The Nation Newspaper

Tag: war

  • Oritsefemi, Olamide on war path

    Oritsefemi, Olamide on war path

    Weeks after the release of the remix of Sebee, which had two of Nigeria’s best Hip-hop singers, Oritsefemi and Olamide, there appears to be some quiet discomfort between both artistes over a recent collaboration with fast-rising afro-pop singer, Sossi.

    Sossi who is signed to Bugatti records label featured Oritsefemi and Olamide in the remix of his popular single, Sebee, a track that has made him toast of many. It was learnt that problem started weeks after Sossi dropped the remix.

    Sossi and his management were said to have paid N1.5m to feature Olamide on the track while Oritsefemi allegedly paid N500, 000.

    This disparity in the fee was said to have angered Oritsefemi when he got wind of Olamide’s fee, which was more than what he got from the label. He’s believed to be angry with Sossi and his management over their decision to pay him lesser fee, since Olamide is perceived to be his junior in the music industry.

    Although voicing his discomfort on the matter, it was also gathered that there had been an animosity between both of them over Oritsefemi’s decision not to feature Olamide in his yet-to-be released album.

    A source who does not want his name mentioned disclosed that there was no need to create unnecessary feud among the two artistes because the label paid them what it felt they truly deserved. Efforts to reach Olamide on the phone proved abortive, as his manager, Alex did not pick his calls. On the other hand, Oritsefemi who was said to have just been discharged from the hospital would not want to be belaboured by the issue.

    When contacted, Sossi’s Manager, Michael, said he was not aware of the development and promised to look into it for clarifications. As at the time of this report, he is yet to get back on the raving issue.

  • How fares the anti-Boko Haram war?

    How fares the anti-Boko Haram war?

    Since he took office about two months ago, President Muhammadu Buhari has put the war against Boko Haram terrorist group on the front burner, as a priority for his administration. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI examines the administration’s moves to contain the insurgency and what can be done to add pep to the battle.

    IN spite of the resolve of President Muhammadu Buhari not to give the militant Islamic group, otherwise known as Boko Haram, any breathing space, the insurgents remain as daring as ever. Buhari had told the nation in an interview on Cable News Network (CNN) that he would deal effectively with the Boko Haram terrorists in two months when he gets into office.

    In his inaugural speech, he had announced the relocation of the military command and control centre from the capital Abuja, which is about 800km to Maiduguri, the main city at the heart of the insurgency, until the conflict is resolved. The new command was widely expected to add vigour to the counter-insurgency campaign. In a follow-up to a number of initiatives on the matter, President Buhari on July 13 appointed new Service Chiefs and the National Security Adviser. This was another move that was expected to add pep to the battle against the insurgents.

    Boko Haram appears to have changed tactics and is creating havoc here and there. In the view of security experts, this suggests that there are no easy solutions to the Boko Haram problem and that the federal government must do something differently to achieve the desired result. Intelligence and security sources believe the insurgency may fester for some time due to factors beyond the control of President Buhari. The sect, despite the successes recorded by the military. The militant group is said to have grown beyond being a Nigerian organisation. According to experts, it now has franchise covering lower part of West Africa from Nigeria across Ghana, Gambia and Sierra Leone to other countries in the region. The sect is believed to be working in concert with the Islamic State.

    Buhari has acknowledged that the government might negotiate with the terrorists for the release of the over 200 girls kidnapped at a boarding school in Chibok, Borno State in April, last year. But, the idea of negotiating with the terrorist group is fraught with a lot of challenges

    A security and ancillary services consultant, Colonel Gabriel Ajayi (rtd), said from his experience of terrorist groups in other countries, Boko Haram insurgents would never negotiate from a position of weakness and would never surrender. He said: “There is no record in military history where generals have received instrument of surrender from insurgents or terrorists. What usually happens is that their capacity to go on with the operation could be radically reduced and eventually it fizzles out. Hardly will you find insurgents entering into dialogues, signing of agreements.”

    Ajayi added that the moves by the Buhari-led administration so far, to curb the insurgency is good. Nevertheless, he said there was no magic wand to counter insurgency. He said: “There is no textbook answer to tackling insurgency. It is an unconventional war that can only be tackled through unconventional means, such the application of native intelligence. The people of the area and the leaders of the North might hold the key to solving the problem.”

    Ajayi does not believe that the insurgents are gaining the upper hand. His words: “It is not as if the insurgents are gaining the upper hand; what happened before the general elections was postponed was that Boko Haram insurgents took the Nigerian military for granted and started employing conventional warfare tactics to fight a conventional army. They succeeded for a time, because the military was not equipped to face them militarily. But, in reality, they cannot use conventional methods to fight a conventional army and hope to win in the long run.

    “Boko Haram changed tactics when they started acquiring territories and having an army of occupation to defend such territories. This method compels them to tie down their forces in the occupied territories. In their usual modus operandi, terrorists don’t acquire territories; they only strike and disappear. As guerrilla fighters, they are always on the move. So, it was easy for the army to fight them when they were holding grounds. There is no way they can win a straight fight with the military.

    “So, it is not as if Boko Haram insurgents are gaining the upper hand; they have only changed their tactics. Realising the futility of their action, they have resorted to guerrilla warfare at the moment. It would not be easy for the military to tackle them because of the unconventional tactics they are using.”

    The security and ancillary services consultant listed five strategies the military can employ to start winning the war. He said: “But, these are classified information and it would not be appropriate for me to begin to reveal them on the pages of a newspaper. I would reveal only about one or two. One of the strategies, in fact the number five strategy, is to start reconstruction immediately, using military engineers. The Bible in the Book of Nehemiah said, while we held the spear in one hand, we started rebuilding. When you begin reconstruction, the people will see that you are giving them a better alternative than what Boko Haram would give them, if they continue to support the group. So, right away, the government should start reconstruction.

    “Secondly, at the highest level of command, they should set up a think-tank, to brainstorm on this issue to keep the terrorists on the run. We must be proactive, rather than just reacting to their strikes. This think-tank should be extra-organisation; it would not be part of the military as an organisation. This war is an unusual war, so we have to adopt unusual methods in dealing with it; we cannot handle it in the conventional way.”

    A lawyer and public affairs analyst, Martins Agoziem, believes the insurgency was politicised from the outset. He said had Nigerians faced the issue the way it tackled the Ebola virus, terrorism would have been drastically reduced. He believed that the prejudice against the Jonathan administration blinded the sensibilities of those who should have proffered solution to the problem. He said rather than face the terrorist, the issue was used as a landmine to discredit the former government.

    Agoziem added: “It is an irony that under Jonathan, the opposition party gloated over the fact that the then president was at a very tight spot because of the activities of the terrorists. In some more instances, some people tagged the war against terror as genocide against the North. I wish all Nigerians would see the war against terrorists like the war against Ebola. During the Ebola scare, everybody faced the problem with one spirit. There was no APC or PDP because Ebola didn’t know who was in party A or party B, and with the cooperation of all Nigerians, Ebola was defeated.

    “If one Boko Haram member was killed, they would accuse Jonathan of wanting to wipe out the North. Those who were opposed to Jonathan saw the case of insecurity as Jonathan’s Achilles heels and they took advantage of the situation and made a big issue out of it. If all Nigerians had seen the war against terrorists as a war that must be won just like the Ebola virus scare, I am sure that by now, insecurity would have gone down drastically. Ironically, those same people who always criticised Jonathan, but never proffered any solution on how the issue of terrorism could be tackled are now asking Nigerians to support Buhari against Boko Haram.”

    In the view of Governor Kashim Shettima of Borno State, Boko Haram has thrived because stakeholders, such as Muslim clerics, community leaders, elected officials, democratic institutions and the media, have not played their roles effectively towards curbing the menace. Shettima, who made the observation in a paper he delivered during a fellowship and award dinner organized by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Abuja last week, said the fight against Boko Haram cannot succeed unless leading Islamic scholars with mass followers come out of their silence to preach against the ideology from an intellectual perspective.

    This, he said, would change the narrative to discourage young men from being recruited by the sect. In the paper titled, “Democracy and Security in Northeast, Nigeria — the Case Study of Borno” the governor said notable Islamic scholars have maintained silence because they are afraid of being killed like many of their colleagues who were left exposed without security details despite preaching loud against the ideology and marked as enemies by the sect.

    He said: “Changing the ideology of the Boko Haram will require intellectual roles by leading Islamic scholars with mass appeal. It is most disturbing to note that today in northern Nigeria, there is no single Islamic scholar that preaches against the Boko Haram ideology and the reason is because everyone is afraid. Leading scholars like Sheikh Jaafar Mahmud Adam and Sheikh Albani Zaria who vehemently preached against the ideology have been killed.

    “In Maiduguri, scholars, like Sheikh Ibrahim Gomari, Malam Bashir Gomari and over 30 scholars who were opposed to the Boko Haram ideology, have all been killed. Today, the only group in the North that can speak against the sect are holders of public offices who have security men surrounding them. It is hugely important for us to identify Islamic scholars with the intellectual depth and mass followership to change the Boko Haram narrative so that we can save young souls from listening to the sect.

    “We must support these scholars and provide them with maximum security for not only them but their families as much as public office holders are adequately protected. These scholars will be performing very important national security assignments that are as important as those of any public office holder, no matter how highly placed.”

    In the paper that was delivered on his behalf by his Deputy, Zannah Umar Mustapha, the governor blamed democratic institutions for failing to address the problem at the early stage. He also blamed leaders, including himself, for not rising up to the occasion. Shettima, whose paper went memory lane to discuss the evolution of the sect in Borno, also indicted journalists for unknowingly helping the insurgents.

     

  • On PDP’s ‘prisoners of war’

    On PDP’s ‘prisoners of war’

    Leading chieftains of the defeated Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) still regard the last general election in the country as a war lost. And even in defeat, they’re carrying on as a band of renegade soldiers still smarting from the side effects of defeat. If you disagree, how do you explain a recent statement by the party’s spokesman, Olisa Metuh, accusing the Federal Government of treating PDP members like prisoners of war?

    He made the party position known while addressing party stakeholders in Lokoja.  He said: “We are being treated as if we are prisoners of war. We are being treated as if we are refugees. We are not afraid, we have faith in our strength and unity; faith in the peace, unity and progress of Nigeria.”

    And his reason for this unusual submission is none other than the simple fact that some individuals, who happen to be members of his troubled party, have been asked to explain some of their activities while in one public office or the other. To Metuh, this is the aftermath of losing a war.

    “We condemn the uncivilised method of arrest, intimidation and the denial of the fundamental human rights of members of our party who served in the last administration by the Buhari led administration,” he said. He accused the All Progressives Congress led administration of witch-hunting.

    Coming from Metuh, the submission shouldn’t be strange to keen observers of the nation’s politics, for it was the same man who justified former First Lady, Patience Jonathan’s charge to PDP women to see the then forthcoming election as “a war against the enemies of Nigeria.” Back then, Metuh saw nothing wrong in Mrs. Jonathan’s war song. Today, he is of the opinion that he and his colleagues, haven lost the ‘war’, are being fed the bitter morsels of usually reserved for POWs.

    Shedding more light into the workings of his mind, Metuh, speaking for PDP as a party, said he feels the arrest are not unconnected with alleged corrupt practices by his party men while in office. And soberly, he only came short of begging the new administration to tamper justice with mercy.

    “We (PDP) are not afraid of the intimidation, harassment and arrest of our members by the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari, if the arrest is done within the confines of the law. If the ruling party believes that there is anyone who has served in the federal government and is guilty of corrupt practices, they are free within the law to investigate as long as they go through due process and observe the rule of law,”  he added.

    Well, while Metuh and his party men are entitled to their thoughts and admittances, his statements come across more like veiled fear of the known repercussion for some actions of the past. Is the PDP spokesperson saying his accused party men have soiled their hands and are prisoners of conscience? Is he indirectly soliciting the rights provided in the Geneva Convention for POWs?

    Well, it may serve them all better to simply come out and put their cards on the table. Who knows, clemency may be offered. At least, President is yet to arbitrarily send anybody to long years of imprisonment on allegations of corruption the way he did in 1984. A stitch in time, they say, saves nine.

     

  • An anti-graft war advisory

    An anti-graft war advisory

    Poor Sule Lamido. After an eight-year remarkable tenure as governor of Jigawa State, which he, by sheer grit, transformed from a rustic community of farmers, building roads, schools and a beautiful airport, he has been arraigned before a court for alleged corruption. His fans- and foes- are wondering how and when he crossed the line – if the allegations are, indeed, true.

    He was asked to be remanded in prison custody. Apparently exasperated by it all, Lamido exclaimed: “So I’m now a prisoner?” The Jagoran Talakawa (friend of the poor) is, thankfully, now on bail.

    Lamido is not alone. Former Imo Governor Ikedi Ohakim, former Head of Service Steve Oronsaye and former Adamawa Governor Murtala Nyako have all just returned from the court.

    Apparently scared that this could be their lot, considering the reconnaissance of the Dr Goodluck Jonathan administration by the tactful Muhammadu Buhari presidency, many dignitaries have bombarded “Editorial Notebook” for a confidential advisory on how to go through it all. It will, in my view, be unfair to make such a critical document secret, considering the sheer number of our compatriots who will soon find it exceedingly useful.

    Here we go: Merely taking you before the court – if you fail to get a perpetual injunction against the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), its agents, privies, officers, operatives or whatsoever called, who may wish to investigate you from so doing – does not make you a prisoner. Be ready to shell out a fortune – obviously a small fraction of the cash they claim you have stolen – to get a damn good lawyer, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). There are many of them in town nowadays. Your adversary, the tempestuous EFCC, cannot afford them.

    When you are remanded, don’t panic and give your traducers a chance to say: “Oh; he’s finished.” Remember, the offence, no matter how huge the cash involved, is bailable. In fact, the charges may be as long as the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. Never mind; as the case progresses, they may be withdrawn, amended or consolidated into one or two.

    Bail will come in very liberal terms: N400m and a surety who must be a senior civil servant. He or she must own a property in Abuja (Is there any senior government official worth his seat who doesn’t own a choice property in that seductive city?) or be a National Award recipient– there are all manner of people (leaders and looters) who are proud honorees, you know. If the judge is the liberal type, he may just let you go on self-recognition.

    When the case proper begins, your lawyer will tell the judge he has no jurisdiction to entertain the matter. The judge could be stubborn. He may fix a date to determine his jurisdiction and, in actual fact, rule that he is fit to hear the matter. Don’t fret. Your lawyer will simply head for the ever-busy Court of Appeal. This, no doubt, will take months to resolve. The appeal may be decided, most likely against you. Be strong; it is a temporary setback (if you see it as a setback o). Remember, it is basic in law that you are innocent, until proven guilty. In fact, your lawyer should tell you that Actus non facit reum nisi mens sit rea (The act does not make a person guilty unless the mind is also guilty).

    Another judge will naturally take over the case. A plea is taken – “Are you guilty or not?” Be firm in replying: “Not guilty at all, my Lord.” Your SAN will then raise a preliminary objection, saying again that His Lordship has no jurisdiction to hear the matter. “The offence was not committed in Abuja,” he will tell the court, “and the money involved is, after all, not the Federal Government’s.” Besides, no prima facie case has been established against you, the lawyer will say confidently.

    As the case wends its way through, never forget you’re a politician, not a criminal. Never. Fight for your party’s ticket to run for governor (don’t mind the cost). If you win the election, the case automatically goes into the cooler for at least the next four years. If you are the considerate type, you can listen to the pleas of the good people of your dear state to serve for four more years. By the time you finish – you can run for Senate o – the case file would have been missing. Don’t arrange for the judge to get beaten up and his robe torn and the court documents shredded and the court premises shut down. No need for all that as people will call you, a honorable man, names.

    If the authorities dare to revive it all, your lawyer will simply make a no-case  submission, insisting that the prosecution has no case against you and that you, ipso facto, should be compensated for the ordeal of being brought before the court.

    If your lawyer  is the theatrical type, he can muddy the waters. He will spring up to his feet, adjust his gown, frown, gesticulate like a Nollywood wannabe and tell the judge: “Objection, my Lord. I have an objection. We have filed a motion, which is fundamental to the very essence of this case, from which we believe you should excuse yourself. We can smell some bias, with due respect, my Lord.”

    Shocked, the judge will begin to put up a defence. “Me, biased? How?” He will then fix a long adjournment date. Again, you have been saved by the bell. When the date comes, his lordship will simply announce that since your lawyer has raised the issue of bias, he has returned the file to the Chief Judge for reassignment. Go home and relax as the court, which has its hands full of urgent matters, will not give a date so soon.

    Outside the court, your supporters will bear big placards attesting to your integrity and notifying the world that you are being persecuted because of your political beliefs. Some of the placards will read: “Leave our hero alone. He is not a thief”; “EFCC, is your money missing?”; “Our man is not guilty. This is politics taken too far”; “It is better for 1000 criminals to go free than to have an innocent man punished”.

    Of course, an army of television cameramen and newspaper photographers will be there to record the scene for all, especially your supporters who may not be able to join the solidarity bus to Abuja and those political enemies of yours who pray fervently for your downfall.

    As the case progresses (with another judge taking charge), if your lawyer perceives that it could be against you, he will so inform you. “Be strong and courageous. Do not be petrified, do not be discouraged.” Isn’t that what the holy book demands of us? Besides, there is a way out.

    Your lawyer will seek your permission to go into settlement talks with the prosecution. It is called plea bargain. An agreement will be drawn up. You will be required to give up some of the property you have acquired in exchange for your freedom. A filling station here, a mansion there and a shopping complex in the heart of the city. Just a few.

    The judge may also ask you to pay a fine, usually the kind of cash you can easily ask your driver to whip out of the car trunk. Your detractors  will call it a slap on the wrist, never mind; that’s their problem.

    Freedom–at last. Get some rest and at the weekend storm your hometown in a long motorcade of exotic vehicles. A grand reception should be awaiting your arrival, with the community’s best musician on the band stand. Push the boat out. Flood the gathering with choice drinks. Let there be plenty of food as if it is Christmas Day.  Remember the sumptuosity of it all is a reflection of your status.

    Deliver a moving speech, thanking your people for standing by you all the way. All are not thieves whom the dogs bark at, you will say in an emotional voice. To your opponents, be magnanimous. Tell them you have forgiven all, that you harbour no malice against anyone and that you see your ordeal as the price you needed to pay for agreeing to serve your people. I assure you there will be a deafening ovation from the appreciative crowd of youths, elders and common folks.

    On Sunday, storm the church with your army of supporters for a welcome/thanksgiving service. The sermon is quite predictable. The man of God will admonish the congregation to always embrace truth and service, adding that no matter how rough things are, the truth will surely prevail.

    When it is time to dance up to the alter for the priest’s blessings, you can request for a popular local song, something like this: “O ti mu mi gbagbe o, ibanuje igba kan, A se were ni’se Oluwa, oba ti mo pe t’onje. A se were ni’se Oluwa, oba ti mo pe t’onje.” (He has made me to forget the sadness of the past. God’s work is timely. He is the king that I call and he answers.)

    To shame those who mocked you, you can then request to have that chieftaincy title you shunned because of your modesty.

    All rights reserved. No part of this advisory may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the copyright holder.

  • Are we winning anti-corruption war?

    CORRUPTION is a disease that has pervaded almost  every state in Nigeria. It has increased in quality and intensity, with alarming and devastating consequences on humans and their standard of living. The endemic nature of corruption constitutes one of its greatest threats to humanity. It’s pathetic and shameful to say that a country flowing with milk and honey has been plagued with corruption at all levels.

    Corruption extends to every aspect of public life, making it more or less impossible to stay in business without being infected with this bug. As we have the common bribe-giving people and leaders, so also we have the most common bribe-taking people and leaders. In fact, it has become a natural/destructive web as anyone hoping to do business, be it small or big in Nigeria, must first of all take corruption as a paramount factor by making room for its operation or by putting it into consideration.

    Indeed, the situation is so bad that even some government officials allegedly collect bribe one to get government business done. The continuous threats of unemployment, embezzlement of public fund, mismanagement of the nation’s wealth, social unrest, political instability, extortion, influence peddling, and fraud and lots more – all these have bred inefficiency, unethical value and indiscipline, pervasion of integrity, abuse of power, greediness and selfishness in some of us.

    One cannot but to agree with Smith, who describes Nigeria as a country that is plunging into ever-greater depth of corruption and decay. Thus, the greater the development plans, the larger the scale of corruption which their implementation encourage as efforts that are being made for the benefit of the community are diverted to at private pockets. Rev Charles Caleb Colton (1780-1932), said: “Corruption is like a ball of snow, once it’s set a rolling, it must increase.” Also, a social critic, David Brin, said power corrupts, but actually it’s truer that power attracts the corruptible. The sane are usually attracted by other things than power.”

    Corruption poses a serious development challenge. In the political realm, it undermines democracy and good governance by subverting formal processes. Corruption in elections and in legislative bodies reduces accountability and fair representation in policymaking; corruption in the judiciary undermines or suspends the rule of law; and corruption in public administration results in the unequal provision of services. More generally, In Nigeria another major cause of corruption is ethnicity called tribalism in Nigeria. Friends and kinsmen seeking favour from officials may impose difficult strains on the ethical disposition of the official. Corruption erodes the institutional capacity of the government as procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned off, and officials are hired or promoted without regard to performance. At the same time, corruption undermines the legitimacy of government and such democratic values as trust and tolerance.

    Corruption also undermines economic development by generating considerable distortions and inefficiency. In the private sector, corruption increases the cost of business through the price of illicit payments, it also generates economic distortions in the public sector by diverting public investment into capital projects where bribes and kickbacks are more plentiful. Corruption also lowers quality of standards of compliance with construction, environmental, or other regulations; reduces the quality of the government services and infrastructure as is too evident to Nigerians; and increases budgetary pressures on government.This may be the reason in spite of the unprecedented hikes in crude oil prices that have led to the so-called excess oil revenues. Painfully, the Federal Government is still finding it quite difficult to balance its yearly budgets.

    How do we claim to be on the winning the war against corruption when indications has shown that many Nigerians leaders at all levels, including past heads of state, governors, politicians, retired civil servants, judges, law makers and a army generals, have engaged and are still engaging in corrupt practices. For this reason, the question that Nigerians should be asking is not, who among the moneyed elite class is corrupt? But, who is NOT corrupt? That this must be so is evident from the way many Nigerians seem to live above their legitimate incomes. Otherwise how does one explain the sources for the financing of those luxurious, palatial, stately mansions (that have mushroomed in many Nigerian cities, towns, and even villages), not to speak of the sumptuously lavish social parties and very expensive top-end luxury cars put on display by a large number of businessmen, senior public servants and military personnel, serving and retired. Perhaps the real challenge with tackling corruption in Nigeria is that most of the corruption warriors (the policy makers, the legislators, the police and the judiciary) pressed into service are themselves not innocent. These are the realities that have stared past and present leaders on the face as they moan about corruption and pretend to fight it.

    With the new administration on board, can we say with boldness that we can walk tall and deliver ourselves from this web of corruption, though many Nigerians saw a level of transparency, integrity, and accountability in 1985, under the military administration of General Muhammadu Buhari(rtd), where a cross section of political gladiators were convicted of various corrupt practices  and prosecuted. Now that  President Buhari has been sworn in, is there any proof or evidence that the history of 1985 can repeat itself? As a nation, let us be sincere with ourselves.

    Essentially, what is required to tame the feathers of corruption in the polity is the political will and dedication of the leaders, and the enabling environment to make the process credible.

    This, nevertheless, must begin with an overhaul of the country’s anti-graft agencies, a review of the laws as well as ridding of indiscipline from the judicial system.

    The stakes are high, so also is the optimism that even if the grip of corruption cannot be cut off, it would certainly be curbed to the bearest minimum. It is cherry news that the president and his deputy have taken the bull by the horn by declaring their assets. This, to a large extent, will restore the hope that Nigeria will would soon be free to a reasonable extent from this canker worm that has penetrate its  system.

     

    • Esther, 400-Level Mass Comm., UNILORIN
  • NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Inside the war without end

    NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Inside the war without end

    Since the inauguration of the 8th National Assembly, things have fallen apart to the extent that it has been difficult for the Senate and the House of Representatives to settle down for business. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION examines the multi-dimensional intrigues, its consequences and the ways out.

    More than a month after its inauguration, the National Assembly has been wobbling because of the inability of the Senate and the House of Representatives to elect its principal officers in a peaceful, credible and transparent manner. Rather than settling down for business, the new leaders of both chambers have been performing Executive functions by entertaining courtesy calls, solidarity visits and globetrotting in search of legitimacy and acceptance by the public.

    The implosion within the All Progressives Congress (APC) caucus in the two chambers has grounded legislative activities leading to an unnecessary and long recess to allow tempers to cool down. While Nigerians are looking forward to July 21 for the National Assembly to reconvene, the much-needed peace appeared not in sight as resumption from recess was shifted again to July 28.

    According to a highly-placed source, the “postponement of resumption is to enable us calm frayed nerves and agree at amicable resolution of the issues at stake.”

    There are four things in contention to redirect the APC in the National Assembly. These are:  convincing the aggrieved Senators and House of Representatives members to accept the June 9 election of principal officers as a fait accompli; prevailing on the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara to abide by the party’s decision on sharing of principal officers to accommodate Sen. Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila groups; coming up with political solutions which will reunite APC caucus in the National Assembly and ward of infiltration by the Peoples Democratic Party; restoration of party supremacy to enable the President focus on the CHANGE agenda

    The demands

    For Saraki and Dogara, they are savouring the moment because they have gone to the negotiation table from a position of strength having been elected or crowned as leaders of the Senate and the House. Even their mien had been suggestive of a pyrrhic victory. But the Lawan and Gbajabiamila groups, which are loaded with the intelligentsia and principled leaders, have risen above their ‘losses’ to insist on what is right and deference to the supremacy of the party.

    All the actors had used the past three weeks to hold meetings with President Muhammadu Buhari, National Chairman of APC, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, party leaders and elders, and the National Executive Committee. The crux of the matter is how to strike a deal between Saraki-Dogara alliance and the APC/ Lawan and Gbajabiamila groups on the demands of the latter.

    The template for negotiation was set by the All Progressives Congress.  The position of the leadership of the APC was contained in two separate letters to the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, by the National Chairman of the APC, Odigie-Oyegun . The June 23 letter to Saraki, referenced APC/NHDQ/NAM/01/015/05, said: “Please find below for your necessary action names of principal officers approved by the party, after extensive consultations for the 8th Senate as follows: Sen. Ahmed Lawan (Majority Leader)–North-East; Prof. Sola Adeyeye (Chief Whip)–South-West; Sen. George Akume (Deputy Majority Leader)—North-Central; and Sen. Abu Ibrahim (Deputy Chief Whip)—North-West.

    A similar letter, APC/NHDQ/NAM/01/015/06, to the Speaker said: “Please find below for your necessary action: names of principal officers approved by the party after extensive consultations for the 8th House of Representatives as follows: Femi Gbajabiamila (House Leader)—-South-West; Alhassan Ado Doguwa (Deputy House Leader)—North-West; M. T. Monguno (Chief Whip)—North-East; and Pally Iriase (Deputy Chief Whip)—South-South. This comes with the assurances of my highest regards.”

    Despite the template, Saraki with his Like Minds Senators went ahead to defy APC and selected its own principal officers:

    In a July 1 session with President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, the Gbajabiamila group tabled its case and was unwavering in asking Dogara to respect the party’s wish.

    It said: “On June 9, 2015, 174 APC members in the House faithfully and loyally followed the directives of the party to vote for Femi Gbajabiamila and Mongunu as Speaker and Deputy Speaker while 39 other APC members colluded with the opposition party, the PDP, to elect the current Speaker and Deputy Speaker with only eight votes superiority.

    “The party directive was based on the mock primaries conducted for all aspirants to the two positions. Whereas the candidates of the majority (Gbajabiamila and Mongunu) openly congratulated the winners and continued to cooperate with them in the House, the opposition and the 39 APC members continued to hold the APC leadership in contempt. Whereas, we the 174 party faithful and loyalists had been obedient to the party, what shall be the reward of our loyalty to the party?

    “The party has chosen not to punish the 39 APC members including the elected Speaker and Deputy Speaker, but chose to direct, as it is customary and conventional, on how the other four (4) principal officers should be distributed. Alas! The opposition and the 39 members continue to hold the ruling party in contempt by disobeying the party

    “Whereas, the beneficiaries of the disobedience are citing Federal Character Principle as the main reason for their disobedience, His Excellency should note that (a) During the 6th Assembly (2007-2011), the following Officers were elected from the NORTH WEST: (I) The president and Commander in Chief, (ii) Ismaila Kawu and (III) Mutawalle–two occupied two out of the four principal officers positions of the Minority Party, (iv) Aminu Tambuwal was elected Deputy Chief Whip.

    “(b)Also during the 7th Assembly, the following officers in Government were elected from the NORTH WEST: (I) The Vice President, (II) The Speaker, Aminu

    Tambuwal, (III) Ismaila Kawu, Deputy Minority Leader, (IV) Garba Datti, Deputy Minority Whip. There was never an issue of Federal Character in these instances.

    “It should be noted that the Federal Character principle as embedded in Chapter of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) IS NOT JUSTICIABLE AND OF NO LEGAL CONSEQUENCE. Its provision in S.14 of the Constitution is only applicable to appointments in Federal Ministries and Agencies. The House of Representatives is not an Agency of the Federal Government and the Principal officers positions are elective and not by appointment. If the federal character is applicable to the National Assembly, then both the Senate President and the Speaker cannot come from the North, one of them should be advised to step down.”

    The Lawan group had also made presentations at separate meetings with the President and Oyegun alongside the Deputy National Chairman (North), Sen. Lawal Shuaib, the Deputy National Chairman (South), Segun Oni, and the National Secretary of APC, Mallam Mai Mala Buni.

    According to findings, the meeting was able to chart a “way forward” on how to reunite all APC Senators in the 8th Senate.

    At the end of the meeting, the Lawan group made the following demands:

    o       APC leadership should instil discipline and intervene in the choice of some principal officers in the Senate.

    o       It is better to leave the choice of some principal officers to APC than zonal caucuses in order not to further divide the governing party

    o       Ranking must be considered in the selection of principal officers.

    o       Concession of some principal offices to the Unity Forum including Ahmed Lawan (Majority Leader); George Akume (Deputy Majority Leader); Prof. Sola Adeyeye (Senate Whip);  and Abu Ibrahim(Deputy Whip).

    o       Reconciliation is possible if Saraki group does not play the politics of winner- takes- all

    o       PDP should not be allowed to produce any principal officer except those due to it as the minority party in the Senate

    The negotiation so far

    When the hostility was intense, the APC called a meeting of the National Executive Committee meeting to douse the tension, despite higher expectations, the session could only attract a commitment to party supremacy from all leaders (including Saraki, Dogara, Lawan and Gbajabiamila) and groups; a pledge to work for peace and success of APC administration; and it acceded to the request of the APC governors to wade in the crisis. The governors have set up two committees including Aminu Tambuwal Panel to resolve the crisis of confidence in the House and Governors Atiku Bagudu andAdams Oshiomhole Intervention Committee for the Senate.

    A source, privy to the activities of the two committees, said: “The two committees have met only once with all the gladiators before the National Assembly went on recess. The key actors presented their terms for peace.

    “I think the committees will use the next one week to allow the key actors to negotiate and agree on some terms. The pressure is on Saraki and Dogara to demonstrate their loyalty to the party by accommodating the aggrieved.”

    So far, only Dogara appears to have come up with a variant of the party’s advice. He has partially accepted to accommodate the Gbajabiamila group but he tactically rejected the party’s nominees. Out of the four principal offices, Dogara only conceded two to the Gbajabiamila group, including House Leader and Chief Whip.

    In a July 16 letter to Oyegun, Dogara, who hid under Federal Character Principle after emerging as the Speaker said: “Consequently sir, we propose the following zoning arrangement for the distribution of principal offices in the House of Representatives. Speaker-Yakubu Dogara (North-East); Deputy Speaker, Yusuf Sulaimon Lasun (South-West); House Leader (North-West); Deputy House Leader (North-Central); Chief Whip (South-South) and Deputy Chief Whip (South-East).

    “Above proposal satisfies the provisions of Order 1 of our Rules and Constitutional provision on Federal Character and gives all parts of Nigeria a sense of belonging. The proposal will also obviate all pending court cases filed by some zonal caucuses on the matter.

    “To resolve this problem, we had offered that some of the aggrieved members of our party (APC) who lost the election for the office of the Presiding Officers should produce some of the remaining Principal Officers for peace to reign. For emphasis, we have conceded the position of the Leader of the House and Chief Whip to those aggrieved as long as the persons do not come from the North-East or South-West zones that have already produced the Speaker and Deputy Speaker.

    “In any case sir, I pledge as the Speaker of the House, to accommodate other colleagues of ours in the party list, who may not be taken care of by this arrangement, with other commensurate appointments or other existing opportunities for service to the nation.

    “We owe a duty to lay the truth bare as we have done in this case. The party in conjunction with governors, national leaders and the APC caucuses in the House may agree otherwise as the saying goes: ‘volenti non fit injuria’.  Our party must not have the undistinguished honour of setting a precedent outside of the provisions of the constitution and the Rules of the House.”

    Investigation revealed that Saraki has not made any substantial concession other than the outstanding office of the Chief Whip which is yet to be filled. With benefit of hindsight of a list coming from the party, Saraki played a fast one by filling some principal offices in order to have an excuse that event has overtaken the party’s advisory. The power sharing formula so far in the Senate is as follows: President of the Senate, Saraki (North-Central); Senate Leader, Ali Ndume (North-East); Deputy Senate Leader, Bala Ibn Na’Allah (North-West); and Deputy Chief Whip, Francis Ailimikhena (South-South). A reliable stakeholder said: “Saraki’s body language has indicated that he will not empower Lawan and Akume because they are capable of a political rebound which can undermine his Senate Presidency. He is also looking at the bigger picture of the politics in APC. He knows that party leaders, who are backing Lawan and Akume, can spring a surprise any time.

    “I think the Like Minds will only concede the Chief Whip and some juicy committees to Lawan and Akume in the Unity Forum if only they will be loyal to his leadership. The same Saraki is in league with the leaders of the New PDP in APC to influence Dogara not to shift ground.”

    The main setbacks for negotiation

    The battle ahead is still complicated with each of the warring groups engaging in subtle underground war. For instance, the pro-Dogara loyalists have not withdrawn the suit against Gbajabiamila’s eligibility in a court in Abuja because of the fears of a likely political resurgence if it becomes imperative to remove Dogara. Certainly the Gbajabiamila group is unhappy that those backing Dogara could move to tarnish its arrowhead’s image. This is a thaw in the ongoing negotiation.

    In the Senate, the Like Minds is unforgiving of the decision of the Unity Forum to write a petition to the Inspector-General of Police on the purported forgery of the Senate Standing Orders 2015 (as Amended). The implication of the Deputy President of the Senate, Chief Ike Ekweremadu created an upset in the Senate and it has changed reconciliation equation with the Unity Forum. The outcome of the police investigation will determine many things in the Senate.

    Another setback is the involvement of Governor Aminu Tambuwal in the reconciliation process. As a leader, who was neck-deep in supporting Dogara, he needs more reconciliation than some of the key actors in the National Assembly drama.

    Options available to Saraki, Lawan, Dogara and Gbajabiamila

    While it is difficult, remote and impossible to conduct a fresh election of principal officers in the two chambers, the conspiracy of June 9 will continue to haunt the 8th National Assembly. But findings revealed that there are four options out of the woods. Ironically, each of the options has its cost. These include abiding by the party’s directive, adopting a winner-takes-all strategy as presently the case by Saraki and Dogara, working out a political solution in the interim to share offices and committees before adjustment later and leaving the National Assembly perpetually on the edge to pave the way for musical chair in both chambers.

    Abiding by the party’s directive

    Although the APC is being turned into a toothless bulldog by the camps of Saraki and Dogara by ignoring its advice on sharing of principal officers, it will pay the two groups to have some modicum of respect for party supremacy. Shunning the party will amount to destroying the platform with which they won election into the National Assembly. If they have their way, they may not have the last laugh in any party they may belong to realize their aspirations in 2019, even after the looming realignment of forces. Their future political alliance partners will henceforth be more circumspect in dealing with them. Dogara was quick to realize this when he hid under the Principle of Federal Character in the constitution to produce a variant of party’s directive for peace to reign. It was a partial compliance with the party’s directive after much pressure.  The ball is however in Saraki’s court whose only concession might be zoning the Chief Whip to Prof. Sola Adeyeye in Lawan’s group of Unity Forum. He finds it difficult to ask Senator Ali Ndume (Senate Leader) and other Principal Officers to step down because he has boxed himself into a corner with all manner of concessions and platitudes to get the coveted seat. As a politician with his eyes on 2019 presidency, he feels obliged to honour these subterranean and conspiratorial agreements at the expense of the APC because it is about his personal aspiration in the future. The alliance between Saraki and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has also made him to be on a tight rope. If Saraki listens to APC and sacrifices the Deputy President of the Senate, Chief Ike Ekweremadu, who is more adept in diplomatic and concession politics, he will lose his much-cherished Senate Presidency. He has to run a pliant administration for both APC and PDP members in the Senate.

    But as 2019 approaches, the PDP may also bare its fangs and clip the wings of Saraki by conspiring with APC Senators to remove him from office to checkmate his presidential ambition. Overall, respecting APC’s directive will give Saraki more respite than the marriage of inconvenience with PDP.

    Adopting a winner-takes-all strategy

    This is an option with many consequences for Saraki and Dogara and the ultimate will be about presiding over a divided National Assembly. Senators and Reps will develop hyena relationship, conduct legislative business with mutual suspicion, disrupt sessions, frustrate bills and they may end up with less than 30 to 40 per cent performance. At the end of the day, the APC’s Change Agenda might not be realized and the masses will be worse off. For Dogara with a victory of eight votes over Femi Gbajabiamila, he will be in a tinder box without enjoying every minute of his tenure. The winner-takes-all attitude may also pitch the presidency against the National Assembly leaders because it will confirm intelligence report that some forces, who have an axe to grind with President Muhammadu Buhari, bankrolled Saraki and Dogara’s election. The body language of the President has suggested that he is unhappy with Saraki.

    At the Eid-el Fitr prayer in Abuja on Friday, while Saraki was adjusting his Alkimba (Special robe) to pose for photo shots with President Buhari, the latter remained unsmiling. No Senate President or the Speaker of the House of Representatives had successfully, since 1999, fought a sitting Nigerian President and had his cake and ate it. The Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Mallam Garba Shehu, spoke Buhari’s mind when he said: “As a leader, the President has given guidance… His own position is that if the eye troubles you, whatever medicine you are going to apply, don’t put a pin.”

    Leaving the National Assembly on the edge

    If Saraki and Dogara brave the odds and damn the consequences of Lawan and Gbajabiamila’s groups, the 8th National Assembly will perpetually be under tension because the power equation can change at any time. To survive, Saraki and Dogara will spend a greater time in office appeasing one group or the other; making ridiculous concessions to different caucuses to stay afloat or they may be preoccupied with launching counter-plots against “political enemies.” Apart from overstretching their personal and official resources, their desperation for survival might lead to high-handedness including reaching the temperamental stage of suspending some Senators and Representatives from the chambers.

    Still revelling in their victory, Saraki and Dogara are confident that their removal from office is more difficult than their subterfuge election in the light of the provision of Section 50(2) (c) of the 1999 Constitution. The section says: “The President or Deputy President of the Senate or the Speaker or Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives shall vacate his office…if removed from office by a resolution of the Senate or of the House of Representatives, as the case may be, by the votes of not less than two thirds majority of the members of that House.”  But the scenarios in the National Assembly between 1999 and 2003, which led to the emergence of four Senate Presidents and two Speakers have proved their assumption wrong because power game in the legislature is a “slippery” thing. Once either the President of the Senate or the Speaker steps on the famous banana peel, getting two thirds is always easy.

    A high-ranking Senator said: “The Senate and the House of Representatives will certainly witness musical chair and we may end up changing our leaders two or three times before the expiration of the 8th National Assembly.

    “The way things are going now, I don’t see the present leadership surviving the next two years unless Saraki and Dogara lower their gaiety and draw substantially from the survival magic of ex-President of the Senate, Chief David Mark, who was extremely humble with power.

    “Look at how an attempt by Dogara to please a member of the House has backfired. He chartered a jet to go to Delta State and it has become a moral issue. Many faltering steps like this will arise in both chambers and such slips can lead to the change of guards.

    “Money is a key weapon for retaining the loyalty of members of the National Assembly. These members used to ask for one allowance or the other and with a budget cut from N150billion to N120billion, there will be some belt-tightening which might not go down well with Senators and Representatives. They will become restive. The alternative is to abuse the oversight powers of the Senate and the House to hold MDAs to ransom for cash. The attendant scandal from oversight functions may prove fatal for the new leadership in the National Assembly.

    It was also learnt that from the way Dogara is conducting his affairs, he is tied to the apron string of Saraki in deference to the alliance which brought the two leaders to power. He seems to draw confidence from Saraki because each time he agreed to some peace terms in the closet; he reneges in the open due to the fear of backlash. Members of the House might not tolerate Dogara’s servitude to Saraki for long because since 1999, the House of Representatives had always charted a vibrant and independent-minded attitude in contrast to the Senate’s docility. If Dogara does not sustain the template of House vibrancy and radicalism, he will be shoved aside by his colleagues.

    What alternatives for Lawan, Akume and Gbajabiamila?

    Certainly, there are four options available to Lawan, Akume and Gbajabiamila. These staying out of politics of Principal Offices in the Senate and House of Representatives because Saraki and Dogara will deliberately scheme them out;  going back to the trenches to re-strategize to pave way for a speedy political recovery;  accepting any token concessions  from Saraki and Dogara as sacrifices for the overall survival of the 8th National Assembly; and allowing Saraki and Dogara to burn their political fingers. Since they enjoy the backing of President Muhammadu Buhari and the APC tomorrow is another day.

    Which way out?

    A disturbed President Muhammadu only succeeded in pricking the conscience of APC leaders at the maiden meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the party. Buhari said, “Let us as members of the APC, no matter our personal differences get together and use the mandate given to us by this country. This is my personal appeal to you in the name of God. Whatever your personal interest or ambition is, please keep it close to your heart and in your pocket.”

    But he needs to initiate an enlarged reconciliation process to reunite party leaders like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, ex-VP Atiku Abubakar, Chief Bisi Akande, Abubakar Kawu Baraje, former governors in New PDP who crossed over, and all members of the coalition which formed the APC. The APC leaders must return to the starting block for everything to come back to shape. It is a Herculean task but doable. Or else, the Cold War may persist in the party till 2019.

     

  • Re-invigorating anti-graft war

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission (ICPC) have stepped up their anti-corruption battle. Assistant Editor LEKE SALAUDEEN examines why the anti-graft war is on the rebound and highlights the impediments to the crusade.

    In a renewed onslaught against former public officers involved in misappropriation of public funds, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have arraigned three ex-governors in court. Nigerians, who had lost faith in the capability of the EFCC to effectively fight corruption, were taken aback.

    Observers have criticised the tardiness and the shoddy manner the agency has been handling some cases. Some of the cases have remained in court for over seven years. Those accused of looting the treasury have been granted bail and some of them have found their way back in public office as governors or senators. What is responsible for the renewed enthusiasm in the war against corruption by the EFCC?

    The general impression is that the recent moves by the EFCC is to impress the new administration and escape President Muhammadu Buhari ‘s sledge hammer.  Nigerians are not impressed because many of the cases filed by the EFCC over the years are still dragging in court. They note that, apart from the conviction of the former Inspector General of Police, Mr. Tafa Balogun, former Board Chairman of the Nigeria Ports Authority (NPA) Chief Olabode George (he was pardoned) and former Bayelsa State Governor Mr. Diepreye Alamieyesigha, the anti-graft agency has not recorded any other landmark judgment.

    A lawyer, Mallam Yusuf Ali (SAN), said the apprehension over the fate of the corrupt cases filed by the EFCC was not misplaced. He observed that the cases had dragged on for too long. Ali identified major reasons for the protracted litigations. He doubted if the EFCC had qualified people to handle its investigation. He said, if investigations were not thoroughly done, the case would suffer series of adjournments. The question is: Has the EFCC done its assignment properly before heading to court?

    Ali said: “The defendants often fight back through their lawyers who capitalize on the loopholes in the charges preferred against them and apply for frequent adjournment. The EFCC prosecution needs specialised training so that they could file the charges properly and appear at every hearing.

    “The attitude of Nigerians to cases of corruption is not helpful. There is no pressure on anybody to do the right thing. The judiciary must be well equipped to perform. Our judges still record court proceeding in long hand which prolongs trial of cases.”

    Another lawyer, Dr Fred Agbaje, said the EFCC must do away with lawyers, who are more interested in collecting huge money without showing any seriousness as the prosecution. He said: “There are lawyers on the EFCC payroll who, after collecting what we lawyers collect as ‘fat brief’, cannot secure at least a conviction. Or how do you rationalise a situation where out of 48 or 50 charges, a lawyer cannot secure a conviction of at least 10 of those charges and the accused is ultimately left off the hook, by being discharged and acquitted.”

    Lawyer and human rights activist Edwin Ogbuagu blamed the slow dispensation of justice on the EFCC’s shoddy investigation and the penchant for filing amendment charges against accused persons after their arraignment. “The defendants’ counsel always seizes that opportunity to ask for adjournments to enable them study and respond to the new charges,” he added.

    The human rights activist observed that lawyers hired by the EFCC have contributed to the setback. He said many of them might be conniving with the defence team to elongate the trial, especially those involving highly-placed persons, for their mutual benefit. He also observed that former governors on trial followed a familiar pattern of challenging the jurisdiction of the courts.

    He said the office of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice is also a cog in the wheel of EFCC because the minister dictates to the commission the cases to prosecute and those that should be kept at bay. He called for autonomy for the EFCC, to enable it tackle cases of corruption within the civil and public service.

    But, the EFCC has disagreed with those accusing it of abandoning the case files of corrupt politicians, saying they are doing so out of ignorance. The commission said it had done so much and had taken high profile cases to court to determine.

     

    Cases abandoned by EFCC

    Over the years, corruption trials have not gone beyond the plea stage, some for as long as seven years after the first arraignment in court. Many public office holders accused of corruption are still walking free. Some of them have been elected into the National Assembly.

    Former Abia State Governor Orji Kalu was arraigned on July 27, 2007 before an Abuja High Court on a 107 count charge of money laundering, official corruption and criminal diversion of public funds in excess of N5 billion. He approached the Court of Appeal to set aside the ruling of the Federal High Court that he had a case to answer. The appellate court dismissed the appeal for lack of merit and gave the anti-graft agency the nod to prosecute him. With the charges still hanging on his neck, the former governor became a presidential candidate in 2015. He later contested for a Senate seat, which he lost.

    Former Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye was arraigned by the EFCC before an Abuja High Court on a 23-count charge involving N700million. He was granted bail, but he challenged the jurisdiction of the court to try him. He argued that the alleged offence committed by him took place in Plateau State and the funds involved belonged to the state. He said his trial ought to take place in the state, not in Abuja. The judge dismissed Dariye’s objection. He later went to the Court of Appeal, which also threw out the application and ordered him to face trial. While the case was still pending before the court, Dariye won a senatorial seat in 2011.

    Former Governor Saminu Turaki of Jigawa State was docked on a 32-count charge of stealing N36billion from the treasury. He was granted bail on July 27, 2007 by Justice Binta Murtala Nyako of the Federal High Court, Abuja. His bail was contested by the EFCC on the ground that he claimed multiple nationalities and could jump bail, if granted. Turaki has secured the transfer of his trial to his home state. While the argument over his bail was on, Turaki won a seat in the Senate. He was in the National Assembly between 2007 and 2011.

    His Enugu State counterpart, Chimaroke Nnamani, was also arraigned before the Federal High Court in Lagos on a 105-count charge for allegedly stealing N5.3billion The case, lasted for eight years. He was a member of the Senate between 2007 and 2011.

    Former Governor Jolly Nyame of Taraba State was docked on 41-count charge in July 2007. He was alleged to have embezzled N1.3billion and collected N180million from a contractor as a kick-back from a N250 million contract awarded to the company for the supply of stationery to the state government.

    The former governor of Ogun State, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, was arraigned before an Abeokuta High Court by the EFCC in April 2012 for alleged fraudulent conversion of land and diversion of public funds. His trial has suffered numerous adjournments without major progress.

    The trial of the former Oyo State governor, Senator Rashidi Ladoja , who was arraigned by the EFCC in 2008 has followed similar pattern with numerous adjournments. Ladoja was docked alongside his former aide, Chief Waheed Akanbi, on a 10-count charge of money laundering  to the tune of N4.7 billion.

    The accused were alleged to have conspired to convert properties and resources derived from an illegal act, hoping to conceal their illicit origin.

    Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose was arraigned before a Federal High Court in Lagos in 2007 for alleged mismanagement of N1.2 billion poultry project during his first tenure. Upon application filed by Fayose, the court transferred the case to the Federal High Court, Ado-Ekiti. Like he did in Lagos, Fayose brought an application to quash the charge in Ado-Ekiti. The application was dismissed by Justice Adamu Hobon, who described it as an abuse of court process. The case is still pending in the court.

     

    Way forward

    Constitutional lawyer Prof. Itse Sagay advised the EFCC to live up to its responsibilities. He said the anti-graft agency should ensure that cases are brought to logical conclusion. He said the election of Buhari should encourage them to do their job without the fear of being victimised. “I believe, if well funded, just like the INEC is funded, the commission would perform optionally,” Sagay added.

  • Another war averted in Plateau

    Another war averted in Plateau

    When a mosque was bombed in Jos, Plateau State, followed 10 minutes later by another attack on a restaurant frequented by Muslims, the apparent plan was to set Islamic adherents against their Christian counterparts. The people did not fall for it, thanks to the timely intervention of leaders. YUSUFU AMINU IDEGU reports

    This time, reason prevailed. In the past, 2010, 2011 and 2013 being examples, each time a mosque or church was hit, revenge quickly followed in kind. In a very short time, full scale war broke, tearing the once peaceful state apart.

    Penultimate Sunday, it looked as though Plateau State was treading the old, ugly path one again. Between 9pm and 10pm, a mosque where one of the most revered Muslim clerics in the state was giving a sermon was torn apart by an explosion. About 10 minutes later, an eatery favoured by Muslims also came under attack. Some 51 souls were lost in the attacks. Before midnight two churches were torched by people believed to have risen in defence of their faith. Going by recent history, a war between adherents of the two most popular religions would have broken out, wreaking the same havoc such violence often did.

    •Senator Useni (left) with leaders of Cherubim and Sheraphim after inspecting the damage to the church
    •Senator Useni (left) with leaders of Cherubim and Sheraphim after inspecting the damage to the church

    The war plot failed. Governor Simon Lalong told the people that terrorists were at work and that body should be calm. Senator Jeremiah Useni was on the same mission, visiting the popular preacher Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingre and making similar appeals.

    It worked.

    The governor, the retired general and the sheikh were not the only heroes of the latest attacks. A bodyguard of Sheikh Yahaya reached for the attacker, seeking to stop him in his tracks. He died alongside the bomber but not before preventing more casualties that was really the case.

    The death toll of the twin bomb attack stood at 51 at press time, but as high as the figure is, the man at the centre of the attack on Yan Taya Mosque, Dilimi Jos, Sheikh Yahaya said Nigerians should thank God that the number of the dead was limited to 51 and not possibly 500. The revered Islamic scholar is also appreciative of the fact that the attack did not lead to a religious violence in the state as planned by the attackers.

    Knowing the volatile nature of Jos and how such attack on worshippers could spark off religious violence, Governor Lalong issued a press statement through his director of press Samuel Nanle, appealing to citizens to remain calm and maintain the peace.

    The appeal became so necessary in view of the fact that some youths in the state had begun to take action to provoke a religious violence. Soon after the bomb blast at the Mosque in Dilimi by 9:30pm that Sunday night, some angry youths descended on two churches close to the mosque and razed them down. Those churches are Cherubim and Seraphim Church, off Dilimi Street, just behind the mosque, and The First African Mission Church Incorporated, St. Michael Parish, located on the same street as the attacked mosque.

    The attack on the churches took place before dawn, but that same morning, on the governors directive, the military check points that were removed earlier were quickly restored, security agencies were deployed to sensitive areas of the city to prevent a breakdown of law and order. The governor followed that with a press statement appealing to citizens. And, as if that was not enough, Lalong visited the scene where he addressed the Muslim community, asking them to remain calm and promising to use his office to nab those behind the attacks. The governor also visited the various hospitals to appeal to parents and relations of the victims.

    But in order not to allow the efforts of the governor to lose steam, the Senator representing Plateau South Senatorial Zone, Senator Useni followed up with a peace advocacy visit to further cement what Governor Lalong has started. The senator first visited the Islamic cleric, Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingre at his Jos residence to begin his peace advocate, saying, “I’m here to express my sympathy with you over the attack on your people; you have lost a good number of your followers and I know how painful that can be. However, you are not the only one in this pain, the entire state shares in the pain of this attack.

    “For every life in the state to be terminated in this manner, it is an issue of concern to everyone, I feel terribly bad on hearing of the attack. I won’t say because I am not the senator from this zone I don’t feel concern, I do, and that is why I decided to pay you my sympathy visit and also visit the scene of attacks as well as victims in the hospitals.

    “It is my prayer that may the souls of the deceased rest in peace, and may God safeguard those of us that are mourning the dead at the moment. I’m also pleading with you to continued to talk to your followers not to think of any form of reprisal over the attack because we are dealing with the enemies we don’t even know, so even if we think of revenge we might be targeting the innocent ones that have no hand in the attack. I am appealing to all Muslim ummah in Plateau state to forgive and forget for us to co-exist peacefully in this state and in the country.

    “I’m so confident that if we all exercise patience with one another, the issue of insurgency and Boko haram will soon become a thing of the past because the government of President Buhari is working hard to tackle the issue of insecurity in the country once and for all, we should have confidence in him, we should support him to succeed,” said Senator Useni.

    The Senator moved from that point to visit the attacked mosque and church leaders whose worship places were razed down by angry mob. At the Cherubim and Seraphim Church, Dilimi, he met the church leaders who took him round the remains of the church building. After the inspection, the Senator said, “From what I see here, It is unthinkable for somebody to attack a church because somebody from nowhere attacked a mosque. The church is innocent in this case; the church has not launched attack on any mosque. This is a clear case of transferred aggression, people should be able to control their anger when something happens to them. But that is why I am here to sympathise with you and plead that we should forgive and forget all that happened, you have to forgive these people because they don’t know what they are doing. We should follow the teaching of the bible that teaches us to leave vengeance to God. So, the church leaders should find a way to rebuild the church and I am ready to assist the church in whatever way I can to fix them back” said Senator Useni.

    The Senator moved to the next church to preach the same message of peace and forgiveness. He appealed to the church leader to forgive while promising to assist them in rebuilding the church.

    No doubt, the message of Senator Useni was like a balm on pains, the religious leaders promised to respect him as a peace maker. Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingre not only agreed to tow the line of peace but also reveal how he has been able to calm his followers thus, “I want to thank Allah for what had happened because I know very well that whatever that happened to a believer, be it negative or positive, cannot succeed unless with the approval of Allah. I have to thank Allah because if the attackers had succeeded, they would have killed as much as 500 Muslims that night. Because the people that gathered to listen to me that night were more than half a million Muslims.

    •Another church destroyed after the attack on a mosque
    •Another church destroyed after the attack on a mosque

    He said, “One of the attackers was aiming at me, but one of my personal guard took a risk with his own life to safe hundreds of others. As the bomber was trying to penetrate where I was seated, my aid went courageously and grabbed the bomber together with the bomb, the bomb went off immediately and shattered the bomber and the brave boy together. The boy used his own life to safe hundreds of other lives. If not for his adventure, the death from that attacks would have been more than 500. At the end we recorded 24 deaths in the mosque.

    “Then soon after that the gunmen stormed the restaurants where our people were taking their dinner and detonated another bomb there, we lost 19 people there. Some of the victims of the restaurant attack are Christians, some are travelers, they were just eating.

  • Bayelsa communities at war with oil firm

    Bayelsa communities at war with oil firm

    In this report, our correspondent in Yenagoa, Mike Odiegwu, writes about oil spill in some communities and how the people are demanding for clear action from the oil firm responsible.

    Okpotuwari and Ondewari communities in Olodiama clan, Southern Ijaw Local Government Area, Bayelsa State, may not be good neighbours. But they have one thing in common – crude oil spills. They bear the brunt of playing hosts to the Ossiama-Ogboibiri pipelines belonging to the Nigerian Agip Oil Company (NAOC).

    Most times, the pipeline either by act of sabotage or equipment failure spill the black gold into the environment. The communities are, indeed, always raising the alarm about the environmental damage caused by such incessant spills.

    For instance in April, a spill occurred along the pipeline. Following the outcries of the communities, the spill site was clamped by the company on April 23 and the Joint Investigation Visit (JIV) was carried out by all the stakeholders.  According to one of the reports of the Environmental Right Action and Friends of the Earth (ERA/FoE), the JIV showed that the spill was caused by equipment failure.

    ERA in the report by its Bayelsa State Project Officer, Mr. Alagoa Morris, said since the JIV was conducted, nothing in terms of clean-up and remediation had been done by officials of NAOC and regulatory agencies such as the Ministry of Environment, National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) and the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) which participated in the visit.

    Short end of the stick 

    “They have not revisited the impacted site or taken any pragmatic steps to follow up and take actions in line with internationally accepted best practices in the oil industry. The scenario is even worse when we take into consideration that we are entering deeper into the rainy season when the rains would facilitate spreading of crude oil slick in surrounding swamps, farms and farmlands.

    “This is another glaring testament indicating the oil industry in Nigeria is yet to measure up to acceptable best practices and, reason why the sailing mutual lack of trust/confidence and seeming hostilities between operators and impacted communities would continue for a long time,” the report said.

    While the communities were still nursing the wounds of the April spills, another spill occurred on June 16th, close to the last spill site. To further degrade the environment, the current spill was said to be raging with fire.

    The acting Paramount Ruler of Okpotuwari, Chief Moses Tiger, confirmed the current oil spill and said the community had already informed Agip about it. He said he sent some youths to check the site and they returned with a report that crude oil was gushing seriously from the pipeline.

    “I was informed by some youths I sent to check that, crude oil was gushing seriously and that it is spreading and impacted the whole surrounding environment. From what I was told, the spill point is very close to the spill site clamped in April this year.

    “Incidentally, I heard the fresh spill site is on fire now and; I can see a thick column of smoke rising from the site. This fire started yesterday evening and, is still on right now [being Wednesday, 17th June, 2015]. Agip should spare us of this environmental destruction by responding promptly to oil spills.

    “The delay in mobilising to spill sites even when the company is duly informed and dragging their feet to clean-up impacted sites is very annoying and, I don’t think this is the best we can get from oil companies.

    “I am still appealing that Agip should come and stop the current spill/fire and clean-up every trace of crude oil from our land, including the immediate past one. The environment is of great importance to us”, he said.

    Also, the Project Officer of a community-based organisation, Ondewari Health Education and Environment Project (OHEEP), Mr. Tontiemotei Yeiyei, said he saw the dark and thick column of smoke rising from across the spill site across the river.

    According to him, “I was guessing it was the spill site that Agip came for clamping in April that has been set ablaze because the position of the rising smoke looked very much like the same place. But, I am also hearing that a fresh spill has just occurred within that same environment.

    “This smoke from spill sites is very unhealthy as we depend on rain water and the river for drinking and even bathing and other domestic/economic activities. Some of us are suspecting that it is a thing like this that has deprived us of mamacoco, that special cocoyam that is almost gone extinct.

    “The government should be more serious with the oil companies and anyone found wanting on this and related subject matters. We are losing a lot in terms of health and livelihood as a result of oil industry related activities around us.”

    Stop the delay

    ERA in the report condemned NAOC for its delays in responding to spill information with regard to clamping and clean-up. It described the action of the company as corporate social irresponsibility and double standard.

    The report said: “If clean-up is yet to commence in a spill impacted site that Agip effected clamping since April, 2015, when would the community consider it auspicious to do so, knowing full well that the rains are here and the situation would be worse as the days go by?

    “This is environmental terrorism; more so as the spill occurred as a direct consequence of equipment failure [the one clamped in April, 2015]. It is not certain whether the current oil spill is also caused by equipment failure; since JIV is yet to be conducted.

    “But whatever the cause of spill NAOC has the responsibility to promptly stop, contain, ensure JIV is done, clamp the ruptured spot and follow up with recovery and clean-up. Issues of relief materials and compensation are later actions.

    “But, every effort has to be made to protect the environment. Yes, because the environment is our life. Any fish, animal or crop from crude oil polluted site poses grave danger to consumers. And, since we all depend of the farmers and fisher folks and we buy from the same markets; everyone is at risk; not just those living in the immediate environment.”

    ERA, therefore, demands that Agip should, without further delay; mobilise to the site of interest and stop the spill and the fire.

    It also called on regulatory agencies such as NOSDRA, environment ministry and DPR to rise up to the occasion and prevail on NAOC to do the proper thing and promptly too.

    It recommended that Agip should be fined for non-disclosure of the spill within 24 hours and failing to take immediate action as stipulated in the NOSDRA Act.

    According to ERA, a JIV should be conducted promptly and cause of spill made public and the community must be given a copy of the signed JIV Report for record purposes.

    “The regulatory agencies, especially the State Ministry of Environment should prevail on NAOC to immediately take steps to clean-up the sites impacted by crude oil from the company’s facility…without further delays.

    “The People of Okpotuwari should continue to monitor their environment effectively and report all such unhealthy happenings to the regulators, NAOC and ERA for needed action in the interest of the environment”, ERA said.

    However, NAOC could not be reached for its reaction to the spill.

  • $21m boost for anti-Boko Haram war

    $21m boost for anti-Boko Haram war

    President Muhammadu Buhari has ordered the release of $21 million out of the $100 million pledged by Nigeria to the Multi National Joint Task Force against Boko Haram.

    Buhari announced this while chairing the African Union (AU), Peace and Security Council (PSC) meeting at the on-going AU summit in Johannesburg, South Africa.

    He said the order, which was in response to a decision by the leaders of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) and Benin in Abuja to immediately fund the MNJTF with not less than $30 million, will be carried out this week.

    “The member countries of Lake Chad Basin Commission and Benin, met recently where far reaching decisions were taken to immediately put into operations the Multinational Joint Task Force.

    “To this end, the summit approved the immediate provision of $30 million for the Multinational Joint Task Force.

    “Consequently out of the pledge of $100 million which Nigeria made to the Multinational Joint Task Force, I have directed that $21 million be released within the next one week,’’ Buhari told the AU.

    He said he was pleased to note that Cameroon, Chad and Niger “are demonstrating of this support.

    “They are fighting alongside Nigeria under the umbrella of Multinational Joint Task Force to defeat Boko Haram.’’

    Buhari observed that the continent was inundated with crises of various forms which required urgent attention.

    “We are witnesses to the rampant destruction of homes, roads, communications lines, vital infrastructure and displacement of persons not to mention terrible loss of lives.

    “This is true I must add of the North-East of Nigeria where we are dealing with the scourge of Boko Haram.

    “The Boko Haram insurgency has extended its reach to Nigeria’s neighbours but is not necessarily limited to these immediate countries as terrorism is a global phenomenon with linkages across the globe.

    “Given this dimension of global terror it requires us to act accordingly in brotherhood and partnership to fight our common goals against agents of evil,’’ he said.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) recalls that at the LCBC meeting of Nigeria, Chad, Camerron and Niger with Republic of Benin, Buhari had asked the leaders to articulate their needs for onward delivery to the G7 group of industrialised nations.

    The request was based on the promise by the G7 to support Nigeria in the fight against terrorism when Buhari honoured the group’s invitation to attend its last Summit in Germany.

    The President urged African leaders to place the interests of their countries above narrow personal interests.

    The President noted that as the meeting of PSC focused on the situations of South Sudan and Burundi, it required the leaders to put the situations in both countries in proper context.

    “The people of these countries are suffering while their political leaders are bickering among themselves.

    “I believe that is incumbent upon us as leaders to always place the interest of our countries above narrow and personal interests.

    “It is therefore my expectation that at the end of this summit, the PSC will come out with a united message to call on all parties to act in the interest of their people and the entire continent,’’ Buhari charged.

    The Nigerian President added that the leaders must make deliberate efforts to “save the face of Africa, we must give hope to the hopeless.

    “The time to do so is now as we look forward on the march toward 2063 to deliver a continent that is at peace with itself, prosperous, a global partner and a democratic show case’’.

    Buhari noted that the continent was inundated with conflicts of diverse forms including the crises in Burkina Faso, Mali, Libya, Central Africa Republic, South Sudan, and more recently in Burundi.

    “As you are aware in 2013 during our 50th anniversary celebration of our union, we as African leaders committed ourselves to the objective of silencing the local guns in Africa by 2020.

    “With just five years remaining, the prospect of realising this objective looks doubtful,’’ Buhari noted.