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Tag: Unending

  • Lagos 2015: Ambode’s unending political battles

    Lagos 2015: Ambode’s unending political battles

    Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, reports on the political battles currently being fought by Akin Ambode, one of the major aspirants for Lagos State governorship seat in 2015 

    The political camp of Akin Ambode, a leading governorship aspirant in Lagos State, remains agog with activities as his handlers battle criticism and opposition to his bid to succeed Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola of the state in 2015. Following the wave of endorsements that trailed his declaration for the plum job, the former Accountant-General’s ambition has been generating discussions across the state.

    In spite of his growing popularity within and outside his party, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Ambode’s candidacy continues to receive serious knocks from some quarters within and outside his party as the 2015 governorship election draws nearer. Consequently, his handlers left with no breathing space in their bid to position him as the man for the job.

    “In spite of funny attempts by a few persons to tar his aspiration with the brush of needless controversies, various groups, individuals and the youths are daily declaring their support for the young man’s aspiration, with the strong conviction that his quest to be governor is beyond just another ambition, but a selfless desire to serve.

    “Ambode is the right man to take over the mantle of leadership of the state from Governor Babatunde Fashola come 2015. He is the best man for the job at a time like this. We are convinced that his is not just another ambition, but a selfless desire to serve the people of Lagos State,” Adeola Mejuyipin, one of the leaders of Team Forthright Lagos (TFL), said in Ikorodu at the weekend.

    But Mejuyinpin and his co-travelers in TFL may not be speaking the minds of all Lagosians as some people have constantly argued that Ambode’s ambition is against the interests of known party men and women who have been nursing similar aspirations for years.

    “His ambition is like a jolt from the blues. We have people who have been around in the party for years. It is not good to leave such people and follow a new entrant who just left public service not quite long,” Chief Adebari Saula, a chieftain of the ruling party in Kosofe Local Government posited.

    Aside his not being a politician, how prepared is he for the herculean job of governing Lagos? He should allow those who have been planning for this for a long time to take the saddle,” Saula added.

    Saula’s position is a reference to the fact that until two years ago, Ambode was buried in bureaucratic obscurity;  hard to be seen, as he was just another civil servant earning his pay by serving the government. Analysts say not many people would have confidently pinned the toga of a “budding politician” on him back then.

    But Mejuyinpin, who argued that Ambode has become a household name in the state and unarguably one of the leading aspirants in the 2015 gubernatorial race, disagreed vehemently with the APC chieftain’s position.

    The young man, an entrepreneur who said he and many of his colleagues are grateful for the kind of leadership provided by Fashola since 2007, warned Lagosians against voting for “someone with just an ambition” as the next governor.

    “Fashola had no ambition in 2003, so they say, but he had the genuine will to serve the people of Lagos selflessly. That will thrust him forward and today we can see the result of voting for a man with more than just an ambition,” argued Mejuyinpin.

    Continuing, he said “Yes, he was a civil servant until recently but all the trappings of leadership were trailing him very early in life. Although he might not have set his mind on any particular political ambition, I have no doubt that even Ambode himself knew all along he was cut out for leadership. While all he wanted to do was put in his best as a civil servant and be remembered for good afterwards, fate had more in stock for him.

    “So, against any personal ambition of his, as early as when he was in his mid- thirties, against all odds, he became the youngest Accountant-General of the state at the age of 37. And given his position as the chief custodian of the treasury, it was not long before his path crossed that of the then leaders of the state.

    “This happened at a time the state government was bothered about the finances of the state on account of the political war he was waging against the then president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who through legal technicalities impounded the funds earmarked for the state’s local government councils following the controversy that trailed the creation of additional local councils in the state.

    “Ambode became a quiet star in the eyes of those in government when he invented the financial system that helped the state survive those challenging times. It was as such inevitable that Ambode would be noticed and appreciated by leaders of the ruling party.

    “So, it is easy to conclude that fate prepared Ambode for leadership. More so because after the enviable feat he performed with the finance of the state in those troubled days, he went ahead to perform other miracles within and outside his purview as the Accountant-General of the state.”

    But it is not only the issue of being a new entrant that is standing on the way of   the Epe-born politician. There have also been talks about his not having what it takes to govern a state like Lagos. According to those opposed to him, Lagos needs a man in the mould of Fashola to keep the state on the path of development.

    “Lagos cannot afford anything short of another performer. With what Fashola has done in Lagos, it will be disastrous to elect an untested hand to take over from him,” Comrade Fola Ajayi of the Voters’ Vanguard, told The Nation.

    Responding, an aide of the politician, Seni Abimbolu, said Ambode is the most tested of all those jostling to succeed Fashola today. According to him, this became evident in the submission of Governor Fashola about his ability, when it was time for him to bow out of active civil service.

    Explaining further, Seeni said with lots of accolades for the retiring Ambode, Governor Fashola wrote: “I write on behalf of the people of Lagos to commend your high sense of dedication, selflessness and integrity which you brought to bear on the civil service. I wish to specifically remark that working closely with you has been of tremendous mutual benefit, particularly in the present administration.

    “You have displayed high sense of professionalism and have been a good team player, guided by the philosophy of a true public officer, who must place himself last while rendering service to the public. We are convinced that your brilliance and zeal will make you excel in your future endeavours.”

    “With Fashola virtually confirming his ability and preparedness through statements like the ones above, what more does Ambode need to convince the good people of Lagos that he possesses the leadership qualities to continue the great works embarked upon by Fashola?

    “His vast experience in the civil service and long period spent in crucial positions would stand him in good stead in the prudent and efficient management of the state’s resources. The immense exposure and connections he garnered while in those positions, analysts argued will be of immense benefit to the people of the state if he is allowed to steer the ship of the state.

    “I have also heard some people saying Ambode has the reach and capacity to attract new interests to the state with that critical paradigm shift in additional ideas to deepen our democracy and development aspirations as a state. And I willingly agree that he has the capacity to further reposition the state with prudent management of scarce resources,” the politician said.

    On the rumour surrounding the authenticity of Ambode as an indigene of Epe, a sleepy town in the outskirt of Lagos, his aides said Lagosians should critically read between the lines by pondering on the following confirmation of the politician’s origin by no other person but the Olu-Ilara of Ilara, Oba Okunola Adesanya, one of the paramount rulers of Epe.

    The Oba who said he has been on the throne for 54 years said; “The Ambode family had always been part and parcel of Epe. The Epes have always been looking for a Messiah and that indeed Akinwunmi Ambode fits it so perfectly to actualising this age long dream. He is the jewel of the people of Epe land and as an illustrious son of the land, who used his position as the Accountant- General of Lagos State to better the lot of the people of Epe.”

  • Unending ‘naked dance’ in Edo House

    Unending ‘naked dance’ in Edo House

    For one month, peace has taken flight from the Edo State House of Assembly. There seems to be no end in sight to the crisis, which has been described as a “naked dance”, writes OSAGIE OTABOR 

    IT is difficult to predict how the crisis rocking the Edo State House of Assembly will end. Residents are confused and scared about who the crisis will eventually consume.

    Workers of the Assembly are caught in the supremacy battle between Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lawmakers and their All Progressive Congress (APC) counterparts. The workers have been locked out of their workplace since the crisis began on June 9.

    The outcome of the APC wards congresses set the stage for the Assembly crisis. Lawmakers loyal to Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu defected to the PDP but what was not clear to APC leaders was how many of the lawmakers would leave the party.

    Those known to be aggrieved are Hon Abdulrasaq Momoh representing Estako West 1, Patrick Osayimwen (Oredo East) Jude Ise-Idehen (Ikpoba-Okha) and Friday Ogieriakhi (Orhionmwon South).

    Momoh had a grudge with the party leadership under the defunct ACN when he was arrested for alleged gun running during the conduct of the April 20 local government elections. He is facing trial at an Edo State High Court.

    Momoh said he was disowned by the ACN leadership, adding that he expected that the APC would stand by him. He also claimed that his constituency has not had any government attention.

    Friday Ogieriakhi’s new motto is “Final Push”. His trouble with the then ACN began when he was allegedly not allowed to nominate a councillor during the local government election. He dropped his loyalty to the Deputy Governor, Dr. Pius Odudu and switched camp to Pastor Ize-Iyamu. Ogieriakhi now wants to push Odubu out of the leadership of Orhionmwon Local Government.

    Tension was high during sittings before the lawmakers embarked on recess as Speaker Uyi Igbe refused to read letters tendered by four lawmakers who planned to leave the APC.

    Apparently to seek protection of the law to avoid losing their seats, three lawmakers, Ise-Idehen, Osayimwen, and Ogieriakhi on May 9 approached a Federal High Court in Benin.

    Among the reliefs sought was an order restraining the Speaker from declaring their seats vacant as well as another one to stop the Speaker from suspending them, pending the determination of the Motion on Notice.

    The court presided over by Justice A. M Limam granted the lawmakers’ request by granting an injunction restraining the Speaker and the House from declaring their seats vacant but refused the prayer for an injunction restraining the Speaker and the House from suspending them.

    On May 19, the three lawmakers defected to the PDP but Deputy Speaker Festus Ebea remained in the APC.

    At a sitting that lasted less than 30 minutes, APC lawmakers on June 9 suspended Ogieriakhi, Ise-Idehen, Ebea and Osayimwen. The four were at their offices when the suspension was carried out. Before they rushed to plenary alongside other PDP lawmakers, the House had adjourned plenary.

    Paul Ohonbamu, who moved the motion for the suspension of the members under Section 38 of the House rules, said the actions of the lawmakers constituted misconduct.

    Explaining further on the reasons for the suspension, Hon Adjoto said it was not because they defected to the PDP but that the lawmakers became ‘marketers’ for the PDP.

    He said: “The Deputy Speaker has become so arrogant and dictatorial that he no longer sees the party and Mr. Speaker as one. He has created parallel leadership and that leadership is aimed at destabilising the House of Assembly which is to impeach Mr. Speaker and the Comrade Governor.

    ” They have approached us to sell our mandate to the PDP. They have measured heavy amount ranging from N50m to N70m.

    “They have approached us daily. What they do is to dangle carrot before us and that is not what we were elected to do here. Their activities constitute misconduct. We decided to suspend them until they deem it fit to do what is right. It is the tradition and rule that if any member takes the House to court, that member is to be suspended until the matter is resolved by the court.”

    The next day, Ebea and other PDP lawmakers stormed the Assembly complex and broke into the chamber where they sat without a mace and, thereafter, announced the suspension of eight lawmakers, including the Speaker.

    A free-for-all ensued when Igbe led other lawmakers to the chamber but the police fired tear gas to disperse them and thugs that were at the Assembly premises.

    On June 11, PDP lawmakers came into the chamber at about 6am and began sitting with a mace that was later said to have been stolen in 2011. News of their sitting got to APC lawmakers who rushed to the chamber and engaged the PDP lawmakers physically. Police Commissioner Foluso Adebanjo brokered peace between the warring lawmakers.

    Adebanjo locked the lawmakers inside the chamber for over 13 hours to enable them settle their differences. The lawmakers ate, slept and talked for over 10 hours without a solution. The PDP lawmakers requested for a return to status quo but the APC lawmakers insisted that the four suspended members would not be allowed to sit with them.

    The APC lawmakers  obtained a court order, which restrained the four suspended lawmakers from entering the Assembly and the legislative quarters.

    Also restrained from interfering with the functions of the Assembly, pending the determination of a motion on Notice before the court were the Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Zone 5, Benin City and the Commissioner of Police, Edo State.

    Justice V. O Eboreime ordered substituted service of the origination summons on the suspended legislators by advertisement in a national newspaper and a local newspaper within 48 hours.

    The applicants were represented in Court by Gabriel Oladejo. Ferdinand Orbih (SAN) represented the suspended lawmakers.

    Indication that the lawmakers would defy the court orders emerged at a news conference held at the PDP secretariat when Minority Leader Emmanuel Okoduwa described the two reliefs granted the APC as “strange and unworkable”.

    His words: “We said the order that they cannot enter the legislative quarters is strange because as lawmakers we pay monthly rent to live in the quarters. There is no order that will say that you cannot stay in an apartment where you pay N27, 000 monthly.

    “The second relief which says the purported suspended members should not disturb the business of the House is simply asking someone, who was elected to represent his people not to do so. As a matter of fact, legislative business can never be complete without such person. So, the orders are not enforceable if they were granted in the first place.”

    PDP chairman Chief Dan Orbih said the court order showed that administration of justice was putting the state on the precipice of political anarchy.

    He said: “The judiciary should not be used by the APC government against elected members of the House and the Edo people are concerned about what is going on in the state. Our members went to court to seek protection and they got it. You cannot suddenly turn around to get what a competent court ordered you not to do. When they came out that they had suspended our members, there was no reference to any existing rule of the House.”

    For two weeks, the lawmakers were subjected to thorough searching before they were allowed into the Assembly premises but they never held plenary.

    Hon Ehigiamusoe Kingsley of the PDP said it was laughable that the APC lawmakers were still relying on the court order restraining the four lawmakers from gaining access into the assembly premises.

    He told reporters that the restraining order has elapsed according to order 37 rule 5(6) of the Edo State High Court but the APC lawmakers insisted that they could not sit with ‘strangers’ in their midst.

    Two adjournments, one House

    The stage for a fresh crisis was set on June 27 when both the PDP and APC lawmakers adjourned sitting to different days. While the APC adjourned sitting to July 2, the PDP adjourned its plenary to June 30.

    Both adjournments were made after the lawmakers waited outside the assembly gate for five hours.

    On June 30, the PDP lawmakers were denied entry by the police and after waiting for four hours, they left and adjourned to Monday, July 7.

    On Wednesday, a notice signed by Igbe was seen on the assembly walls directing that plenary has been relocated to the old assembly chamber inside the Edo State Government House because of ongoing renovation work occasioned by the destruction of the assembly properties during the fracas.

    It was a move many described as a sucker punch on the opposition lawmakers. At the plenary attended by 15 APC lawmakers, the suspended Deputy Speaker was impeached for alleged misconduct and misdemeanor and a new Deputy Speaker, Victor Eporor, was elected.

    An impeachment notice made available to reporters showed that 16 lawmakers, including Hon Abdularasaq, a member of the PDP, signed the impeachment notice. Abdulrasaq later threatened to institute legal action against the APC lawmakers for forging his signature.

    The PDP described the impeachment as a joke, null and void. Chief Orbih said 14 members could not have removed the deputy speaker.

    Edo State APC Chairman Anslem Ojezua countered Orbih, saying the lawmakers required 13 members to impeach the deputy speaker since four members were already on suspension.

    He said: “The notice of impeachment of Hon. Festus Ebea was signed by 16 members of the House. This clearly was more than the 13 signatures required to impeach him. It must be borne in mind that with the suspension of 4 members, only 20 members are, for now, legitimately entitled to attend and participate in any legislative business of the House of Assembly.”

    Assembly premises as police territory

    The police took over the assembly premises last Friday . ASP Joseph Florence stormed the premises and stopped the renovation.

    Part of the Assembly’s roof has already been removed while armoured doors were placed on doors leading to the legislative chambers.

    The assembly workers were driven out and the workmen on the roof were forced to come down and some of them were beaten.

    Efforts by the policemen to force the lawmakers, including Speaker Igbe, to leave the assembly premises failed.

    ASP Florence shouted at the Speaker saying: “Why are you carrying out renovation work? I am doing my job here and all of you must leave.”

    She sprayed a substance believed to be tear gas  on Igbe and other lawmakers and also snatched a camera of a local television station. Another policeman cocked his gun on the speaker but the lawmakers refused to leave.

    Sacked  workers as emergency clerk, sergeant-at-arms

    On Monday, the PDP lawmakers broke into the Assembly at about 6:30am and held plenary at the entrance of the hallowed chamber. A former member of staff of the Assembly, Okoh Godwin, who was sacked in 2011 for certificate forgery, was the clerk.

    Another former  worker, who was also sacked for certificate forgery in 2010, Omoregbe Osagie, was the Sergeant-at-arms.

    The Chairman of the Assembly commission, Emmanuel Oronsaye, said  Omoregbe and Godwin were dismissed through letters with reference number P.C 944/78 and P.C 373/83 .

    Offices of Assembly workers have remained locked. Only the lawmakers and their personal aides were at the premises for the two days they attended plenary. The chamber was unkempt.

    Ebea, who described the removal of the roof as executive brigandage of the APC, said no budgetary provision was made for the renovation at the complex.

    Contempt of court

    Contempt proceedings have been started against the four suspended lawmakers. Contents of the contempt proceeding titled Notice of Consequences of Disobedience to Order of Court, reads “Take Notice that unless you obey direction contained in this order, you will be guilty of contempt of court and will be liable to be committed to prison.”

    When the bailiff brought the notice, they ‘refused’ to collect it and he threw it at them and walked away.

    Ebea, who is among those suspended, refused to accept the court proceedings.

    He said: “You want to serve me papers here. You are mad. Leave my sight. This idiot came and said he wants to serve me papers. That is how you go about to procure cheap and fake papers.”

    “I am only a bailiff sir,” the bailiff replied. “Go to hell with it,”‘ Ebea shouted.

    PDP lawmakers denied inducement

    One issue that has consistently come up in this crisis concerns financial inducement. Both parties have used this weapon. The former APC lawmakers have continued to deny collecting money to defect to the PDP. Osayimwen has promised to swear by any shrine at the Oba’s Palace to prove his innocence.

    Ebea said he was offered money by the APC but that he refused because the issues he had with the APC were not resolved.

    “When money was shared to remaining APC legislators, they did not consider the rest. They offered me money because I had not crossed but I refused. Mine was even tripled but I still refused because the issues I have with them are clearly stated and till tomorrow, I will not back down on those issues; it is not about me. So, God, the judge of all knows if I had collected money, whether from PDP or the Federal government or from any other human being to do what I am doing. It is a pity because if you do not toe the line of some people who feel they are powerful, they believe that you are against them and then you become a target. That is the issue.”

    On the way forward, Ebea said: “The level of impunity must be brought down. There must be tolerance from both sides. Like I said, people have been moving from party A to B and heaven did not fall. Why can party B not move to part A?”

    Police and  Benin monarch

    At the beginning of the crisis, Adebanjo was praised for acting professionally and ensuring that no lives and properties were lost. Some political leaders hailed the police boss for not bowing to pressure from supposed Abuja-based politicians.

    Before plenary was taken to the old chamber, Adebanjo had warned the lawmakers against resorting to self- help in resolving the crisis.

    He said: “Everybody is getting tired. You people are dancing naked and you should stop it.”

    The Oba of Benin, Omo N’Oba Erediauwa, at a meeting with political leaders, warned them not to plunge the state into crisis. He urged them to sheathe their swords.

    His statement said: “I am appealing to you not to engage in the destruction of lives and properties for whatever reasons. I also appeal to you as you leave here to have the interest of Edo State at heart and amicably resolve whatever political disagreement you may have, which I am sure, you are well capable of resolving for peace and security to reign.”

    So far, the monarch’s voice remains unheard, as the fight has continued long after his intervention.

  • Manufacturers’ unending power headache

    power supply has yet to improve, six months after the coming of the distribution and generation companies (DISCOs) and (GENCOs). Companies are still battling to survive on their own power steam. They are considering some options to remain in business, reports Assistant Editor Chikodi Okereocha

    FOR the manufacturing sector, things have not changed despite the coming of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) successor companies. Hopes were high that once they came on board, power will improve and firm will return to life. It has not been so, some six months after their emergence. What is the problem?

    A drop in gas supply has been blamed for the poor power output under the new regime. But for things not to remain like this some are canvassing for embedded power generation as a way out.

    Embedded generation, also called distributed generation, on-site generation, dispersed generation, or decentralised generation, generates electricity from many small energy sources. Most countries in the world generate electricity in large centralised facilities, such as fossil fuel (coal, gas powered), nuclear, large solar power plants or hydropower plants. Embedded or distributed generation allows collection of energy from many sources and may give lower environmental impacts and improved security of supply. It is a term used for any electricity generating plant that is connected to the regional electricity distribution networks

    At present, Nigeria’s peak grid power generation hovers between 3,000 and 3,849 megawatts (MW), down from about 4, 000 MW when the power assets were handed over to private investors. Yet, under the power reform agenda, the target was that the country would attain 10,000 MW by the end of last month. With support from the independent power projects (IPPs) of state’s private investors and oil companies, the combined power supply is expected to inch up to over 14,000 MW by 2015. The power reform agenda ultimatey set a generation capacity target of 40,000 MW by 2020.

    Among proponent of embedded power generation are Lagos State Governor Babatunde Fashola, former Minister of power Prof. Barth Nnaji and some leading industrialist in Ikeja.

    Speaking at the 5th Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) Ekeje consultative forum , the Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Bennett Industries Limited, Mr. Reginald Ike Odiah, an engineer said there is need to take advantage of embedded power generation by utilising existing excess power generated by small plants.

    Odiah, who is also chairman, Infrastructure Committee of MAN, said some members of MAN have excess capacity from their plants, which they could offer to the Distribution Companies (DISCOSs).

    Speaking on “The manufacturing sector postprivatisation challenges and implication on the,” he said embracing embedded power had become necessary because of the acute electricity problem where “demand for electricity far outstrips the supply and the supply is unreliable and epileptic for domestic and industrial use.” He said the manufacturing sector contributes a mere four per cent to the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP) because of epileptic electricity supply.

    At the just-concluded 7th Lagos Economic Summit tagged “Ehingbeti 2014”, Prof Nnaji acknowledged that there is a wide gap between electricity supply and demand. He suggested a short- term emergency solution in embedded generation using the ring-fencing method whereby some areas are divided into economic clusters.

    Fashola who also spoke at the summit said: “The regulatory regime for power limits our intervention to embedded generation for self use”. He said between the last economic summit and now, the state has added two independent power projects to the existing one at Akute. The two power plants fired by gas are on Lagos Island and Alausa.

    “At the moment, progress is being made at two additional power plants in Ikeja and Lekki, which would come on stream in the third and fourth quarters of this year, to bring the total number of state-owned government initiated embedded power projects to five,” he said at the summit.

    The Eko and Ikeja DISCOs, which serve Lagos, are set to embark on embedded generation of power to boost supplies to consumers.

    “We have started the process of improving power generation to Lagos by doing embedded generation,” said Charles Momoh, Chairman, West Power & Gas, which acquired Eko DISCO. He said the company had identified 45 companies it hopes to work with and is talking to two of them. According to him, the long-term plan is to bring in 500 MW into the company’s local grid for distribution.

    The Managing Director/Chief Executive, Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company (IKEDC), Mr. Abiodun Ajifowobaje, said the company had come out with a plan to source power from Egbin power station, aside embracing embedded generation whereby power is supplied directly to most industries in IKEDC network without necessarily waiting for supply from the national grid.

    “We are trying to look at embedded generation where people can generate power and sell to us,” the IKEDC boss said.

    He justified the option thus: “In other countries, people generate power from other sources. In Sweden, people generate power from sawdust, cow dung, and wind turbine; you can generate from solar so that we don’t depend so much on gas because we have oil. Egbin power plant has capacity for 1,500MW, but generates only 500MW because of lack of gas.”

    The Chairman of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), Dr. Sam Amadi, represented at the summit by the Commissioner in charge of Market Rates and Competition, Mr. Eyo Ekpo, said: “The DISCOs are working on doing embedded generation.”

    He said residents of Lagos would soon begin to enjoy steady electricity supply, promising that the problems bedevilling the power sector would be addressed soon.

    Experts are also canvassing Demand Side Energy Management (DSM), which encourages electricity consumers to ensure that power is used only when needed. To achieve this, Odiah said smart meters would be introduced. He said if meters are available on demand, it would be easy for consumers to practise DSM which not only saves electricity but also allows consumers to control cost.

    “Smart meters would allow consumers have total control of their electricity consumption,” he argued.

    For instance, only about 35 per cent of IKEDC customers have meters. The company, however, said it has identified the problem and is coming out with a robust metering plan with its technical partner, Korean Electricity Power Company (KEPCO). Beside adequate metering, Odiah spoke of timely replacement of obsolete electrical appliances.

    compact florescent lamps (CFLs).

    “The replacement of about one million 60 watts incandescent lamps (ILs) with same number of 11 watts compact florescent lamps (CFLs) will automatically free 49,000 KWs or 4.9 MWs of electricity for use by others. Use of LED lamps can also play a major role in freeing a lot of power without physical investment on power plants,” he explained.

    Some of these stop-gap measures, experts saidy, should appeal more to manufacturers who seem to be worst hit by the epileptic power supply. At present, over 75 per cent of the electricity needs of manufacturers are generated in-house, with a mere 25 per cent from the utility power supply. This is because of fear of unannounced power outages and surges from the utility companies, which often damages machines, tools and raw materials. They also result in man-hour losses and disruption of production. Manufacturers estimate the loss to between eight per cent and 10 per cent of their annual sales.

    With these grim statistics, “Nigeria is, perhaps, the most expensive country to do business of manufacturing in the world. Cost of manufacturing in Nigeria is about nine times that of China, four times that of South Africa and about two times that of Ghana,” said Odiah. He said one of the viable alternatives for manufacturers, for now, is the delineation of members into clusters and provision of power plants to serve each cluster. He reasoned that this would not only eliminate running individual power plants at unnecessarily high cost, but also allow manufacturers concentrate on their core business of manufacturing.

    That is not the only benefit. The option would also substantially reduce cost of production for which power alone gulps between 35 per cent and 40 per cent of manufacturing cost, aside reducing industrial pollution/green house effect on the environment. Incidently, MAN has a blueprint with 28 clusters already identified nationwide.

    “We could take advantage of this and effectively develop these clusters,” Odiah said, noting that 25 per cent and 15 per cent of investment cost for small and medium size manufacturers and large manufacturers go into provision of in-house power plants, which shouldn’t be if electricity supply was steady and guaranteed.

    The DISCOs and generation companies (GENCOs) who spoke at the summit, said fixing the decay in the power sector would not happen overnight, adding that they were facing challenges in their quest to ensure stable power supply. They said Nigerians should not expect stable electricity supply in the near term because of challenges around power generation, infrastructure, revenue collection, appropriate pricing and gas supply.

    The Chief Executive Officer of Benin Electricity Distribution Company (BEDC), Mrs. Funke Osibodu, said fixing the problems in the power sector is not only capital intensive, but also a long haul, requiring about five years before returns could be made.

    While noting that operators are aware that Nigerians wanted a change, she argued that there are leakages that must be plugged. “A lot of us steal or divert power. There are too many vested interests, from the Presidency to politicians, labour, and legislators who do not want things to change. The public wants result but it doesn’t understand the issues. Nigerians should understand that infrastructure is not power. The government and some politicians will donate transformers to a community and they will think their power problems are over. We should know that transformer is not power. Power has to be generated first before the transformer and other equipment can distribute.”

  • Diezani’s unending book of scandals

    It is so difficult to associate beauty with so much ugliness; especially beauty of the feminine kind. But Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke, Nigeria’s oil minister and a woman of exquisite beauty has, in just a few years as head of this all-important sector, earned the dubious distinction of being the most scandal-prone person to head that office. She has notched up enough ugly tales about her office that her feminine good looks would compare to the mask of gorgon. There are enough hoary stories about this oil queen to write a fat, steamy book.

    Running now is the Diezani private jets scandal. A few months ago, an NGO petitioned the National Assembly (NASS), detailing how our dainty queen had notched up a bill of over N10 billion flying the world in such luxury only associated with Arab sheikhs. It is a tale of unrestrained extravagance and flamboyance many thought was a cruel joke on Nigerians. But as the House Committee on Public Accounts began its probe on the allegations, it has been revealed that not only one jet, the Challenger 850, but there is another XRS plane which she flies for overseas trips at the cost of 600,000 euros per return trip. It has been revealed that she chartered this jet twice last year on trips to London. And hold your heart: there is yet a third jet!

    Investigations are still on-going though, but that seems to be the catch about this fair lady; probing her has always ended in a cul de sac. Her inquisitors seem to always hit a stone wall or is it a golden wall as a cynic once conjectured? Just before this jet affair rebounded, we had been fed the kerosene subsidy, which was an N850 billion ear-tingling caper. She allegedly defied a presidential order to vacate the dubious regime and for years supervised a most duplicitous transaction of importing kerosene under the subsidy template and selling it to the public at market rate. What this would amount to is that while the cycle lasted, only the minister and her team were being subsidised. And this matter just fizzled out.

    There was the Malabu miasma: though this multi-billion oil block (OPL 245) dated back about 15 years, it is under her watch that it was resolved – but not in favour of Nigeria’s government as it ought to be, but in favour of various fronts and shell companies. Thus a lucrative oil block dubiously acquired by some renegades was eventually disbursed to their benefit. The payout by Shell last year for this oil block was a hefty $1.3 billion and instead of this swelling Nigeria’s treasury, it was a huge payday for economic saboteurs and their collaborators in government. Our oil queen remained conveniently silent and aloof over this shenanigan that brewed right under her nose. We are to assume that it was no business of hers but we know better.

    There is the January 2012 subsidy upheaval, which ended up showing how subsidy had become a huge multi-trillion naira racket. All the panel reports from this epic drama is now an easy chair upon which our oil lady sits coolly, unperturbed. What about the $20 billion missing oil money that recently consumed Mr. Lamido Sanusi, the Central Bank governor? What about Transfigura, Vitol, crude swap, etc? It is indeed a fat, sordid book.

  • Unending saga of governor’s Abuja ‘property’

    The National Judicial Council (NJC) queries the Chief Judge of the Federal Capital Territory over failure to carry out a court order. Assistant Editor, GBADE OGUNWALE, reports

    Justice Jude Okeke of High Court 21 of the Federal Capital Territory had ruled on a case brought before him by a company, Nestello Gateways Group, against the Governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Abdulaziz Yari. The company had sued Yari who was at the time a serving member of the House of Representatives to court over a property rented out to him by it in 2008 but which the governor claimed to have bought from an erstwhile employee of the company, Mr. Obina Kanu, sometime in 2010. The bone of contention was that Kanu, who is now on the run and has been declared wanted by the police, was alleged to have sold the property without the consent of the owners.

    In the judgement delivered by Justice Okeke on June 11, 2010, the judge had ordered the eviction of the governor and had also ordered him to pay outstanding rent arrears and profit, totalling about N400, 000 to the owners of the property. However, owing to some inexplicable administrative hiccups, the eviction order could not be effected until May 8, 2012. The eviction order was successfully executed with every single unit of the governor’s personal effects evacuated and moved to a magistrate court in Karu, one of the satellite towns in the FCT. But without any recourse to the court, the possession of the property reverted to Governor Yari the very next day, May 9, 2010, ostensibly on “orders from above”. Based on this queer order, the governor moved back into the house with all his personal property earlier seized by the court released to him. Piqued by the governor’s action, owners of the property had gone back to court to seek enforcement of the eviction order. Consequently, the court ordered another eviction on October 15, 2012. Armed with the court judgment and police approval to that effect, the court’s enforcement officers arrived at the property. The enforcement officers were prevented from executing the order by fierce-looking armed policemen.

    In a report submitted to the Director of Litigation and signed by the court’s enforcement team leader, Mallam Abunakar Karofi, and dated October 16, 2012, the court officials narrated what they described as a shocking experience in the course of their official duty. A certified copy of the report, sourced by our correspondent read in part: “On the 15th of October, 2012, we went to the premises known as No. 1 Fatai Williams Street, Asokoro, Abuja (herein after referred to as the premises) to enforce and handover the keys to the premises as previously approved by the Deputy Sheriff and the Director of Litigation. The ruling was given by Justice Jude Okeke on the 26th September, 2012.

    All necessary paper work was done and concluded before we set out to enforce the said judgment. We got the police report and the police approval, which we used to book our arrival at the Asokoro Police Station to notify them of our purpose and destination. Upon our arrival at the residence, we met about eight people who unknown to us, were mobile policemen, supposedly stationed in the premises. We introduced ourselves and told them our intention, but to our greatest surprise, they said “NO”, they said nothing will be enforced; they quickly went inside the house and appeared fully dressed in their mobile police uniform and carrying guns.”

    The full report detailed how they were prevented from carrying out a legitimate court order.

    Disturbed by this act of obstruction of justice by the governor and the policemen, the Director of Litigation of the Court, Uche Ezinne Bilikisu, on October 16, 2012, wrote a memo to the Chief Registrar, Mrs Oluwatoyin Yahaya seeking directive as to the appropriate action on the matter. The Chief Registrar had written a memo which she forwarded to the Chief Judge, Justice Lawal Gummi. The Chief Registrar’s minutes on the memo to the Chief Judge, reads: “My lord, the narration on page 73-75 is most disappointing. I urge my lord to consider writing the Inspector General of Police and CP, FCT on the behaviour of their men”. The memo was dated October 17, 2012. The Chief Judge asked the Chief Registrar to write to the CP. But he was silent on the need to write to the Inspector General of Police, as suggested in the memo.

    Consequently, the Director of Litigation had, on January 14, 2013, written to the then Commissioner of Police, FCT Command, Mr. Aderele Shinaba, reproducing extracts from the report of the court’s enforcement officers and demanding that the said policemen, already identified, be reprimanded. Nothing was done even before the commissioner was redeployed.

    At this point, the governor had started reconstruction work on the building with the roof, windows and other fittings dismantled. Scaffolds were erected around what is left of the structure. Alarmed by the development, the owners of the property on December 17, 2012, petitioned the National Judicial Council (NJC) chaired by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, detailing the sequence of events in respect of the case and the shoddy handling of same.

    The petitioners also narrated how several requests they made to the court to collect the keys to the property were ignored by the authorities of the court. In the petition, the petitioners pointed fingers at Chief Judge Gummi, the trial judge, Justice Okeke, the Chief Registrar and the Director of Litigation. Apparently ruffled by the content of the petition, the Director of Litigation, acting on behalf of the Chief Registrar, quickly wrote to the lawyer of the petitioners, Amobi Nzelu, to come and collect the keys to the property.

    The letter, dated January 18, 2013 stated: “We refer to your letters dated 10th May, 2012, 18th May, 2012 and 2nd August, 2012 respectively requesting for the release of keys of the recovered N0.1, Fatai Williams, Asokoro, Abuja. I am directed to inform you that the keys are ready for collection and that you may come for the same please. Thank you for your usual cooperation.”

    Meanwhile, written requests previously made by the property owners on the three separate dates as indicated in the Director of Litigation’s letter, had been ignored by the authorities of the court. In response to the belated letter by the court, requesting the property owners to come forward for the keys, Nzelu had, in a letter dated January 17, 2013, expressed disappointment with the actions of certain top officials of the court in respect of the case. Curiously, while the letter by Director of Litigation was dated January 18, 2013, Nzelu’s response was dated January 17, 2013. Could the lawyer’s response have come a day before he received the letter he responded to?

    The entire scenario raises questions about the sanctity of judicial pronouncements .

     

  • New twist in an unending crisis

    New twist in an unending crisis

    Assistant Editor, Dare Odufowokan, takes a fresh look at APGA crisis 

    To say the All Progresives Grand Alliance (APGA) is synonymous with crisis is to say the obvious. The party has been bedeviled by internal wrangling and supremacy battles of all sorts.

    Following the Supreme Court ruling, which upheld the expulsion of Chekwas Okorie, APGA’s founding National Chairman, from the party, it was widely expected that peace will return to the embattled political party. The death and burial of Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu, national leader of the party, shortly after, was even believed to have united the feuding factions within the party.

    But such assumptions turned out to be far-fetched as a faction of the party recently got an Enugu State High Court presided over by the state Chief Judge, Justice Innocent Umezulike, to order Chief Victor Umeh to stop parading himself as national chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

    And as Nigerians were still wondering what the implications of such an order will be, the two governors elected on the platform of the party decided to return the party to the ways of crisis when they openly disagreed on the level of the party’s involvement in the formation of the new All Peoples Congress (APC).

    While Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State had led representatives of the party to enter into a merger agreement with three other leading political parties in the country, a faction of the party loyal to Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State disassociated itself from the merger.

    This latest development confirmed earlier suspicions that, on the issue of how to move the party forward and the issue of 2015, the two APGA governors do not agree.

    According to party sources, in spite of several denials of any animosity between them by both camps, “Not even the burial of Ikemba could make them come to an agreement on anything. That explains why the two states had separate programmes for the burial ceremony,’ a source said.

    And if members of the party thought the Obi/Okorocha fight and the struggle by Umeh to revalidate his leadership of the party is all they will have to cope with, they must have been further traumatized by the return of erstwhile national chairman, Chekwas Okorie, to lay claims to the party’s chairmanship position.

    Speaking during the week, and surrounded by some foundation members of the party, Okorie said it was wrong for anybody to say he is out of the party. He said he is determined more than ever before to bring sanity to the party following the nullification of Umeh’s claim to the leadership of the party.

    He said the judgement is a confirmation of his position that Umeh is illegally occupying the position of national chairman of APGA. He urged members of the party to give peace a chance and be prepared for a new beginning in the party.

    The curious thing about the renewed discord in the party is that the open involvement of the two governors left no one to mediate between the warring factions. Before now, Governor Obi has been championing the struggle to return APGA to the path of peace.

    Although one of his aides, Sylvester Nwobu-Alor, is one of the eggheads of the anti-Umeh movement, Obi outwardly gave impression that he was in support of the Umeh-led APGA. All that seem to have come to an end since the announcement of APC.

    Also, there is fear that last minute efforts for reconciliation in the party may have failed especially with the return of Okorie, which has further compounded the situation.

    And for Umeh, it is not as if all is over. Some APGA leaders in the South East have risen in his support, urging him to appeal the judgement all the way. Rising from a meeting in Awka, the party chieftains said Umeh remains the national chairman of the party.

    The party-men, while affirming to be the grassroots leaders of APGA in the southeast, said Umeh’s leadership of the party is still acceptable at all levels within and outside the region.

    They dissociates themselves from all activities aimed at removing him from office and called on members of the party to remain supportive of what they called the authentic APGA under Umeh’s leadership. They described majority of the anti-Umeh elements as people long expelled from the party.

    The face-off between Okorocha and Obi further blossomed on Wednesday when the Imo state governor accused Obi and his group of anti-party activities. He said the current crisis in the party is caused by some APGA leaders whose loyalty is to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Okorocha said that the authentic APGA and not PDP’s APGA is involved in the arrangement. He made the statements while fielding questions from journalists at the end of a meeting of opposition governors in Abuja. According to him, irrespective of the hues and cries by some members of the party, the fact remains that the authentic APGA is in the merger.

    “Let me say emphatically that APGA is in the merger talk and we have our little challenges we are trying to sort out about who are the actual APGA-APGA and PDP’s APGA.

    “The APGA-APGA is already in the merger and I also want to say emphatically that if the CPC which ought to have been a regional party, the ANPP and ACN have agreed to come together for a bigger mega party, APGA should not be an exception.”

    Okorocha further said that the merger must be seen as a collective responsibility of all progressive parties to form a formidable party that can stand the test of time come 2015 and beyond.

    “At the end of the merger meetings, you will see that APGA is in the merger. We are fully in the merger,” he said.

    And on the same day, the Governor Obi-led faction of the party issued a statement describing Okorocha’s  statements as “ridiculous and unfortunate”.

    Given the complexity of the current crisis within the embattled party, questions are being asked as to whether the erstwhile darling political platform of the southeast geo-political zone can once again rise from the ashes of these hard times.

     

  • NASS versus Presidency: The unending row

    NASS versus Presidency: The unending row

    The crisis of confidence between the National Assembly and the Presidency over budget implementation is not abating, with the legislators alleging that some presidential aides are stoking the fire. Assistant Editor Onyedi Ojiabor, who covers the Senate, reports.

     

    AT the inception of this administration, it was expected that the executive and the legislature would work hamoniously in the national interest. However, the war of words between the two arms of government over budget implementation indicates that this is far from the case.Utterances by some presidential aides since the presentation of the budget have sent signals that the future holds less promise of a smooth relationship between the two politically active arms of government.

    What should be the appropriate oil benchmark? This is at the heart of the rift that is threatening the relationship between the two institutions and causing the fate of the Appropriation Bill to hang in the balance.

    Although the 2013 Appropriation Bill has scaled the second reading in the Senate, and has since been passed to the Joint Committee on Appropriation and Finance, analysts are of the opinion that budget defence by ministries, departments and agencies (MDA) might be turbulent.

    Some observers insist the lawmakers have not scrutinized government’s spending as closely as they should, probably because of inadequate expertise, time and resources at the disposal of the parliamentarians. The apparent disdainful attitude of some presidential aides towards the National Assembly has been fingered as one of the sore points in the relationship between the two arms.

    Members of the National Assembly have had cause to complain openly that presidential aides are plotting to set them on collision course with Mr. President. When Senate President David Mark described the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, and Special Adviser to the President on Political Matters, Alhaji Ahmed Gulak, as “fifth columnists” working at cross purposes with President Goodluck Jonathan, many thought the message would sink. It did not.

    Mark was contributing to a motion on alleged inflammatory comments against the National Assembly by ministers and some presidential aides. It was a single prayer motion sponsored by no less a person than the Deputy Majority Leader, Senator Abdul Ningi. The Senate had earlier, through its Committee on Information, Media and Public Affairs, descended on Minister of Information, Mr. Labaran Maku, for dismissing resolutions of the National Assembly as mere advisory and not binding on President Jonathan.

    Senators took offence that a minister who did not pass through the severity of election could dismiss their resolution with a wave of the hand. Maku was therefore nvited by the Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe-led Committee to explain himself. Recognising that he was wrong, Maku apologised to the Senate. The minister was left to go and sin no more.

    Ningi in his lead debate on the motion tagged: “Inflammatory statements against the National Assembly by ministers and aides of Mr. President” observed with “dismay, the regular attacks on the legislature by ministers and aides of President Jonathan.”

    The Bauchi Central Senator said he was “scandalised by the most recent one” in which Ahmed Gulak “threw all caution to the wind and remarked that members of the National Assembly were ‘talking like illiterates’.” He said he was provoked that Gulak added that the National Assembly was “passing laws that are not implementable.”

    Other Senators including Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu, Senate Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba, Mohammed Ndume, James Manager, Smart Adeyemi, Awaisu Kuta, and Olushola Adeyeye, did not find the outburst by the presidential aide funny. For them, Gulak’s outburst was a direct affront on the integrity of the National Assembly. But Mark, in his characteristic style of calling a spade by its name, took it further.

    The Senate President posited, with a dint of sadness in his voice, that presidential aides are gradually but steadily, leading President Jonathan on a collision course with the National Assembly.

    “We all feel very hurt and very bad about it. We say this against the backdrop of the fact that Mr. President, as a person, is a gentleman. Nobody can fault him. If you have a personal interaction with him, you will know that he is a gentleman. But, what is disturbing is that he has surrounded himself with aides that are not gentlemen in any respect.

    “Aides who have failed woefully to do what they are supposed to do and because they are totally incapable, mentally and otherwise in doing their work, they are finding a way to please Mr. President. They think they can please him by attacking the National Assembly, disparaging the National Assembly and trying to belittle us. Giving an impression that we don’t know what we are doing is extremely unfortunate.

    “These are people who should really try to build bridges between the executive and the legislature but they are doing the exact opposite. Any bridge that is existing now they want to totally demolish it so that they can be on their own and in the process take advantage and give the President an impression that he needs to do something through them.

    Mark berated the idea of always finding occassion to belittle the lawmakers. He accused them of working against the interest of Mr. President.

    “We don’t want intermediaries between us and the executive and they are not capable of doing that either. Like all of you here, I am not aware of any aide who has gone and won an election in his local government. Not one. And yet they find it very easy to make comments about members of the National Assembly.

    “I think Victor (Ndoma-Egba) hit it squarely on the head by saying they are fifth columnists who don’t want the President to succeed. But, on the other hand, we will not allow detractors to force us away from the course that we set our radar. We mean well for this country. The fact of the matter is, if Gulak is serious about his advice, we will take it in good faith and act on his advice. Here is an aide who is actually advising his own principal on a collision course; who is going out of his way to tell the people on the other side that you are not firing enough shots.

    “I think by now, truly, Gulak has no business in the Villa anymore. But since it is not our duty to employ people for Mr. President, it is not our duty to sack his aides either. By now, I think he ought to know what to do with his aides who are putting him on a collision course with the National Assembly. They certainly can’t be described as good and helpful aides. I also believe that two wrongs cannot make a right.”

    Senators unanimously adopted the only prayer of the motion to urge President Jonathan, to “caution his ministers, special advisers and other aides making inflammatory statements against the legislature to avoid straining the cordial relations between the legislature and the executive.”

    If you thought one or two lessons were learnt from the motion, that was not to be. In a bid to devise a cover for the remark that members of the National Assembly were “talking like illiterates”, Gulak claimed it was Ekweremadu who called his colleagues illiterates.

    The presidential aide claimed in an interview that he did not call National Assembly members a bunch of illiterates. Observers feel that Gulak’s defence is an after thought.

    The Political Adviser said, “I didn’t call them illiterates. Let me tell you,: just yesterday, I was reading in the papers that the Deputy Senate President, that is Senator Ekweremadu, said some legislators can barely write their names. He said so. He said so. I did not say it. So, if most of them can barely write their names, then how will they understand the intricacies of budget?

    “I did not say it. It is the Deputy Senate President that said it and if he really said it, so, it means the National Assembly has a long way to go. Some observers described Gulak’s claim that Ekweremadu called most National Assembly members illiterates is “spurious.”

    Ekweremadu, who spoke on the topic “The political ideology of the Great Zik of Africa and challenges of leadership in Nigeria” at the 2nd Zik annual lecture series of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Awka, capital of Anambra State, stressed the fact that the 21st century Nigeria needed knowledgeable leadership at all levels to effectively drive development to realise the lofty dreams of the nation’s founding fathers.

    What is more, analysts say Ekweremadu never spoke about the whole of National Assembly members but concentrated on the South East representation at the National Assembly in his lecture.

    Ekweremadu’s frustration over poor representation by South East parliamentarians may have been borne out of the fact that he is the highest political office holder from the zone. Even at that, Ekweremadu was said to have spoken specifically about two states, specifically, Ebonyi State where a certain former senator was so overwhelmed by parliamentary processes that he failed to make any meaningful contribution for the four years he sat as a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    Ekweremadu rightly believed that if the quality of representation from the South East continued that way, the zone would continue to lose out in the scheme of things in the country. Of course, Ekweremadu must have appreciated the fact that representatives like Senators Uche Chukwumerije, Chris Anyanwu, Ayogu Eze, Enyinnaya Abaribe, Chris Ngige, Deputy Speaker Emeka Ihedioha, Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejiocha and a few others who are considered first eleven are also from the South East.

    But is that enough, especially for a zone that has produced some of the best brains in the country, including the Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe himself and Dr. Chuba Okadigbo?

    Observers posited that if the quality of Zik and Okadigbo’s representation during their days as lawmakers is juxtaposed with the quality of most of the latter day representatives from the region, the frustration of Ekweremadu would be better understood.

    A point of reference, observers say was a certain Senator from Ebonyi State who repeatedly told his stunned colleagues during the thirdTerm Debate that he was “finished.”

    The frustration could have influenced attempts by the National Assembly to amend sections of the Constitution on the academic qualifications for the office of the President, Vice President, Governor, Deputy Governor, federal and state legislators from West African School Certificate to tertiary education. This has however been killed in the House of Representatives. The Senate passed the amendment.

    Special Adviser on Political Matters to the Deputy Senate President, Hon. Okey Ozoani described Gulak’s outburst in the interview as “another feat of thoughtless and disparaging statements directed at the National Assembly and its officers.”

    Gulak, in the said interview, claimed that the National Assembly should be blamed for poor budget implementation, accusing the institution of late passage of Appropriation Bill.

    But Ozoani said that it is not surprising that Gulak has found pleasure in courting trouble for the President by “his reckless statements on not just the National Assembly and its officers, but also on respected elder statesmen.”

    For him, while Ekweremadu would not want to join issues with Gulak, it is necessary for him (Gulak) to know the limit of his “importance-seeking, fawning, and trouble-courting fits.”

    Ozoani continued, “First, it is unfortunate that Gulak is quick to point out when the 2012 budget was passed without also stating when it was submitted to the National Assembly.

    “The 2012 Appropriation Bill was submitted in December 2011 and passed by the National Assembly in March 2012. Gulak’s claim that enough work goes into the Appropriation Bills before submission to the National Assembly does not in any way preclude the Parliament as co-managers of the economy from subjecting such budget estimates to legislative scrutiny and due process.

    “It is also gratifying that the President had taken into account the observations of the National Assembly on the need for early submission of budget estimates by submitting the 2013 Appropriation Bill earlier this time, in the month of October. While it is gratifying that the President has recently had cause to disown Gulak over his poor conducts and unguarded statements hauled at the National Assembly and its officers, for the umpteenth time, it s advisable for Mr. President to review the stewardship and real inner motives of Mr. Ahmed Gulak whom, either oblivious of his job schedule or lacking the competence to undertake it, is preoccupied with fomenting trouble for his Administration.”

    The last has not been heard on the crisis of confidence brewing between the two arms of government. But, it is the prayer of many Nigerians that the altercations would turn a blessing for the people as it could mean that the legislature would perform its constitutional role of oversight over executive bodies more effectively.

     

  • Unending worries over grassroots governance

    Unending worries over grassroots governance

    Nigeria marked her 52nd independence anniversary yesterday. But does the local government administration have anything to show for it? This, Assistant Editor DADA ALADELOKUN, examines in this report.

     

    Proponents of local government admin-istration had, at its very inception, even in the pre-colonial era, envisioned a heartening situation whereby the grassroots people would enjoy robust access to the fruits of governance. Thus, to them, as Nigeria marks her 52nd Independence anniversary today, every family should be alive in revelry, celebrating better life at the grassroots level. But no, the grassroots people are mourning the perpetuity of progressive inertia.

    To the general run of the Nigerian populace today, local councils are largely malnourished and hence, pathetically ineffectual. Reason: What has become of the so-called Third Tier of government has, in a sordid manner, run foul of the Fourth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution of the country which assigns some critical responsibilities to local councils.

    By the content and intents of the constitutional principle, local governance and the involvement of grassroots people in the ordering of their own livelihood should be an integral aspect of the nation’s development, democratically and economically. But with the passage of years, the fortune of the tier of government has continued to make its proponents’ blood run cold.

    The tier’s tribulation did not just start yesterday. The Ibadan District Council, which came into being in 1954, was soon tormented to its marrow by unhealthy political interests. It was same tale for the Ibadan Municipal Government (1957 – 1979) which produced a number of exemplary administrators.

    Not a few worried souls are always quick to implicate military rule as a negative influence. But many others are wont to ask: Why have the councils remained comatose, years after the men with starched khakis “stepped aside?”

    This progressively unending failure has inspired many attempts at re-creating the system. One was the famous 1976 Local Government Reform with one sole aim: Making local councils more accountable. Even by 1986, under the Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida-led administration, it still remained a pipe-dream.

    It, therefore, prompted the Political Bureau instituted to pay attention to the importance of local government and the need to buoy it up. Before then, what was known as Dasuki Committee on Local Administration in Nigeria had made far-reaching recommendations on how local councils live to its billing.

    The committee came up with some joker to rescue the tier from the brink precipice: Further decentralisation of local councils, their autonomy, improved revenue allocation from the federal coffers and healthier attitude towards them by both federal and state governments.

    Still convinced that the tier remained the surest source of goodies to the local inhabitants, between May 1989 and September 1991, the Babangida administration created more councils, raising the number within two years from 301 to 589. And by 1999, the number became 774 with the six area councils of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), all listed in the 1999 Constitution.

    In fact, some state governments, notably Lagos and Enugu, exercising their powers to establish local councils under Section 7 of the Constitution, created local government development centres to further take governance to the doorsteps of the grassroots people. For months, Lagos State, under the then governor, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, saw the rough side of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration as it withheld funds meant for the councils. Tinubu’s ‘offence’: Creating 37 local government development areas out of the original 20 councils. Still, to many a Nigerian, not yet any dice in terms of the dividends of all the efforts!

    The simple constitutional duties of the councils have been practically begging for attention. Even far back in 1999, when the politicians took over power from the soldiers, they pledged to strengthen the local government system by involving the people in running their own affairs and making government responsive to their needs. But the new rulers have proved to out-Herod their unwelcome predecessors – the soldiers.

    Close watchers of happenings at the level would easily conjecture why the local councils have remained on the sickbed against all expectations. Undue federal and state government control and interference are primary among the reasons.

    Section 7 of the 1999 Constitution has tied them to the apron strings of the state government. How? It is through giving the states the power effect their creation, structure, composition, finance and functions. Unfortunately, most states have not failed to abuse the use of such a power.

    In virtually every state, local councils exist only in name as states encroach on their functions without let. In most cases, the states’ helmsmen, spurred on by his “executive powers,” behave like the Lord of Manor.

    Practically in most states, the council bosses lick the feet of their governors. Woe betides any council chairman who flexes muscles to assert himself. As you read this, Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha is still at loggerheads with council chairmen in the state over tenure issues.

    Financing the tier of government is another sore point. Bad enough as it seems, the 1999 Constitution further places the local councils under the control of the states. Section 162(6) of the constitution creates what is known as State Joint Local Government Account. By the provision, the state possesses the powers to pay local councils under its jurisdiction on “such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly… or by the House of the state”.

    No reference is stated therein to the Federal Allocation Formula under which the local councils are entitled to 20 per cent of federal income. In reality, the councils never get their ideal share of the revenue allocation. Their resources are “lost in transit” between both the federal and state governments.

    For instance, during the Obasanjo-led administration, money was deducted at source from councils’ revenue for the purported construction of healthcare centres in all 774 local councils by the overlord called Federal Government.

    Most state governments today, taking refuge under the guise of helping the local councils to perform their functions, also withhold or divert money meant for them. In manners that smack of deceit or coercion, some of the helpless council chairmen across the country have ceded some of their statutory functions to their respective state governments.

    The desperation of the state governors to win council elections for their parties, especially at the grassroots level has remained another cause for worry. Elections are rigged even more brazenly. A vivid example was the nationwide council elections in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)-controlled states in December 2007. Quite funny; in April 2007, even out-going governors – Oyo State’s Rashidi Ladoja and Plateau’s Joshua Dariye -wanted to conduct local council polls before the expiration of their dying tenure. Their main aim: To install their loyalists at the grassroots.

    Another major part of the problem is the quality and mentality of those administering the grassroots level. As in every other level, have they been prepared for the job? Why were they desperate to get the mantle, even with the last drop of blood in them? What legacy have they been leaving after their tenure? So many questions!

    The general fear across the land today is that corruption has become a monster at the level. In the northern part of the country especially, reports have it that local government chairmen only visit their offices at the end of the month to share allocation among their councillors and wait till when the next fund is released!

    In most of the states, the Houses of Assembly have both the knife and the yam. With their new-found legislative powers, the set ceiling for the amount any council can spend on capital projects; hence, the latter would always have to go to them cap-in-hand for approvals.

    Besides armies of ghost workers, in most of the councils today, the quality of their staff is appalling. Their leadership is made up of the flotsam and the jetsam of the community, motor park touts and suchlike misfits.

    In the face of all these, not a few worried observers have at one point or the other, made strident calls for the scrapping of local councils. But many were quick to point out that such a precipitate move would succeed in making state governors inebriated with excessive powers.

    To the latter, more power to the states would engender and consolidate more opportunities for theft and dangerously widen the gulf between the leaders and the led at the grassroots.

    The unending awkward scenarios have continued to give birth to many posers and proposals. The various stakeholders, the local councils must be made autonomous; the State Local Government Joint Account should become a thing of the past; the federal revenue sharing formula is crying for urgent review in favour of the local councils; state governments should hand off conduct of elections into state councils; structures should be created to ensure greater accountability at the council level; the bar of entry level for council elections must be raised and most importantly, the people must not only become more vigilant, but pluck up the courage to ask questions about how council resources are being (mis)used.

    Now a member of the House of Representatives from Ekiti South West, Ikere and Ise/Orun Federal Constituency, Dr Ifeoluwa Arowosoge served as elected chairman of Ekiti South West between 1991 and 1993. He shared his view with The Nation at the weekend. He bemoaned what he termed the worsening fate of the councils, saying that they “are now mere appendages of their various states to the detriment of the people at the grassroots.”

    Recalling his experience, Arowosoge said: “During our time, under Babangida, we enjoyed considerable autonomy and because of that, coupled with the fact that we were elected, we had the free hand to appoint capable hands to work with us and for that, we made remarkable impacts on the welfare of our people. The councils are now mere appendages of the states.

    “Today, the autonomy we had is no longer there economically, administratively and constitutionally. Drop-outs from secondary schools (not in tertiary institutions) are now councillors, and the councils now lack the wherewithal to embark on projects since the paltry sums they get from the states are barely sufficient to pay staff emoluments at the end of the month and maybe, run the councils. It is sad.”

    “This is why today,” he added, “moves are in top gear to review the local government laws as stipulated in the constitution. Unless the constitution is amended to rescue the councils from the current shackles of bondage, the council will remain lame.”

    Oladele Adekanye who calls the shots at Lagos Mainland Council, too, is aggrieved with the status of the tier. “I’m sad; in fact, I shed tears for the tier of government because, generally, it’s been a tale of failures, except for exceptional situations, especially, here in Lagos.

    “I make bold to say that with the little fund available to us, I have constructed and rehabilitated more than ten roads and touched all other major spheres of people’s lives in my domain. However, we can do better if we have the funds; unfortunately, the money we should be using to develop the grassroots is held at the centre. The federal government should have nothing to do with security and such issues that are ordinarily the responsibilities of the local government. I’m not saying that there are no bad eggs among council chairmen, but the fact remains that the encumbrances placed on the neck of the councils by both the state and federal authorities must give way,” Adekanye said.

    Sadly, however, as developments have shown, it’s been 52 years of Nigeria’s independence and 52 years of conditional freedom for the councils. And so, for the third tier of government in a nation so tormented and beleaguered, stakeholders can always wish for better times.