Tag: war

  • We can’t afford another war, says Anglican Church

    The Diocese of Abuja of the Church of Nigeria, (Anglican Communion), has noted that the renewed pipeline vandalism in the Niger Delta was not in the best interest of Nigeria. It urged those behind the bombing of oil installations in the region to desist from the act forthwith.

    The church called on the Niger Delta Avengers to cease hostility against the government while embracing dialogue, noting that Nigeria, which is currently engaged with too many battles cannot afford to start another one with militants in the oil producing areas of the federation.

    The Primate of The Church Of Nigeria (Anglican Communion) and Archbishop of Abuja Diocese, The Most Rev’d Nicholas D. Okoh, made this remark in his Presidential Address to the 3rd Session of the 9th Synod of Abuja Diocese, held at All Saints Church, Wuse.While urging the Federal Government to also tread cautiously in its attempts to resolve the growing crises in the Niger Delta, the Church called on it to seek collaboration with the host communities in its efforts to secure all pipelines.

    He also urged the Federal Government to open the space for immediate revival of the dwindling Nigerian economy by creating investment friendly atmosphere for more foreign investors to henceforth, take Nigeria as a preferred destination.

    He lauded the efforts by President Muhammadu Buhari towards diversifying the Nigerian economy, urging his government to initiate more cutting-edge approaches aimed towards a meaningful engagement of foreign investors for revival of the economy of the country.

    He based his talk on the theme of the this year’s Synod, “The Poverty of Riches”, taken from the book of Revelation, 3 vs17, stating that notwithstanding the prosperity that a country enjoys, it may suffer spiritual poverty and then end up being poor (on the real in all ramifications) if the leaders and the led are careless and Godless.

  • Edo wars

    From the “iconic” vs. “iconoclastic tribute non-issue — and it has to be, since the gaffe couldn’t have been deliberate — to the rumpus in the Edo executive and parliament, Edo appears in war mood.

    Trust Hardball, it’s not pretty!

    The iconic as iconoclastic is a big error.  Still, an icon is no angel, if all he does is reinforce a decayed order, no more than an iconoclast is a devil, for pulling down a horrible system.  So, neither is intrinsically good or bad, independent of the extant social conditions.

    But the way some Edo stakeholders stick to the mistake as God-sent to rubbish the Adams Oshimhole government just shows the disturbing but manifest bad faith, fast becoming a part of Nigerian public life.  It is nothing but a costly distraction.

    But the ugly development in the Edo gubernatorial and parliamentary front is a big worry.

    First, it was the allegation that Deputy Governor Dr. Pius Odubu attempted, diabolically, to get rid of Governor Oshiomhole.  That is ugly enough, except that it is in this milieu that such meta-physical claim, seldom proved by concrete evidence, would earn public attention.

    Then the exchange of fire allegedly involving Dr. Odubu at the Auchi secretariat of the Edo All Progressives Congress (APC).  Dr. Otubu claims the shots were after him. His opponents claim it was a moonlight tale, since the deputy governor, though in the vicinity, was allegedly nowhere near where the shots rang.

    But at least guns boomed, and some injured security details landed in hospital.  That cannot be a fairy tale.  Indeed, it is grim reality that, in the Edo APC, things might be falling apart.

    Then the two-phase parliamentary disgrace!  First, a contentious “election” of Elizabeth Ativie as “new” Speaker, while Victor Edoror, the incumbent, claims he still holds the seat; followed by the unparliamentary scandal of Mr. Edoror and Mrs Ativie, pulling selves off and on the Speaker’s chair, like some spoilt and overfed school children!

    Conspiracy theorists have hastened to link that shameful drama to an alleged putative plot to “impeach” the deputy governor — is that so?!

    The dramatic personae in the Edo drama must pause and think: those the gods would destroy, they first make mad!  So, these fellows must realise when the rain started beating them.

    Not long ago, when Lucky Igbinedion and his gang ruled the roost, Edo stagnated badly.  Why, Mr. Igbinedion was even convicted of corruption, though that conviction was in itself a corruption the judicial process, in which the former governor got fined a mere “change”, after cleaning out the state.

    Oshimhole came — and the vast infrastructure renewal of the capital, Benin, at least shows his was a different era from when ruling party hierarchs just sat down and shared the money meant to grow and develop the state.

    So, why this undemocratic tension, in a supposed democracy without democrats?

    Should the battle for succession equate extingushing a legacy, and sending Edo back to those years of the locusts?

    Why couldn’t anybody that hopes to succeed Oshiomhole, without let, go to nomination and democratically test their popularity?

    Questions, questions and question!

    Still, one warning rings clear: those the gods want to destroy, they first make mad!

    Governor Oshiomhole and the present Edo order must be wary of this peculiar malady; that would not only ruin them, but also destroy their legacy.

    Those who have ears, let them hear!

  • War and love

    War and love

    War and Peace, Russian novelist, Leo Tolstoy, entitled his historical classic.

    It called to the honour, and the glory and the folly of war in Czarist Russia; with the young and vain Czar Alexander locked in mortal combat with peacocky French Emperor, Napoleon, and his formidable La Grande Armée.

    That was the first two decades of 19th century (1805-1813).

    Sam Omatseye’s fiction, based on the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), he called My Name is Okoro.  But Omatseye may well have called his own novel  War and Love.

    It was war, all right: a Nigeria, under Yakubu Gowon, fending off secession from a Biafra, under Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu.  War — the celebration of the most pernicious hate.

    Yet, from the coupling characters, Okoro, the protagonist, and Clara; Abdullahi and Nkechi; and Nneka, Okoro’s war-lost wife and Captain, came something tender.  Terrible beauty of wartime liaisons?

    Okoro, went in search of Nneka, his pregnant Igbo wife, in her native Umueze.  But he got trapped in Umunze, a captured territory, with a camp for war refugees, under the command of Lt. Abdullahi.

    Fate pushed Okoro into the bosom of Clara, another war refugee, from riverine Okolu, near Port Harcourt, in the aborted Republic of Biafra, but outside the Igbo heartland.

    Clara lost, to the war, her sister’s tot, Florence; with her when she fled, with Nigeria fiercely battling Biafra, in Okolu.

    Florence was  smothered.  With a Nigerian battalion nearby, and insect-bitten Florence screeching, the rattled adults decreed the baby must die, for them to live!  Cruel logic of war?

    But Clara found another abandoned boy, 10 months old.  With the boy, named Victory, Okoro and Clara made a war “family”, though initially, they were no more than co-refugees.

    With bouts of coitus wetting their perched bodies and gnarled soul, however, they would became a war couple.  That was an open secret in their Umunze camp.

    Meanwhile, Nneka had, with her mother, fled Umueze.  That drove her into the arms of a man Nneka, only in passing, called Captain.  But even with the war-time anomie, Nneka’s pregnancy for a man, not her husband, sounded her mother’s death knell.

    The moment her daughter told her about the pregnancy, she died; and was hurriedly buried in a bush grave, never to be identified again.  Yet, it was doubtful if Nneka and Ifeanyi, her son by Okoro, would have survived the war without Captain’s protection!   Another painful wartime pathos?

    Meanwhile, as Okoro eventually united with his wife and son, he also got gifted Precious, his wife’s love child with Captain.  Even though the author was coy about it, creatively floating the idea, Okoro too probably had a love child with Clara; for when Clara re-joined her folks, she was also vomiting, a sign of morning sickness and putative pregnancy!

    A two-some that would never know their two parents, as hundreds of other wartime babies?

    But the most dramatic of the war love stories would appear that of Abdullahi and Nkechi.

    The story opened at the height of the pogrom in Kano, with Abdullahi leading a prowling band, hunting down the Igbo in the North.  The band ordered Okoro to pronounce Toro, three-pence in the pre-Civil War Nigerian currency of Pounds, Shillings and Pence.

    Though Okoro sounds a generic, if pejorative, name for the Igbo of the defunct Eastern Region, this Samson Okoro (pronounced differently) was Urhobo from the defunct Mid-West (now Edo and Delta states).

    His Toro was linguistically permissible — it didn’t sound Igbo — since Okoro’s American accent came to his rescue.  He had an American foster father and had just returned to Nigeria to invest and re-settle shortly before the war.  He escaped with a savage slap from Abdullahi.  But he retched at the slain and gorged all around him.

    Okoro’s lot was the tragic neither-nor that plagued many Midwesterners during that war.  Abdullahi’s mob could easily have killed him for being Igbo, if he had not claimed he was American, supported by his sweet accent.

    But even in Igboland, in search of his wife, he was fair game for Biafrian brutes.  The first time, a Biafra band rid him of his car and fulsome provisions for darling Nneka.  The rascals said they needed everything for the service of Biafra!  Much later, another band seized his haul of roasted python meat, which he and Clara had hoped would give them animal protein for weeks!

    Brig-Gen. Godwin Alabi-Isama (rtd) echoed a similar identity crisis in his own Civil War account, The Tragedy of Victory.  Born of a Midwestern father but raised by a Yoruba mother from Ilorin, Alabi-Isama could probably have been neither-nor in both Nigerian and Biafran camps — but for his Yoruba acculturation!  He was raised in Ibadan.

    Between the pogrom and Okoro’s second meeting with Abdullahi in Umunze, the lieutenant  had morphed from the brute of the pogroms and merciless rapist of the early seasons of the war, to something close to the quintessential officer and gentleman.

    He could have had Nkechi, 19, the Umunze belle before whom every man literarily drooled, since he ruled over her village.  But instead, he  professed to her his undying love.

    With that package came generous provisions and protection for the Nkechi household, comprising Ngozi, her mother, Chioma 17; and Ifeoma 15, her no less ravishing sisters, all living in the household of Chief Agwudagwu, Nkechi’s father’s friend; who was out at war, and no one knew if he was alive or dead.

    Why, Abdullahi even agreed to circumcision, to prove his good faith.  But all came to tragic naught, for Nkechi took her own life on the eve of consummating his love for the love-torn soldier, who she often humoured as “My General”.

    She was too much of a Biafria patriot, a proud Igbo girl who would not pawn her innermost treasures for any subversive generosity.  But Abdullahi was something close to Barnabas, the tragic hero in Christopher Marlowe’s Jew of Malta.  He was disappointed, the only time he was earnest.

    My Name is Okoro speaks to collective and individual tragedies.  Take Udeze, Nneka’s younger brother.  He symbolized the sudden flicker, and even more sudden extinction, of the Biafra flame.

    He piloted his mother to safety from Kano, even when younger brother, Okey, was martyred by cruel Hausa weapons, bent on looting his family’s patrimony.  He was there, in those halcyon days of Biafra’s group-think, when emotion rushed to war but reason, viciously shouted down, dictated otherwise.

    He was there at Ore, when disillusion started setting in; and even had to shoot Chukwu, a friend who had boasted  he would rather take his own life, than fall to the bullets of Ndi Hausa.

    His last gambit was a failed spyng mission, to poison the water supply of the dreaded Third Marine Commando, under Benjamin Adekunle. Yet, at the end of it all, all he felt was emptiness!

    War is no tea party.  But for man’s seeming eternal insanity, it is best avoided. That is the grand message from My Name is Okoro.

  • Need to support war against corruption

    Need to support war against corruption

    When President Barrack Obama visited Ghana in 2010 he identified corruption as the bane of the underdevelopment of Africa. I was compelled to join issues with the United States leader for his deliberate silence on the plundering of the resources of Africa through  slave trade and colonialism by western governments for a cummulative period of 500 years. I also accused banks in western countries  of warehousing the stolen wealth from African countries and other Third World nations. Since then the Obama administration has undertaken to assist African countries to recover and repatriate the looted wealth of African countries traced to the United States.

    During a recent visit to Nigeria, the Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, Christien Lagarde promised that the IMF would help Nigeria to bail out the economy. However, the assistance offered by the IMF is a Grrek gift. Once again  the government has been advised to devalue the national currency . The dangerous advice should be rejected as it is designed to further ruin the national economy. The IMF and its local supporters have not explained what an import oriented economy stands to benefit from currency devaluation. However, while President Buhari has rightly rejected the IMF prescription the administration should stop the dollarisation of the economy and ban the importation of all goods that can be produced locally and invest in the Nigerian people to produce quality goods and services. All the major oil and shipping companies are involved in the criminal enterprise.

    On the  recovery of the looted wealth

    Nigerians have been told that in promising to wipe out poverty from the land the All Progressive Congress did not appreciate the extent of the looting of the treasury by the PDP-led government. The dwindling revenue from the sale of crude oil has also been blamed for the inablity of the government to deliver on its promise to address the crisis of poverty in the land. With respect, such diversionary explanations should be rejected by the traumatized people of Nigeria. From the information at my disposal the government is owed well over $100 billion which ought to be recovered without any further delay. The details are set out below:

    (a) In response to a request for information which I made under the Freedom of Information Act the National Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative informed me by a letter dated 27th January, 2016 that from five cycles of independent audit reports of NEITI covering 1999-2012  the potential recoverable revenue accruable to the Federal Government is $20,221,018,007.00  (Twenty billion, two hundred and twenty one billion, eighteen thousand and seven dollars).

    (b) In 2006 the Central Bank of Nigeria apportioned $7 billion out of the nation’s external reserves to 14 Nigerian banks. In 2008, the CBN also gave a bailout of N600 billion ($4 billion)to the the banks. The banks which took the loan of $11 billion have not been asked to refund same.

    (c) In September last year,  the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)  announced that arrangements had  been concluded to  recover the sum of $9.6 billion in over-deducted tax benefits from joint venture partners on major capital projects and oil swap contracts.

    (d) Sometime in 2009, a leading oil company operating in Nigeria applied to the federal government for the renewal of three oil blocks. Upon granting the application the NNPC asked the company to pay the sum of $2.5 billion for the renewal of the licences.  Curiously, the $600 million paid by the company was accepted by the federal government. One of our clients has requested the EFCC to investigate the circumstances surrounding the fraudulent transaction. Our request is that the outstanding sum of $1.9 billion be collected from the leading oil company and paid into the federation account.

    (e) From 1998-2014 the Federal Government collected over $4 billion from the over $5 billion stolen from the vaults of the CBN by a fromer military ruler, the late General Sani Abacha. I have submitted a petition to the Economic and Financial Commission to investigate the alleged criminal diversion of the recoverd loot by some former public officers. The governments of the United States and Switzerland have promised to repatriate not less than $750 million which has also been recovered from the loot.

    (e) In 1999, the Abdulsalami Abubakar military junta enacted the Deep Offshore inland Sharing Contracts Act Decree to give effect to certain fiscal incentives for the oil and gas companies operating in the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin under production sharing contracts. Thus, by virtue of section 5 of the Act, the payment of royalty in respect of the Deep Offshore production sharing contracts shall range from 4 to 12 per cent while no royalty shall be paid whatsoever in areas in excess of 1000 metres depth! Since the 15-year period of for non-payment of royalties expired in June 2014 the National Assembly should amend the law while the NNPC should collect  appropriate royalties from the oil and gas companies operating in areas in excess of 1,000 metres depth.

    (f) The $470 million contract awarded to ZTE, (a Chinese company) in 2009 by the federal government for the construction of CCTV cameras in Abuja and Lagos  has been abandoned. Hence, the cameras which were installed did not capture the criminals who recently launched bomb attacks in Abuja and killed scores of citizens. I have since requested the EFCC to investigate the failed contract and recover the contract sum.

    (g)The Goodluck Jonathan administration admitted publicly that the nation was losing crude oil worth $7 billion to criminals on an annual basis. An investigation being carried out by a team of lawyers hired by the NIMASA has  so far confirmed that hundreds of millions of barrels of oil  were stolen by shipping companies and taken to many countries. According to the lawyers  “the total amount recoverable by the Nigeria Government from the Sellers and Buyers as a consequence of the shortfall for the period from January 2011  December 2014, stands at US$12.7 billion.”

    This analysis is limited to the oil stolen and taken to the United States alone in 3 years. It has not covered the hundreds of million of barrels of stolen oil  taken to other countries in the last 10 years. To avoid prosecution in the circumstance some of the oil companies have opted to settle out of court. According to the legal team the country can reccover not less than $50 billion if the verification is thoroughly conducted. The EFCC should be directed by the federal government to work with the legal team with to speed up the recovery of the oil theft.

    (h) In July 2014, President Goodluck Jonathan fired the then Central Bank Governor, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido Sanusi for having the temerity to expose the NNPC for not remitting $20 billion to the Federation Account. Following the reconcilliation of the accounts of the NNPC spearheaded by the then Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the economy, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala it was said that the missing sum was $12billion. To douse the tension generated by the scandal the  Federal Government apoointed a firm of  auditors to audit the books of the NNPC. But in a bid to cover up the scandal the Federal Government ensured that the auditors were denied access to vital documents. At the end of the shoddy investigation the auditors indicted the NNPC for withholding $1.8 billion from the Federation Account.

    (i) Rising from its  monthly meeting  held at Abuja on September 17, 2015 the National Economic Council accused the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC)  of failing to remit N3.8 tillion to the Federation Account under the Jonathan administration. The Council set up a committee of  3 state governors to trace the whereabout of the huge sum of money. Last month, the Auditor-General of the Federation indicted the NNPC for withholding N3.4 trillion from the Federation Account in 2014.. In its reaction to the allegation the NNPC claimed that the amount which it had withheld from the Federation Account was 348 billion!

    (j) While it might be said that the unprecedented looting of the public  treasury via the NNPC took place under the rogue regime headed by President Goodluck Jonathan it is totally unacceptable that the NNPC has continued to fritter the nation’s resources under the Buhari Administration which is currently waging  a war against corruption. Last week, a firm of auditors revealed that out of the sum of $6.4 billion realised from the sale of crude oil by the Federal Government  in the first quarter of 2016 the NNPC remitted $2 billion to the Federation Account and withheld the colossal sum of $4.2 billion. Up till now the NNPC has not explained how much of the missing sum of $4.2 billion was spent on its operations. Neither has the Presidency reacted to the allegation that the looting spree has continued unabated under President Buhari who doubles as the Minister of Petroleum Resources. It is high time the NNPC was fully investigated to get to the root of the large scale looting of public funds through the institution.

    • Excerpts from a lecture delivered by Femi Falana, SAN, at a seminar at Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye.
  • NASS committees and anti-graft war

    SIR; The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as Amended) empowers the National Assembly in section 88 to by a resolution published in its journal or the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation to direct or cause to be directed an investigation into:                                 

    1. (a)any matter or thing with respect to which it has power to make laws; and

    (b) the conduct of affairs of any person, authority, ministry or government department charged, or intended to be charged, with the duty of or responsibility for:

    executing or administering laws enacted by the National Assembly; and

    disbursing or administering moneys appropriated or to be appropriated by the National Assembly.

    1. The powers conferred on the National Assembly under the provisions of this section are exercisable only for the purpose of enabling it to:

    make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws; and

    expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence  and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it.

    It is therefore mandatory for committees of the National Assembly to exercise oversight of Ministries, Departments and Agencies, MDAs to assess policy objectives and implementation strategies; identify lapses and factors inhibiting successfully implementation of projects; advice on improvement; and identify misapplication and mismanagement of funds. Reports of oversight visits are expected to be presented in plenary of the two chambers and if need be, the provisions of Section 88 of the Constitution evoked for full investigation.

    Regrettably, oversight of MDAs has been ineffective in exposing corruption and waste in the public sector. Serious allegations of committee members demanding  MDAs to for example,  fund their local or foreign trips or provide funds for public hearings, or  solicit contracts among others, from the same MDAs they are expected to oversee has negative effect of diminishing the role of the National Assembly in promoting good governance. It also undermines the principle of checks and balances in the conduct of governmental affairs.

    Allegations abound of committees conniving with MDAs by “burying” huge sums of money in the budget with a view to retrieving same after the budget has been passed and signed into law. Budget hearings have become mere rituals and do not guarantee judicious deployment of scarce resources to the most felt needs of citizens nor promote transparency and accountability.

    Equally worrisome, is the acrimony that usually emerges as soon as   legislative committees are constituted at the commencement of a new assembly.  Section 62 of the constitution empowers the Senate or the House of Representatives to appoint a committee of its members for such special or general purpose… and delegate any functions exercisable by it to any such committee. The constitution has no provision for the so called “juicy committee(s)” being sought after by legislators.

    Committee assignments provide opportunity for a legislator to offer meritorious service to his/her country.  The Nigerian experience on the contrary has shown that private gains as against national service are a major factor in the constant fight on the floor by legislators over the so called “juicy committees.” The numerous investigative hearings conducted by committees of the National Assembly whether in the power sector, aviation, petroleum subsidy, capital market, etc., are pointers of failure of legislative oversight. Committees as the engine house of their respective chambers need to be proactive in exposing corruption, inefficiency or waste in the public sector and not wait for things to happen before commencing investigations.

     

    • Dr. Rahila Ahmadu

    Asokoro, Abuja.

  • UK backs Buhari’s anti-graft war

    United Kingdom  Minister for International Development Mr. Nick Hurd has affirmed his country’s backing for President Muhammadu Buhari’s stance to rid Nigeria of corruption.

    He told the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Abuja yesterday that fighting corruption was critical to transforming Nigeria’s future.

    Hurd said: “We have been active in supporting Buhari’s campaign against corruption in Nigeria and we think it is fundamental to transform the future of the country.

    “We support priorities that the President has given to tackling corruption in Nigeria.

    “We feel that corruption is absolutely the right priority and we want to support him in that,” he said.

    The minister urged the Federal Government to focus on public sector reforms aimed at making corruption unattractive to workers and the public.

    He noted that there was so much workers in the public sector could do to reduce corruption through effective accounting systems.

    Hurd added that his country was working with the Federal Government and civil society organisations on attitudinal change in Nigeria.

    “We think corruption holds Nigeria back and for every pound that is taken out of the public system through corruption, is a pound that could be spent educating children.

    “It is a pound that could be spent educating girls and developing the health system that the country can be proud of.

    “That is the kind of attitude that we would like to encourage and, therefore, we support the President in that,” he said.

    Hurd said the British Prime Minister David Cameron, like President Buhari, is also passionate in ridding his country of corruption.

    “Which is why next month, he (Cameron) is holding an anti-corruption summit in London and we hope that Nigeria will be well represented.

    “The conference will bring together world leaders to discuss corruption and their plans to tackle it in their countries; so corruption is a big issue for us,” he said.

  • Stability, continuity key in anti-terror war, says Osinbajo

    Stability, continuity key in anti-terror war, says Osinbajo

    Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, has identified continuity in governance and political stability in the West African subregion as an important element in the fight against Boko Haram and insurgency.

    He spoke at the weekend in Niamey, Niger Republic capital, at the inauguration of President Issoufou Mahamadou for second term in office.

    Osinbajo described the re-election of the Nigerien leader as significant for the sub regional coalition against insurgents and terrorists.

    A statement by Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity Laolu Akande, quoted Osinbajo as saying: “As you know, Niger is an important partner, and also an important ally in the war against terrorism and we are good neighbours.”

    He described Mahamadou’s investiture as of great significance because “first Nigeria understands President Issoufou well. He is an old hand and Nigeria has worked well with him as a partner.

    “So, his re-election brings continuity and is good for the fight against Boko Haram and the insurgency in general.” He added

    Osinbajo who represented President Muhammadu Buhari at the ceremony also said Nigeria holds the Nigerien President in high esteem.

    “He is an old friend of President Buhari who is abroad attending the nuclear security summit in Washington, USA, which is why he could not attend this event.” He added

    He said that the Nigerien President’s inauguration is also an opportunity to honour a strong ally and “to reinforce all our important diplomatic and military ties.”

    In his inauguration address, President Mahamadou noted that current worries regarding insecurity is global, transcending boundaries.

    He reiterated Niger’s renewed commitment to join forces with Nigeria and other neighbours to fight insurgency at the subregional level.

    The Nigerien President explained that defeating Boko Haram has several benefits particularly for economic integration in the region stating that it ‘ will facilitate trade between Niger and Nigeria’.

    About 52, countries witnessed the ceremony including nine West African presidents.

    Many Nigerian dignitaries also witnessed the inauguration including APC National leader Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and governors especially from North’s states.

  • Why TB war must be won, by doctors

    Why TB war must be won, by doctors

    Doctors have joined the World Health Organisation (WHO) in drawing the battleline against tuberculosis (TB).

    The Association of General Private Medical Practitioners of Nigeria (AGPMPN) has dedicated its forthcoming 38th Annual General Meeting and Scientific Conference to fight the killer-disease in line with WHO’s call on its member-countries and partners to “Unite to end TB”.

    AGPMPN, which AGM holds in Abuja on April 14, plans to collaborate with the National Tuberculosis and Leprosy Control Programme (NTLCP) to fight the scourge.

    Chairman, Scientific Committee for the AGM/Scientific Conference Dr Biodun Ogungbo said AGPMPN is partnering with Global Fund, United States Agency for International Development (USAID), WHO and Clinton Health Access Initiative, among others, to fight AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria because private hospitals exist in every part of the country.

    The group can also work towards a functional referral system for TB patients.

    Ogungbo described his group’s effort to end the scourge as timely as WHO’s End TB Strategy aims to reduce TB deaths by 90 per cent and new cases by 80 per cent by 2030

    “Though WHO said there has been significant progress in the fight against TB, with 43 million lives saved since 2000, but despite these advances, formidable challenges remain, including fragile health systems, human resource and financial constraints, and the serious co-epidemics with HIV, diabetes, and tobacco use.

    “MDR-TB is another critical challenge. Urgent and effective action to address antimicrobial resistance is important to ending TB by 2030. So are increased investments, as the global tuberculosis response remains underfunded for both implementation and research.

    “And the AGPMPN going with this year’s ‘Find TB, treat TB and working together to eliminate TB’ with the slogan ‘Unite to end TB’, is re-strategising along with Federal Government through the National Tuberculosis and Leprosy Control Programme (NTLCP). The diagnosis and treatment of tuberculosis are provided free of charge by the body,” Ogungbo said.

    TB, he said, could be diagnosed with a simple laboratory test, using a sputum sample. ”The laboratory diagnosis rests mainly with the identification of the tubercle bacilli in a clinical specimen (sputum, other bodily fluids such CSF) by using available laboratory methods, microscopy, culture and GeneXpert MTB/RI. The test GeneXpert MTB/RI and others have the potential to revolutionise the diagnosis of TB. Other methods such as a good history of contact with a sufferer, a chest x-ray and a skin test are also important,” he said.

    The association said its efforts would yield results and further reduce the cases of TB and drug resistance.

    “The collaboration will enhance the number of diagnostics, treatment and research centres across the country. We need private hospitals to take custody of some of the diagnostic kits and drugs for easy access by patients. This will also allow for good monitoring, evaluation, thus spreading the catchment net widely. This is also in the spirit of public private partnership (PPP) in health care as majority of Nigerians patronise private hospitals and clinics,” Ogungbo said.

    Chairman, Stop TB partnership in Nigeria Dr Lovett Lawson and her team members, including Dr Gabriel Akang, Dr Josephine Okechukwu and Dr Emmanuel Meribole, all of NTLCP are expected at the AGM.

  • Update: Ijaw, Urhobo towns clash over land  

    Fears of a bloody ethnic crisis gripped Delta state on Thursday as  Ogbe-Ijoh and Aladja,  Ijaw and Urhobo communities in Warri Southwest and Udu local government areas of the state clash over land.

    The two communities have been locked in battle over the ownership of a strip of land over which they went to war in 1996.

    Various sources said the latest in a series of clashes between the warring neighbours was sparked off when armed Urhobo warriors from Aladja invaded Ogbe-Ijoh in the wee hours of Thursday.

    At the time of this report on Thursday evening the sound of gunfire was booming from ‘warfront’ with at least a dozen persons reportedly missing.

    A soldier and several Ogbe-Ijoh community indigenes sustained machete wounds in the attack.

    Two speed boats conveying hundreds of residents fleeing Ogbe-Ijoh to neighbouring Warri were also reportedly seized by the warriors.

    An indigene of Ogbe-Ijoh, Mr Richard Koremene told our reporter on telephone that three of his kinsmen had been butchered.

    “Some Ogbe-Ijoh persons have been injured, including a soldier man. There is tension – very high and there is concern that the hostility might escalate.”

    The Chairman of Warri Southwest LGA , Chief Government Ekpemupolo, told our reporter on telephone that tension was “very high” even though the Warri Area Command of the Nigerian Police had waded into the matter.

    Mr Aaron (surname withheld) blamed the crisis on the abduction of an Aladja woman from the farm on Wednesday evening.

    “The woman who went to the farm was seized and taken to Ogbe-Ijoh by the youths who detained her behind a counter.”

    “So Aladja youths in reprisal blocked the only road leading to Ogbe-Ijoh. They said the road would remain closed until the woman is released.

    Meanwhile, residents of Ogbe-Ijoh, including NYSC corps members, are fleeing Ogbe-Ijoh in the wake of Thursday attack.

    The Chairman of the Waterways Security Committee, Chief Boro Opudu, who confirmed the report said security operatives were battling to restore normalcy to the area.

    He said soldiers from Nigerian Army and mobile police force have been deployed to the community to restore law and order.

  • The church and the challenge of anti-corruption war

    There is no gainsaying the fact that religious pretensions do not shield anyone from the enticements of worldly pleasures and lust for dishonest enrichment. Greed does not know sex, tribe, age, religion or economic status. The religious leaders who partook of the Dasukigate largesse despite their sanctimonious facade, who were goaded-on by their avarice to engage in the pillaging of our common patrimony, are an eloquent testimony to this fact. These abject vassals, who don the toga of religious elites, are the ones the Chairman of Fresh Democratic Party (FRESH), Rev. Chris Okotie, labelled the grex venalium (the venal crowd) in an article he wrote in the February 8, 2016 edition of The Nation, which he aptly titled ‘Buhari’s battle against the venal crowd.’

    The piece in question clearly shows that Nigeria is under assault from a new form of economic insurgency—bread and butter spiritualists who receive ‘prayer welfare packages’ as a grant for submitting thei religious office to political adventurism. This is probably not their first dip-in-the-till for black monies; the prayers welfare package saga was just the episode in which they got caught: How sad!

    Much to the chagrin of many in the Christian fold, Rev. Okotie had repeatedly alerted the nation to this anomaly, which another pastor from the north, Borno-based Kallamu Musa-Dikwa, and later former River State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, alluded to when they disclosed that some pastors received a whooping N7 billion as their offering towards ensuring the return of Goodluck Jonathan to power. The voices of repudiation rang across the PDP and its supporters, but Dasukigate has given us a peep into the scale and truism of these allegations which robbed Nigeria’s treasury of an estimated $2.1 billion; a booty which former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd), allegedly shared freely to anyone who was willing and ready to receive.

    Okotie’s article questioned the integrity of the pastors who displayed such depth of ecclessiastical indiscretion, brazenly desecrating the tenets of Christianity’s forensic right-standing by their display of unbridled greed. He wrote: “If Attahiru Bafarawa was the accredited agent of the Muslim prayers welfare package, who then collected on behalf of the multitudes of Christians? Who? Who is that Christian proboscis whose insidious suction availed

    himself of billions of naira on behalf of the followers of Christ? Who is that Judas, maybe Judases? What an irony that those who should scrupulously guide the people are themselves poisoning the water from which the flock would drink…”

    While Nigerians of different faiths were being slaughtered on the altar of Boko Haram, this lot congregated to share blood money under a pretentious ploy of offering prayers for the survival of a PDP candidate drowning in the pool of political ineptitude. Those prayers, if ever there were any, obviously failed to help Jonathan walk on water: He sank. Yet the battle to escape the clutches of lady justice has compelled Jonathan’s appointees, who are being prosecuted for these crimes against Nigeria, to engage the services of big legal teams funded with their loot to help subvert the cause of justice. In the minds of this venal crowd, justice can be bought at the right price. The callous pillagers cannot see any wrong in their activities, and their no-case submissions to the charges of graft against them unmask their unrepentant nature in the dehumanizing effects which their economic crimes have inflicted on the nation and its citizens.

    PDP’s 16-year reign is a case study in economic terrorism. Jonathan, during his six- year malarkey, displayed base propensities as a leader, rarely questioning expenditures, as if the treasury was a bottomless purse which he could use to service his coterie of political hangers-on, allowing all and sundry to dip in and take their fill.

    But could we have expected any better from a government led by a pack of thieving elite? During Jonathan’s tenure, rising oil income produced lower living standards, poverty, and the external reserves were drained to its barest minimum. The slew of anti-corruption probes became the logical response. To this, Rev. Okotie spared no words in voicing his support for President Muhammadu Buhari’s anti-corruption campaign when he said recently: “We have an ex-general in power, who is an epitome of discipline and transparency. I urge Nigerians to support his anti-corruption campaign which aims to rid this country of PDP’s legacy of a government of the corrupt, by the corrupt, and for the corrupt.

    The legacy of corruption and insurgency may have been the twin malignant cancers which the Jonathan government celebrated with glee, but the silver lining which can translate into a full reversal of Nigeria’s fortunes and the tradition of corruption has obviously begun with the ongoing probes. This is one of many welcome manifestations of our party’s idea of a paradigm shift from the status quo.”

    Those who have accused President Buhari of selective persecution of Jonathan’s PDP appointees must remember that Jonathan’s government chose not to probe the governments before his. Neither did he investigate questionable practices within his government. Also, the claim, that the probes are concentrated in the federal arm of government cannot stand the test of scrutiny. Engaging the services of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the two primary agencies saddled with the task of ridding the nation of these vices, are not the exclusive preserve of President Buhari. By law, any citizen, especially a governor, local government chairman or councillor at state and local government levels, have the responsibility to ensure that these agencies pursue the requirements of justice against any official or past regime found wanting. It can’t all be about President Buhari. He has led the way, other arms of governments should follow suit, and Nigerians should likewise give the battle against corruption the necessary support for the sake of future generations.

     

    • Patricia Ariole wrote in from Lagos