leaf from the sturdy Vietnam’s “Bamboo Diplomacy” which emphasizes flexibility and pragmatism but with independence and national interests as the solid root. Bamboo is a symbol of longevity because of its durability, strength, flexibility and resilience. Africa’s bamboo tree is even sturdier with capability to bend in several directions while deeply rooted in the soil.

    • Onunaijiu is research director of an Abuja-based think tank.
  • Third-party candidates’ role in U.S. elections, by Tammy Greer

    Third-party candidates’ role in U.S. elections, by Tammy Greer

    Dr. Tammy Greer is the author of “Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections” and the co-author of “Georgia’s Journey Down the Purple Brick Road: A Review of the 2018 Georgia Mid-Term Election Results.”  She was the 2023 Chair of the DeKalb County Board of Ethics, and she is the director of the Bachelor’s in Interdisciplinary Studies Social Entrepreneurship Program in the Public Management and Policy Program of Andrew Young School of Public Studies at Georgia State University.  Speaking at the Foreign Press Center briefing, she explains the role of lesser known political parties and candidates in American politics. United States Bureau Chief OLUKOREDE YISHAU was there. Excerpts:

    American political parties

    Unlike other democracies, the United States has two dominant political parties: Republicans and Democrats.  These parties have gone through an evolution over the course of the United States’s history.  The major political parties have always existed.  The names, the ideologies have shifted, yet overall the major political parties – the Republicans and Democrats – have been the dominant political parties since the creation of the United States.  

    As for third parties, in the United States mostly third parties have had a selective view of an issue or of a position that perhaps the major political parties are not necessarily keenly focused on. Yet that’s the opportunity for the third parties to be able to shine, to focus on particular issues within the U.S. political system.  So their platform – the third-party’s platform – seems in its origination to be singularly focused on a particular issue.  

    So for example, when the Green Party first came into being as a third party, it’s platform was mostly focused on the environment.  So many of the issues that Green Party candidates focused on, when it came to the federal level in particular, was specifically and keenly focused on environmental challenges within the United States and around the world.  Their platform has, of course, evolved, at the same time still centered around environmental issues.  

    Originally, when third parties were created and they were focused on this one particular area, their platform seems to have no consideration of the nuance, the complexity, and how – as some of those issues intertwined with other challenges within the United States and around the world.  So for many individuals who are focused on the dominant parties within the United States, to look at third parties was to look at an organization that was very narrow in its focus and didn’t really appreciate how all of the issues within the United States and around the world actually work together.  So third parties really didn’t have a place – a serious place – when it comes to U.S. politics.  

    To be clear though, third parties play a critical role in governing and the election process.  Third parties are able to make – bring to the forefront to the political – of the political consciousness some of the matters that may not be politically palatable for the dominant parties.  Third parties in this case are able to have a platform – whether it be on social media, interviewed on mainstream media, TV, radio, or print – and they are able to discuss some of those critical issues that may not be politically expedient for the dominant parties.  

    An example

    So for example, one example that was – is very recent is the discussion around universal basic income.  While running to be the presidential – the Democratic presidential nominee in 2019, Andrew Yang consistently discussed universal basic income.  Those in the Democratic Party usually – and mostly in private – like the idea of universal basic income.  However, their – most of the Democrats who are in elected positions are moderate, and it was not – they were not able to say or to agree to universal basic income because of the fear of being labeled as socialist by Republicans or conservatives, which could lose them elected seats.  

    So after months and months and months of being on the campaign trail discussing universal basic income, getting the public to listen to this option, as well as even going to conservative and Republican areas and media to discuss universal basic income, those particular areas that may have looked at UBI as a socialist function actually began to listen and appreciate UBI, because those particular areas were facing economic distress. 

    So after months and months and months of discussing UBI, then it became part of the lexicon and a consideration for others to consider universal basic income, up to and including some Republicans even discussing considering legislation about UBI on the federal level.  So the thirdparty notion had a really interesting space in shifting some of the more conservative view of what we think of some of these issues.  

    The challenge though with third parties is that, from an electoral standpoint, these parties and candidates do not have a local electoral presence.  These groups are not vocal and local on the state, the local, or the county levels to create an electoral imprint.  If these groups were more local than vocal, then the abnormality of voting for a third party could subside in the electorate’s eyes.  

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    One of the questions that we often hear, particularly around the presidential election time, is could third parties gain momentum in the United States.  The answer is yes; there’s a caveat though.  Third parties could gain more momentum on the – for the electorate if the third parties position themselves on the local level, have messaging that incorporates all of the angst, the challenges, the economic, the political, the social challenges that are in the United States and around the world, if third parties had a wider viewpoint of politics beyond their singular issue, if third parties were to connect their major concern, their major platform with other challenges that may be on the periphery of their platform, or even to consider the interdependencies of all of those policies that come together that then impact their particular platform.  You could see a groundswell, if you will, of third parties rising in the electorate in the United States.  

    The challenge

    However, the narrowness of what third parties are in the United States creates a challenge, as well as if we also appreciate that the two dominate parties in the United States have begun to open – as they like to say – the big tent in their political parties to include some of those individuals who perhaps have a keen focus on some of those platforms for third parties, and then the dominate parties connect the dominant platform – the Republican platform of the Democratic platform – with those particular areas.  This is why you would see, particularly in a presidential year, the political parties’ platforms get longer and longer and longer, because they understand and appreciate the third-party’s responsibility in the electoral process and how, perhaps, having a third-party candidate being out there to create a groundswell about an issue opens the door for the dominant parties to then take ownership of those particular issues.  

    Yet both of those parties, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, are conservative in their viewpoint, because there’s an understanding that the United States electorate in and of itself really is adverse to major change, so they need someone on the outside of the dominant parties to continuously discuss the issue, so that then the citizens can then take hold of the issue and demand that the major parties take on these particular issues as part of their platform. 

     Benefits of third-parties members

    The benefit of third-party members, again, is to push the issue into the mainstream lexicon.  So let’s take the Green Party and let’s take environment.  Even though when the Green Party was first created, it – they appeared to be on the fringes when they were discussing environmental challenges, the impact of environment, environmental justice.  There’s a whole notion that the Green Party was going through in its origination that seemed to be way out there on the left.  As time has progressed, Green Party – the Green Party platform as well as individuals within the Green Party have begun to shift the dialogue about environmental challenges, such that there is a discussion about climate change in both political parties, as well as in the different ideologies associated with the political parties.

    So there is room for them in terms of bringing issues to the forefront.  The limitations that third parties have is that they are – can be so focused and their position can be outside of the mainstream of what some folks can imagine, and that sometimes the policy solutions, if they do have policy solutions, are not grounded in a full appreciation of the structure, function, and financial connectedness of the U.S. political system.  

    Strategies do third parties use to gain visibility and support

    Third parties go to young people in particular who may have a not-so-positive view of the two dominant parties in the United States.  Third parties also use social media as well as going to certain communities – regardless of age – that fear that they have not been heard by the dominant parties.  So you’ll see infiltration in particularly underserved, underrepresented communities inside the United States.  You’ll see when it comes to the U.S. territories who do have a say-so for the primary process in the United States.  You’ll see third parties thrive in U.S. territories because that becomes a voice for them – the territories – to note those particular policies or items that have not been addressed because those territories are not states.

    So you see those communities that are negatively impact and feel unseen are the ones that usually grab the ear or the support from third parties.

    Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.

    So third parties, especially in the presidential election, tend to focus on those soft states.  And I use the term “soft states” to describe those states that may not have a large majority for one political party or another, right.  So we see in – what we hear in the media, battleground states is where you’ll see third parties usually, like, stake their ground.  

    In terms of Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., what I see with RFK is that he could, depending on where he is, take votes from both political parties.  There is one particular component – again, especially when we look at underserved and underrepresented communities, and communities that do not have a positive history with the United States, some of the language that is used in terms of understanding one’s pain, one’s history, a distrust of the U.S. Government – these particular talking points resonate with individuals in some of those communities that slowly take away votes from both dominant candidates.  

    And so even if you have a Georgia, for example, where the vote count was 11,780, right – when you have such a small margin, any chipping away of the electorate matters.  And so then those states truly do become a battleground and a toss-up state because you have less votes that go to the major parties.

    What this does, though, for the electorate is there tends to be folks who vote for third parties in this particular race, the presidential race, where it’s mostly a protest vote.  And it’s a protest vote because you have the dominant parties – someone in the dominant party is going to win, right, when we consider the rest of the states in United States and their voting, particularly – and considering Washington, D.C., as the only territory that has Electoral College votes in the presidential election.  

    So the protest vote tends to throw off the seriousness, if I could use that word, of – that there’s going to be one or two of the dominant parties to win.  And if there is a protest vote or a platform to say this really matters, there’s a different, more constructive way of using that, particularly because, again, the third parties are not local and vocal.  And because they’re not local and vocal, they are dominant in the electoral process only during a presidential year.  And the seriousness of becoming a viable political party that is competitive in the United States means that local matters, and unless and until those third parties come to the local level, I’m not sure how competitive and serious the entire electorate could take third parties.

    The key issues of RFK’s platform

    MS GREER:  So he talks about – this is very interesting because there is discussion about – from a medical standpoint some of the challenges that we have, like with COVID, with vaccines in particular.  There is conversation about economic issues within the United States.  There is also a conversation about foreign policy.  So he’s touching on elements in the – that the electorate can appreciate.  At the same time, when it comes to putting those issues together, when it comes to getting individuals in the center, then his candidacy does not connect those people in the center which makes up the majority of the electorate in the United States.

    The third theory

    Ross Perot.  Ross Perot was very close to winning and made it very – well, he made it very competitive, such that neither dominant candidate, George H.W. Bush or Bill Clinton, received a majority of the total number of votes in the country, yet Bill Clinton won the Electoral College.  So Ross Perot did extremely well with infiltrating the U.S. electorate, and he did that by, number one, he bought time on PBS, on public television and public radio, to put forth his message, and most of it was an economic plan.  He went to other places to discuss economics in a way that made sense for the electorate and then connected economics to some of the issues that – some of the peripheral issues that individual communities were having.

    So – and, of course, he was made fun of for his candidacy, yet he maintained and continued, and even through he was not part of the two-party system, his candidacy made sense to the moderates within the electorate.  So this is why he was able to do more than other third parties have been able to do, and then you saw that even George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton started shifting some of their language and – to complement what Ross Perot was saying, because they understood his message was making sense and perhaps they should adopt some of his language and perhaps some of his policies in their particular platform to get some of those votes back that were leaving and going to Ross Perot.

    Third parties helping to voice the worries and views of immigrants in the United States

    When we consider the United States, we consider that there is a great swell of immigrants in the United States and/or people who have become naturalized.  And these particular communities, particularly the ones that are recent naturalized citizens, have an enormous amount of power, particularly on the state and local level, to shift policies.  However, I see candidates not taking these communities seriously and leaving an enormous amount of votes on the table.  If third parties, for example, were to be local and vocal, they would be able to go in some of these communities, especially depending on where they’re located, and to begin to create collective action among those communities, and then have centralized voices and have those individuals to move not just from a conversation standpoint or a protesting standpoint, from an electorate standpoint.  

    So even if some immigrants aren’t able to vote, even if the immigrants are not able to vote, there are naturalized citizens who connect with those communities who can vote.  And if those two spaces work together, they can move policy on the state and local level, which then will influence policy on the federal level.

    RFK’s campaign

    They always say that.  (Laughter.)  Because if they say “I don’t have a clear path,” then the question is, then why are you running?  So this is one of those if I say it then people will believe it, so I say it over and over again to hopefully create a self-fulfilling prophecy.  He does not have a clear pathway to be president of the United States.