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Tag: What next

  • Lagos PDP: what next for Agbaje?

    The Lagos State governorship election has been won and lost. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Jimi Agbaje, has conceded defeat and congratulated the winner, Babajide Sanwo-Olu of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The question is: what next for Agbaje, the pharmacist-turned politician? Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU writes on the effects of the defeat on the opposition platform.

    He was optimistic of winning. During his campaigns in some parts of Lagos State, shouts of ‘Jay Kay is okay,’ always filled the air. Jimi Agbaje, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, is an eminent Lagosians held in esteem by many stakeholders. But, at the close of polls at the weekend, he saw the handwriting on the wall. Reality dawned on the pharmacist-turned politician that his vehicle, the PDP, could not carry him too far.

    At 7.07 pm, shortly before the formal announcement of results by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), he conceded defeat and congratulated the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who was at the party secretariat on Acme Road, Ogba, Ikeja, warming up for a victory speech. The governor-elect thanked his major challenger for the kind gesture. He later broke the news to party chieftains who surrounded him in that moment of history.

    The recent election was Agbaje’s third attempt. He was in the race in 2007 and 2015. Despite past electoral defeats, he was full of enthusiasm and optimism during the campaigns. He was vocal and some people listened to him. His campaign slogan was: ‘freedom.’ Irked by the slogan, APC stalwart Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Sanwo-Olu decried the mobilisation approach, saying that Lagos was not in bondage.

    Party women, who composed partisan songs, fired salvos at Agbaje, describing him as a familiar customer. Replying them, the PDP candidate said: ‘the customer is king.” But, on poll day, his supporters were drowned in their illusion of hope.

    According to a report, the multi-millionaire politician has rationalised his party’s failure at the polls. He complained about voters’ apathy, which he attributed to alleged intimidation of his supporters. He said many shunned the polling booths because of fear of violence. The APC Chairman, Tunde Balogun disagreed. He said the elections were peaceful, free and fair.

    For the PDP, the impact of the defeat is monumental. For 20 years, it has been the major opposition party in the Centre of Excellence. Its ambition to hijack power had crumbed six times. According to observers, Agbaje has been its most formidable and promising candidate in post-Funso Williams era. In 1999, its candidate, Chief Dapo Sarunmi, lost to Asiwaju Tinubu. In 2003, the late Williams also lost. In 2007, Musiliu Obanikoro and Agbaje, who contested on the platform of the Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA), lost to Governor Babatunde Fashola (SAN). In 2011, Ade Dosunmu could not fly. In 2015, Governor Akinwunmi Ambode also defeated Agbaje. In 2019, Agbaje, who has become a veteran contender, also lost to Sanwo-Olu.

    The implication is that Lagos PDP has been left in the cold for two decades. Many PDP leaders have jumped ship and gravitated towards the ruling party. Ahead of the weekend polls, scores of PDP members deserted the party. Even, the party chairman, Adegoke Salvador, quit the platform.

    Agbaje is a household name in Lagos. He is admired by many people across political parties. As a pharmacist and businessman, he had made money and name. Many people see him as a man of honour and integrity. He rose to political fame as the treasurer of  Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group.

    Eyes were not on him until he threw his hat into the ring in 2007. Althoigh he had no pubic sector experience, he pulled crowd ahead of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), later Action Congress (AC) primary. Other aspirants included Fashola, former Deputy Governor Olufemi Pedro, Senator Tokunbo Afikuyomi, former Commerce and Industry Commissioner Remi Adikwu Bakare, former party chairman Abiodun Ogunleye, Oyinlomo Danmole, Kaoli Olusanya, Ganiyu Solomon, Erikitola, Kunle Lawal, and Tola Kasali.

    However, the shadow poll did not favour Agbaje, who alleged that it was not free and fair. Although party leaders offered him the Lagos Central senatorial ticket, he rejected it.

    To spite the former governor and party leader, Agbaje, Afikuyomi, Danmole, Lawal, and Adikwu-Bakare defected to DPA. A week after, Afikuyomi went to the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and emerged its governorship candidate. Pedro left for the Labour Party (LP), and later, the PDP. Surprisingly, Afikuyomi later showed up on election day as Fashola’s agent at the INEC office.

    In DPA, Agbaje floored Adikwu-Bakare during at the primary. Another aggrieved aspirant, the late Prof. Lawal, became his running mate. Adikwu-Bakare hurriedly left for Progressive Peoples Alliance(PPA). She lost her deposit at the poll.

    The campaign was interesting. The contenders-Fashola (AC), Agbaje (DPA), Adikwu- Bakare (PPA), Afikuyomi (ANPP) and Musiliu Obanikoro (PDP)–were locked in a war of sorts. Before the primaries, they belonged to AD, an offshoot of Afenifere.

    Agbaje’s manifestos were not significantly different from the promises made to Lagosians by Fashola and Adikwu-Bakare. Except Obanikoro’s PDP, the competing parties were similar. Throughout the campaign, Agbaje and Fashola only disagreed on one point, which was the viability of the Fourth Mainland Bridge. While Agbaje said it was not a priority, Fashola insisted that the people needed it for ease of transportation. Up to now, it has remained a tall order.

    However, feathers were ruffled. The parties were enveloped in anxiety. An eloquent speaker, Agbaje ran a neat campaign devoid of thuggery, unlike the PDP train of cutlasses, clubs, bows and arrows. His adverts, including radio and television jingles,  were captivating. Excited at the way the campaign had progressed, his associate, Yinka Odumakin, said Agbaje offered a credible alternative to the ‘same of the same.’

    There was apprehension during the televised debate. Agbaje was confronted by Pedro, who had inquired from him, derisively, the experience that qualified him to vie for the governor of Lagos as the owner of  a patient medicine store, with not more than five employees under his control. The DPA candidate noted the scornful look and the attempt to diminish his profile. Returning the missiles, Agbaje  reminded Pedro that when he was a managing director of a bank, he was a shareholder and a director, which implied part ownership. The pharmacist also asked the banker to explain the circumstances that led to his exit from the bank.  Besides, he added that the former deputy governor should respond to the allegation by his boss that he had not properly rendered his account of stewardship. Pedro flared up, taking exception to Agbaje’s remarks. He explained that when he left the bank, the organization held a befitting send-forth for him.

    Despite the enormous electoral investment, Agbaje came third, trailing Obanikoro, who was defeated by Fashola.  The love of Lagosians for Agbaje was undermined by a corresponding reluctance to adopt his party by voters. He was a strong contender hindered by his weak party.

    Following the defeat, Agbaje protested, claiming that his photograph or logo disappeared on the ballot paper. He went to the tribunal, urging the temple of justice to upturn Fashola’s victory. His prayer was rejected.

    In 2011, Agbaje did not contest. Although APC leaders were said to have offered the position of deputy governor to him, he rejected it. But, he remained a public figure who commented on national issues.

    In 2015, he finally yielded to pressures to run on the platform of the PDP. Backed by the PDP leader, Chief Olabode George, he defeated Obanikoro at the primary. His chance was bright. Former President Goodluck Jonathan threw his weight behind him. Also, members of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) were on the prowl. Agbaje rallied Igbo residents behind his ambition. Although PDP won some House of Assembly and Representatives seats, Agbaje was defeated by Ambode.

    After the election, crisis broke out between Agbaje and George. The retired soldier wanted to be the PDP national chairman. Agbaje, who enjoyed the support of  Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and his Ekiti State counterpart, Ayo Fayose, also unfolded a chairmanship ambition. But, the crown later went to Prince Uche Secondus, who was sponsored by the PDP governors.

    During last year’s primary, Agbaje defeated Deji Doherty, who does not enjoy his kind of popularity. But, at the close of poll at the weekend, there was gap between expectation and reality. Sanwo-Olu polled 739, 44 5 votes to defeat Agbaje who got 206, 141 votes.

    What future awaits PDP in Lagos? What next for Agbaje, its symbol? Will he return to the drawing board, restrategise and rebuild the party into a winning platform? Will he return to his shell? Will he quit the politics? In four years’ time, will Agbaje re-contest?

     

     

  • Saraki’s defection: What next?

    Mixed reactions yesterday trailed the defection of Senate President Bukola Saraki from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). While many chieftains acknowledged that the ruling party has lost a big fish to the opposition, others said his exit will not affect the chances of the APC in next year’s presidential election.

    The defection was not beyond expectation. Thus, the Kwara State chapter was not caught unawares. Anticipating Saraki’s game plan, President Muhammadu Buhar’s loyalists have put up an alternative leadership structure to fill the void expected to be created by the mass defection. In fact, some top leaders even objected to the aspiration of his loyalist, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, to continue as the party’s national publicity secretary during the national convention, based on the feeling that Saraki’s supporters were biding their time in the APC.

    In a twinkle of an eye, Kwara instantly became a PDP state yesterday. Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed, two senators representing the state, commissioners and special advisers, members of the Houses of Assembly and Representatives and other prominent members of the Saraki Dynasty heeded the defection call at the blow of the whistle by the Senate President. In next year’s poll, Saraki will still wax strong as the kingmaker in the Northcentral state. The President will have to work harder to make an in-road into the new PDP stronghold.

    Saraki’s defection may motivate more aggrieved chieftains to strategically follow suit. PDP is the beneficiary platform. Will co-travelers, including House of Representatives Speaker Yakubu Dogara, follow his footsteps? Will Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal also call it quits with the party? Will Saraki’s sibling, Senator Gbemisola, also defect?

    While in APC, Saraki’s political territory, which he inherited from his illustrious father, the late Dr. Olusola Saraki, was not threatened by external forces. He called the shots. According to observers, there is no additional personal gain that will accrue to the Kwara kingpin in the PDP more than what has accrued to his group in the APC.  Having returned to his natural habitat, the Senate President will seek to play a dominant role in reshaping and repositioning the PDP at the state and federal levels as he joins the coordinators of the 2019 battle at the federal level.

    Will Saraki step aside as Senate President? Not likely. Can the APC muster efforts to mobilise its senators in the Upper Chamber to shove him aside? It will be a herculean task. The clash of pro-Saraki and anti-Saraki forces in the Senate may provoke a transcient parliamentary crisis and tension, which will fizzle out when gladiators are neck-deep in nomination battles in their parties.

    Saraki has returned to a party that is facing a major challenge. No fewer than seven gladiators are struggling for the PDP presidential ticket. Consensus is ruled out. The platform is warming up for the primary. The contenders are former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Gombe State Governor Ibrahim Dankwanbo, former Kano, Kaduna and JIgawa Governors Rabiu Kwakwanso, Ibrahim Shekarau, Ahmed Makarfi and Sule Lamido, and former Minister Taminu Turaki. Tambuwal is also said to be eyeing the ticket. Who will Saraki support?

    There was jubilation in the PDP, following the defection.   PDP leaders described it as a setback to President Buhari’s re-election bid. But, APC leaders exuded confidence, saying there was no cause for alarm. To them, the defection is good radiance to bad rubbish.

    Will Saraki’s defection affect the APC’s calculations for 2019?  Time will tell.

     

     

  • Sexual harassment: What next for dismissed dons?

    What next for dons said to have sexually harassed students for marks? This is the question many are asking following the dismissal of some professors for this act. They should be prosecuted, say some senior lawyers. Kofoworola Belo-Osagie, Adegunle Olugbamila, Damisi Ojo, Nicholas Kalu and Odunayo Ogunmola report.

    The sacking of Prof Richard Akindele by the Governing Council of the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile Ife, Osun State for allegedly demanding sex from a post-graduate student, Monica Osagie, has again set the social media on fire.

    While many applauded the university’s decision, others argued that the management should have handed the don over to law enforcement agents, for prosecution.

    The Vice Chancellor (VC), Prof Eyitope Ogunbodede, who announced Akindele’s sack noted that the Council took the decision after finding him culpable of the charges against him.

    Asked if the institution would move for Akindele’s prosecution, the VC answered “No”, adding that prosecution was not within its purview.

    His statement raised concerns on the legality of OAU’s action and the incidence of sexual harassment in universities generally.

    Some individuals, particularly students, who spoke to The Nation, noted that sexual harassment  had been around for ages. However, with the evolution of social media, they believed it was time the phenomenon was reduced.

    Govt deplores sexual

    harassment

    The Federal Government has asked universities to declare war on unwholesome practices, including sexual harassment, as it tarnishes the nation’s reputation.

    At the 29th and 30th combined convocation of the University of Jos, held at its permanent site, National Universities Commission (NUC) Executive Secretary Prof Rasheed Abubakar, who represented President Muhammadu Buhari, urged universities’ Governing Councils not to treat cases of sexual harassment with kid gloves.

    The President said the government would deal with any council that failed in this regard, urging them to demonstrate commitment to core values.

    “To play any major role in Nigeria’s social, economic, political and cultural transformation, however, all universities in the country must demonstrate commitment to the core values of honesty, integrity, transparency, accountability and rule of law,” said Abubakar.

    He added: “They must promote the culture of tolerance, accommodation and respect for other people’s cultures, religions and ways of life. They must stamp out all forms of academic and financial corruption, social vices including the worrying spate of sexual harassment which has continued to tarnish the cherished reputation of our nation’s citadels of learning.”

     

    Background

    Cases of sexual harassment in tertiary institutions often go unreported simply because the victims are afraid of being victimised; while a handful of cases that have so far been reported were either glossed over by the authority or not treated at all.

    Earlier in the month, The Nation reported a case of a bursar, who was sacked by the management of Shehu Idris College of Technology, Kaduna State for alleged sexual harassment. He  was later reinstated by the governing council, which found him not guilty, a development that sparked fresh outrage among students and members of the staff.

    Also last month, an alumnus of the university of Lagos (UNILAG) released semi-nude pictures of a professor in the university’s Faculty of Arts on social media, accusing the lecturer of sexually harassing female students in the department. The whistle-blower added that the professor’s habit was known to many of his colleagues, who looked the other way because of the cult-like nature of their operations.

    The university had since constituted a probe panel into the matter; but the VC, Prof Oluwatoyin Ogundipe, said the panel could get a clearer direction and investigation fast-tracked, only if the supposed victim could come out to testify.

    “If the lady does not come out, how will the investigation be concluded?  You must not hear from one side alone; you must hear from the two sides and balance the information you have gotten before taking decision and making recommendation,” Ogundipe said.

     

    From the legal lens

     

    A Professor of Law, UNILAG, Akin Oyebode, absolved OAU of any wrongdoing. “It is left for other agencies such as the police or ICPC (Independent Corrupt Practices Commission) to pick the man and charge him for ‘infamous conduct,” he noted.

    Oyebode, who is also the pioneer VC of Ekiti State University, said he once chaired the Ethics and Disciplinary Committee of UNILAG, adding that, at the time, he was inundated with sundry allegations ranging from sexual harassment, extortion, demand for bribes for marks and so on, some of which could not be substantiated.

    For any act of infamous conduct to be established, Oyebode insisted there has to be a complainant, while his or her allegation must be proved beyond every reasonable doubt.

    “If you don’t have a complainant, it is difficult to act. Even when there are allegations, they remain mere allegations until the person, who alleged, is able to prove beyond reasonable doubts.”

    Oyebode’s has an ally in another colleague Awa Kalu (SAN), who equally believed OAU had no business approaching any law enforcement agency, since the complainant did not deem it necessary to do so.

    “I was once a student of that university and I know there is a police station right inside campus where the victim would have lodged a complaint if she’s not yet satisfied with management’s decision.

    “Universities are established by statutes and OAU, therefore, lacks jurisdiction to deal with criminal offences. They have established Code of Conduct, and they must have revisited this code to establish culpability or otherwise of the accused.”

    Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of Council, UNILAG, Dr Wale Babalakin, said prosecution should follow once the law is breached.

    He said in an interview: “There must be zero tolerance for sexual harassment and any punishment meted out on anybody found sexually harassing students is appropriate. Bad behaviour must be punished. And harassing students is ultimate bad behaviour. There must be serious penalty for bad behaviour. It is failure to punish bad behaviour has cost us a lot in this nation So, I support what is being done, and really once the lecturer is disciplined, it is important that the university authorities investigates whether there are criminal issues involved. If there is a criminal issue involved, it must be prosecuted.”

    In contrast, a lawyer based in Ado-Ekiti, Mr. Adeoye Aribasoye, believes Akindele is liable for prosecution.

    Aribasoye said dismissal might not be enough if it was established that a crime known to law has been committed by the varsity don.

    The lawyer explained that although an offence such as “sex-for-mark” is unknown to law, the culprit can be charged with abuse of office.

    Aribasoye said: “It was established by the evidence gathered that there was an abuse of office, the sex-for-mark scandal is not known to law.

    “On the abuse of office, the professor is liable and he can be charged to court for abusing his office in his alleged relationship with that student,” he said.

    However, another lawyer, Fatade Sunday, agreed with Oyebode and Kalu.

    He said: “The victim in this matter chose to take her case back to the institution and not to any law enforcement agency. If the action (dismissal) of the Governing Council (of OAU) last week is within the purview of the law setting up the university, then you cannot blame the management of OAU for not handing over the matter the police.”

    Nevertheless, Fatade is aggrieved that there is a lacuna in the nation’s moral system, urging individuals to retrace their steps. “Nigeria’s problem will be solved when we begin to address our moral system and it begins from us as individuals.

    “Take this issue of OAU for instance, you might be shocked that instead of the people feeling for the victim, more empathy will be shifted towards the accused.

    “I am not saying that ladies too do not woo lecturers. But most of the unfortunate ones are not willing to speak out because they suffer in the end,” he added.

    We endorse fair

    process, says ASUU

    National President, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) Prof Biodun Ogunyemi said the union would not kick against decisions against erring members, provided the process was fair.

    “As a union, ASUU will not stand in the way of justice if what is done is according to the extant laws and procedures of the institution,” he said.

    “We have always insisted on due process. When such a thing happen, we expect a committee to be set up, investigation thoroughly conducted while the accused is given fair hearing. This is because we believe in the Rule of Law,” he said.

    On how the union educates members against unethical conducts, Ogunyemi added: “We always use every available platform to remind ourselves of our responsibilities as loco parentis to these students.

    “We often remind ourselves that we are supposed to interact with them in a mutually-beneficial way because these students are the ones that will take over from us.

    “Finally, remember that every university has an  Ethics Committee, and we encourage our students to raise the alarm just in the event of any form of injustice against them.”

     

    Victim, others speak

    A member of the Concerned Parents and Educators Network, a Facebook education advocacy group, Mr  Solomon Sunday, likened OAU’s investigation to an orderly room trial.

    “If a police officer misuses his firearm and kills another person, he is first subjected to an orderly room trial. If he is found guilty, he is dismissed from service. Thereafter, he is sent to court for prosecution for murder. What OAU has done to the professor is an orderly room trial. A criminal proceeding in a court of competent jurisdiction should follow,” he said.

    As a victim, a student of the University of Calabar (UNICAL), who did not wish to be named, praised Akindele’s dismissal. Having had a similar experience like Osagie, she said prosecution was in order.

    “I think it is a very welcome development that he has been sacked. Again, I agree that it is not enough. He has to be prosecuted. I feel strongly about this because I have been a victim of such a situation here at the University of Calabar, where I am a student. If he goes to prison, it would be a very good thing because it would make him pay for the torture he has been putting his female students through,” she said.

    However, beyond prosecution, institutions are being urged to strengthen the reporting framework so that students are not victimised and encouraged to raise the alarm without fear.

    The UNICAL student  said without such, lecturers would still not be deterred.

    “The  OAU lecturer is just unfortunate to have been caught, which I am still happy about, but it would not improve the situation. Here at UNICAL it is a big problem. It only means the lecturers will be more careful. You can imagine a lecturer will tell you to go and pay for a hotel room with your own money, so they will come and sleep with you there, else you will fail.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Zimbabwe: What next after Mugabe?

    Zimbabwe: What next after Mugabe?

    The vacuum created by yesterday’s exit of Robert Mugabe as Zimbabwe’s president will be filled today. Group Political Editor Emmanuel Oladesu writes on the implications of the development and the task before his successor.

    YESTERDAY was a turning point in the history of Zimbabwe. Its long-standing dictator, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, was forced to resign. The nonagenarian despot surrendered with great reluctance. If he had the chance, he would have rejected the last and only option and insisted on a thoughtless and illegitimate tenure elongation. But, the old man could not dare its costly implications. He started well as a leader; a nationalist with an enviable record of struggle against colonisalism. But, being power drunk, he ended on a sore note as a spent force.

    There was no escape route for the leader who now has to endure the shame of rejection for it. Impeachment was dangling on his head. Gone with the winds was his succession plan to hand over to his wife, Grace. A farewell ceremony was not even contemplated 37 years after. Mugabe was deserted. Although he attempted a heroic resistance, it was futile. Mugabe told his psychological tormentors that he looked forward to presiding over the party congress next month. He was actually day-dreaming. The handwritings were bold on the wall. He chose to ignore it. Now, he bears the consequence of pomposity, high-handedness, impunity, corruption of power and dictatorship.

    The lesson is instructive. Leaders should always aspire to become statesmen. They should learn to leave the stage when the ovation is loud. They should thread the Mandela path of honour and vacate the stage for the younger ones to continue the work of development and the unfinished struggle for a better society. They should know that, in the final analysis, power is transient and no condition is permanent.

    As he leaves the seat of government, Mugabe may not proceed on a blissful retirement. The ghost of his tragic acts and misdeeds may continue to hunt him. The emotional wrenching may be underscored by the lack of opportunity to repent and correct past mistakes. Zimbabwe will definitely be hot for him. In memory of the horror of 37 years, the environment may not be safe. Therefore, his exile in South Africa is a relief to his anxious family and associates. His contributions to national development may have also ended. Successive leaders may not consult him for advice or believe that he has any good thing to offer outside power.

    After settling down in exile, Mugabe has a big opportunity to reflect on his tenure. He had served creditably in the past before he derailed. Sources said he may be insulated from an immediate probe. The former leader should apologise for his reign of horror and ask successors to learn from his fall from grace to shame.

    Many observers have pointed out that Mugabe was lucky that he was not killed by his collaborators-turned accusers and coup plotters. His departure meant that Zimbabwe has overcome a major hurdle. The obstacle to legitimate democratic succession is out of the way. But, other challenges still stare the country in the face.

    The former president left behind a country in disarray; utterly disunited and economically hopeless. Zimbabwe is on its knees. Inflation is killing the country. Its currency has paled into a worthless measure and store of value. Its key exports are on the decline. Industries are not thriving. Mass employment is a time bomb. Its foreign reserve is at a low ebb. Its pride; a sound educational system; was being threatened. Many critical sectors are ailing. In the international community, the country is isolated. There is no flow of investment, owing to Mugabe’s hostility against major world powers. The country is battling with foreign sanctions. Its tourism potentials are gone.

    Also, institutions of democracy have been weakened. Human rights abuse by government has turned the country into a Banana Republic. Periodic elections did not count. When Mugabe was voted out, he rejected the outcome of a credible poll and turned the heat on the winner, blocking the prospect of power shift to the opposition, based on popular choice. The role of opposition in democracy was lost. Mugabe ruled as if Zimbabwe had become a one-party state.

    His successor, former security chief and sacked Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, will inherit the burden. He should brace for the tasks of reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation. He should pacify the aggrieved, foster national harmony and rebuild national confidence.

    Mnangagwa has the backing of the mutineers, but his official acts when he assumes the reins must command the respect and confidence of the liberated people. The first task for the interim leadership is to unite the divided country and nurture a democratic culture that has been alien to it for decades. The caretaker government must be a Government of National Unity comprising representatives of critical stakeholders, including the ruling and opposition parties, civil society groups, the Armed Forces, labour and, as it has been suggested by Zimbabweans, the religious groups.

    The interim government should provide a level playing ground for political parties during the next parliamentary and presidential elections. The umpire should be impartial, patriotic and committed to the cause of one Zimbabwe in an atmosphere of free and fair election.

    Also, Zimbabwe, under the interim regime, should halt past trends of hostility and make friends with the outside world. Sovereignty should not be compromised. But, in a world of inter-dependence, no country can exist and survive independently of other countries.

    The impoverished country will not forget Mugabe in a hurry. The memory of horror will linger. Mugabe had foreclosed retirement at 93. He said he wanted to hit a century in power. The country had become his fortress. He brooked no opposition. He was the president. He was the state. As he became a dictator, his previous enviable record was obliterated from the collective memory of the people he oppressed.

    Mugabe, the Marxist, buried himself in the quest for materialism. He converted the corridor of power into an avenue for private accumulation.  The founder of the socialist-nationalist movement, ‘ZANU,’ which drove the British out of the homeland, became a man of immense wealth at the expense of his beleaguered nation. The former prime minister, and later, president, who managed to unite the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) became a divisive figure in national politics at the twilight of life.

    Mugabe built on the mistake of 2008. That year, he lost the presidential election to his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai. But, he refused to bow out with dignity. He wielded the power of incumbency, which crashed last week. He demanded a recount of the votes, waging war against opposition figures, maiming and killing perceived political foes. Reason prevailed temporarily when Mugabe and Tsvangirai reached an agreement on power sharing. But, the terms were later violated by the former president who announced his bid for the 2013. He was declared as winner of the poll by the electoral commission. Mugabe’s plan was to become the life president or hand over to Mrs. Grace Mugabe, a move that did not go down well with the ruling party.

    But, can the new leadership tackle the challenge of healing the wounds of the nation? Will Zimbabwe chart a new way forward or jump from frying pan to fire? Will a legitimate government succeed the interim government? Will another dictator emerge in post-Mugabe era? Will the people take their destiny in their hands? What awaits Zimbabwe in the future?

    Mnangagwa in, Mugabe out after 37 years

    •Excitement in Harare

    Robert Mugabe resigned as Zimbabwe’s President yesterday, a week after the army and his former political allies moved against him, ending 37 his years of rule.

    Emmerson Mnangagwa, a former vice president, who was sacked by Mugabe will be sworn in tomorrow.

    The 75-year-old was removed from office and exiled 13 days after Mr. Mugabe accused him of disloyalty and insubordination.

    Mr. Mugabe had reportedly taken the action to pave way for his wife, Grace, to emerge as the new leader of ruling Zanu-PF ahead of the country’s general election next year.

    Mr. Mnangagwa is popular amongst the powerful War Veterans group and the Zimbabwean military chiefs.

    Mugabe, the 93-year-old had clung on for a week after an army takeover and expulsion from his own ruling ZANU-PF party.

    He resigned shortly after parliament began an impeachment process seen as the only legal way to force him out.

    Wild celebrations broke out at a joint sitting of parliament when Speaker Jacob Mudenda announced Mugabe’s resignation and suspended the impeachment procedure.

    People danced and car horns blared on the streets of Harare at news that the era of Mugabe – who led Zimbabwe since independence in 1980 – was finally over.

    Some people held posters of Zimbabwean Army Chief, Gen. Constantino Chiwenga and former Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, whose sack this month triggered the military takeover that forced Mugabe to resign.

    Mugabe is the only leader Zimbabwe has known since a guerrilla struggle ended white-minority rule in the former Rhodesia.

    During his reign, he took the once-rich country to economic ruin and kept his grip on power through repression of opponents.

    He styled himself as the ‘’Grand Man of African politics’’ and kept the admiration of many people across Africa.

    The army seized power after Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, ZANU-PF’s favourite to succeed him, to smooth a path to the presidency for his wife Grace, 52, known to her critics as “Gucci Grace” for her reputed fondness for luxury shopping.

    But Mugabe refused to resign; prompting the impeachment procedure which would have been the only legal was to force him out.

    Mnangagwa, whose where about is unknown after fleeing the country in fear for his safety, is expected to take over as president.

    A former security chief, known as The Crocodile, was a key lieutenant to Mugabe for decades and was accused of participating in repression against Zimbabweans, that  challenged the leader.

    Reuters reported in September that Mnangagwa was plotting to succeed Mugabe, with army backing at the helm of a broad coalition.

    The plot posited an interim unity government with international blessing to allow for Zimbabwe’s re-engagement with the world after decades of isolation from global lenders and donors.

    Mugabe led Zimbabwe’s liberation war and is hailed as one of post-colonial Africa’s founding fathers and a staunch supporter of the drive to free neighbouring South Africa from apartheid in 1994.

    But many say he has damaged Zimbabwe’s economy, democracy and judiciary by staying in power for too long and has used violence to crush perceived political opponents.

    Since the crisis began, Mugabe has been mainly confined to his “Blue Roof” mansion in the capital where Grace is also believed to be.

    Members of Parliament (MPs) who were debating President Robert Mugabe’s impeachment yesterday reacted to his sudden resignation.

    “The country is relieved. Here is a man who has done so much for the country but this opportunity should give him the chance to rest,” said ZANU-PF spokesperson, Simon Khaya Moyo.

    “Mugabe’s resignation should be a lesson for Africa and the West that we are capable of holding our leaders to account and follow democratic norms. It’s also a lesson that despotic tendencies can only be tolerated for sometimes but people will take their power back,” said Webster Shamu.

    “It was inevitable. But unfortunately, it took time for Robert Mugabe to appreciate that his time was gone he did not have to go through this humiliation but at the end of the day, I’m elated for the people of Zimbabwe who have had to bear with a dictator for 37 years we can now beginning a new chapter to go forward,” said Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Chief Whip Innocent Gonese.

    “Absolutely delighted the menace is gone now the country has a chance for a clean start,” – said the leader of Zimbabwe’s veterans of the war of liberation from Britain, Chris Mutsvangwa, seen as the architect of the massive demonstrations against Mugabe’s rule at the weekend.

    “This is a big moment for the country. It is a new beginning and going forward we call for unity so that we can rebuild this country,” said MDC Vice President, Nelson Chamisa.

    Yesterday’s development capped an astonishing eight-day crisis that started when the military took over last week in order to block the rise to power of Mugabe’s wife and her faction within the ruling ZANU-PF party, and then developed into a popular revolt against the ageing autocrat.

    “We are elated! It’s time for new blood. I’m 36 and I’ve been waiting for this all my life, I’ve only known one leader,” said William Makombore, who works in finance.

    Munyaradzi Chisango, celebrating nearby, said: “I’m 35 and I have children. I was born under Mugabe, and they were born under him. This is going to put Zimbabwe back on the map.”

    Thousands of Zimbabweans had turned up outside parliament to urge on MPs, chanting, dancing and waving placards in Africa Unity Square.

    Cars blasted their horns in the capital Harare as thousands jubilantly poured onto the streets to celebrate the termination of his presidency.

    Some carried placards with photographs Army Chief Chiwenga and the ousted vice president as they amassed in the city centre.

    Mildred Tadiwa was out on the streets with her five-month-old daughter Ivana Chizhanje yesterday.

    “I am so excited,” she said. “My baby turns five months today and the president has resigned. I wanted to go out and celebrate with everyone but she is asleep. So, I’ve just come out to walk around and see for myself.

    “I’m excited for myself, my baby, the whole nation. My daughter will grow up in a better Zimbabwe.”

  • What next after Salami’s rejection of appointment?

    What next after Salami’s rejection of appointment?

    The Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, will have to look for another person to chair the Corruption and Financial Crime Cases Trial Monitoring Committee (COTRIMCO) after former Court of Appeal President Justice Isa Ayo Salami turned down the offer. There are concerns over potential conflict of interests by some of the committee’s members, writes ADEBISI ONANUGA.

    To keen observers, that Justice Isa Ayo Salami, a former Court of Appeal president, turned down the offer to chair the Corruption and Financial Crime Cases Trial Monitoring Committee (COTRIMCO) did not come as a surprise.

    Many had hailed his appointment because of his antecedents and reputation as an incorruptible judge. It was believed that with him as head of the monitoring team, there would be some headway in high-profile cases that have been hanging in courts.

    The Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Ononghen, had on September 27 named Justice Salami as chairman of COTRIMCO after the 82nd meeting of the National Judicial council (NJC).

    It was in a bid to strengthen the judiciary, improve its image and ensure that the courts are not used to derail the fight against corruption.

    Shortly after his nomination was made public, Justice Salami returned from an overseas trip to announce his rejection of the appointment.

    He was said to have met with the CJN to thank him for the honour and explained why he could not accept the job. He also sent a letter explaining his reasons for withdrawing. He was reported to have consulted widely with the Bench, the Bar and his family before making his decision.

    According to a report, the eminent jurist opted to stay away from the committee in order not to tarnish his image. Salami also told a national newspaper that he rejected the appointment because it was not in his interest and that he did not need it at this time.

    The jurist said the judiciary abandoned him at a time he needed it most, when he was being hounded and harassed by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, allegedly over his refusal to influence the Court of Appeal verdict in respect of the protracted Sokoto governorship legal tussle, in favour of the sitting Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor.

    It was said that Justice Salami declined the request made to him by the then CJN, Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu. Salami was also said to have rejected an offer to be elevated to the Supreme Court.

    Although the CJN was said to have meticulously selected members of the COTRIMCO, Justice Salami could not be convinced to serve on the 15-man committee.

    Members are Chief Judge of Borno State Justice Kashim Zannah, Chief Judge of Imo State, Justice P.O. Nnadi, Chief Judge Delta State, Justice Marsahal Umukoro, and Chief Judge of Oyo State, Justice M. L. Abimbola.

    Others are the Nigerian Bar Association President Mr. Abubakar Mahmoud (SAN), his predecessors, Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN),  Mr. Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), Mr. Joseph Daudu (SAN) and Mr. Augustine Alegeh (SAN); Dr. Garba Tetengi (SAN) and Mrs. R.I Inga.

    Representatives of Non-Governmental Organisations, Ministry of Justice, Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), as well as the Secretary of the NJC, Mr. Gambo Saleh, complete the committee.

    Observers said while Justice Salami may have been comfortable with the judges, he may have had doubts about dealing with the potential conflict of interest involving other members.

    Analysts believe Salami may have considered the fact that some of the members may be difficult to control in view of their involvement in some high-profile cases.

    However, the six persons representing the Bar are all respected Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) and prominent leaders of the profession, who are expected to keep their personal interests aside.

    But, expressing concerns over potential conflict of interest, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) in a letter to the CJN, signed by its Executive Director, Adetokunbo Mumuni, urged Justice Onnoghen to reconsider the committee’s composition.

    The organisation said the composition of the committee was not in consonance with the advice of the UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers.

    It urged the CJN “to urgently revisit, review, and reconsider the membership of the committee to ensure that members currently handling high-profile corruption cases involving Politically Exposed Person (PEPs) are removed.”

    It was learnt that one of the committee’s members is involved as a defence counsel in three charges filed against former National Security Adviser, Col Sambo Dasuki (rtd.), before a Federal High Court, and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), as well in the defence of a corruption charge against former Benue State Governor Gabriel Suswam.

    Another member of the Bar in the committee is also said to be a defence counsel to Dr. Raymond Dokpesi , founder of AIT/Ray Power, who is facing alleged corruption-related charges before a Federal High Court in Abuja.

    Much as the initiative of the CJN is commendable, observers are worried that there may be conflict of interests among some members of the Bar in the committee in private practice whose firms are defending cases of corruption.

    It is believed that there is a likelihood that such members may not be firm enough in recommending stiff sanctions against those who delay cases, and might not be fair in their judgment of the cases they are supposed to be monitoring. It is also feared that such persons may be reluctant to report infarctions to the NJC.

    Critics are equally worried that these members may not do the  job dispassionately.

    To Mumuni, lawyers who have defended and are defending cases of corruption should not be in the committee.

    He said such lawyers would be caught between two masters and therefore may not been fair. He said although a lawyer has a right to defend whoever briefs him, it behoves such lawyers to reject other appointments that could lead to a conflict of interest.

    “What we found very disturbing is that most of the lawyers we have seen who have handled and who are still handling criminal matters for political exposed persons (PEP) are also part of the committee who are supposed to monitor cases of corruption, who are supposed to work on it and give advice to NJC as to what is supposed to happen.

    “We believe that that should not happen because conflict of interest issues will arise. That is why we opposed some of the past NBA presidents who are members of the committee and who have handled and are still handling cases of corruption for PEPs,” he said.

    Our correspondent sought to speak with members of the Bar on the committee, but for two days, most of them did not pick their calls, nor did they reply to text and WhatsApp messages sent to them on the likelihood of conflict of interest.

    Only Agbakoba responded. He dismissed the presumption of conflict with the mandate of the committee.

    Agbakoba said: “No conflict. As a matter of policy we (Olisa Agbakoba Legal) do not do corruption cases.”

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Two years on…What next?

    Two years on…What next?

    Two questions that are bound to come up today as the world marks the second anniversary of the Chibok girls’ abduction are: How many are missing and where are they? Facts indicate that on April 14, 2014, 276 girls were kidnapped from the Government Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State. 57 escaped. 219 are still missing.

    The United Kingdom reported sighting of some of the girls. However, none has been found. It is not clear where the girls are now.

    The past administration responded with a military offensive. It also attempted to negotiate to secure the release of the Chibok girls. This was to be in exchange for detained Boko Haram fighters. In October 2014, it declared a ceasefire as a pre-condition to negotiating with Boko Haram for the release of the girls and end to insurgency. But the deal  packed up even before it started.

    Two weeks before he lost the presidential election, ex-President Goodluck Jonathan said politics had come before the girls’ welfare. He blamed Borno State Governor Kashim Shettima for the initial confusion when the girls were abducted.

    Jonathan said: “There’s so much about these girls that one can’t even comprehend. So much of – more of politics than concern about the girls and the stories are twisted and painted different colours.”

    Two years on, the offensive against Boko Haram has not helped secure the girls’ release, despite the claim in the past by the military that it knew where the girls were being held. It said it did not take any action to rescue them so as not to jeopardise their safety. It changed the story later that it does not know the girls’ whereabouts.

    There was a lot of hope President Muhammadu Buhari would rescue the girls. Such hope has now waned. On the first anniversary of the abduction, Buhari, in a statement, said he could not promise to find the missing schoolgirls and that their whereabouts were unknown, adding: “We do not know if the Chibok girls can be rescued”. One year after, the president’s position has not changed, making many wonder what next.

    For Nigerians, the girls have to be found, even if it means the president becoming a magician. They say the time had come for the president to let Nigerians know what to expect next regarding the girls’ release.

  • What next for NNPC after board dissolution?

    What next for NNPC after board dissolution?

    Last week’s dissolution of the Board of Directors of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was longoverdue. There were allegations of corruption and calls for its overhaul. But will the Board’s sack will lead to the creation of an incorruptible and efficient national oil company?  Assistant Editor EMEKA UGWUANYI reports.

    MEMBERS OF THE DISSOLVED BOARD

    •Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke •Dr. Joseph Dahwa, GMD
    •Mr. Bernard Otti, GED, F&A •Dr. Dan Efebor, GED, CS
    •Ikechukwu Oguine, CLSS •Alhaji Abdulahi Bukar
    •Mr. Danladi Wadzani •Prof Olusegun Okunnu
    •Mr. Danladi Kifasi •Mr. Steven Oronsaye

     

    TO stakeholders in the oil and gas industry, last week’s dissolution of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) Board was belated.

    They argue that the Petroleum Act stipulates that the tenure of the board expires the day the government that constituted it leaves office. Leaving the board a month longer is enough grace in view of corruption allegations, sharp practices, such as oil swap, offshore processing agreement, violation of regulations, illegal deductions and non-remittance of funds as well as the failure to account for the several billions of naira that should have accrued to the Federation Account.

    The National Economic Council (NEC), which was constituted on Monday by President Muhammadu Buhari, alleged that the NNPC  shortchanged the Federal Government by withholding N3.8 trillion from the N8.1 trillion it generated in the past three years.

    At the end of its maiden meeting, Vice President Yemi Oshiomhole, who doubles as the Council chair, mandated Governors Adams Oshiomhole (Edo), Ibrahim Dankwambo (Gombe), Mallam Nasir el-Rufai (Kaduna) and Udom Emmanuel (Akwa Ibom) to look at the accruals and what happened to the Excess Crude Account (ECA).

    The committee of four is to bring its findings to Council at its next meeting on July 23.

    PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), a firm hired by the former administration to forensically audit the NNPC and look into the allegations of unremitted funds into the Federation Account by the corporation, said in its report that the NNPC has a lot of questions to answer. According to the consultant, the NNPC operation was shrouded in secrecy. Messrs PwC alleged that the corporation did not allow it full access to the accounts and records of its exploration and production arm – Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC).

    According to PwC, in the NNPC’s analysis made available to it, all costs and activities of its loss-making subsidiaries were provided but, those profit-making subsidiaries and the dividends received were excluded from the analysis.

    The firm recommended that the NNPC Act be reviewed as the content contradicts the requirement for the corporation to be run as a commercially viable entity.

    PwC wrote in the report: “It appears the Act has given the corporation a ‘blank cheque’ to spend money without limit or control. This is untenable and unsustainable. It must be addressed immediately.

    “The corporation should be required to create value and meet its expenses entirely from the value created. Proceeds from the Federal Government’s crude oil sales should be remitted entirely to the federation accounts.”

    The NNPC problem goes beyond board dissolution. The corporation requires a total overhaul and  the reorientation of its workforce, including the management team.

    As presently constituted, the NNPC is only a rent collector and a gatekeeper to which every successive government run to for cash.

    Stakeholders are asking the President to also come up with a vision for the incoming NNPC board. The board, they insist, must ensure the actualisation of that vision, enthrone good corporate governance, accountability, adherence to regulations and standard processes without which it will still be business as usual.

    But, all these abnormal practices may soon become a thing of the past.

    An official of the NNPC told The Nation that after going through the handover note from the immediate administration, Prof. Osinbajo invited tNNPC’s Group Managing Director Dr. Joseph Dawha to update  him on the operations of the corporation.

    Dawha was guest to the vice president last Tuesday, three days before the dissolution of the 10-member board.

    The source, who predicted more surprises in the near future, could, however, not say when the axe will begin to fall and on who. “The changes that will be made, nobody knows for now,” the source added.

    According to the source, some of the allegations levelled against the NNPC are unverified because the critics do not know the workings of the corporation.

    The official insisted that the NNPC remits revenue into two accounts – the Federation Account and the Federal Government Consolidated Account – but the one the public knows and hears about is the Federation Account.

    Because the NNPC holds in trust all government’s business involvement in the oil and gas sector, whatever revenue is due to the three tiers of government is paid into the Federation Account but, dividends from its stakes in the joint venture projects are paid into the Consolidated Account, to which only the Federal Government has access.

    Some of the expenditures made by the corporation are not known to the public.

    The source alleged: “For instance, as we speak, the refineries are 98 per cent ready and anytime in July, production will commence full blast. The problem we have is the Kaduna refinery.

    “The pipeline to the refinery from Abaji to Kaduna has become vandals’ haven. Whenever we go out there to carry out a  repair, the vandals will be on the flank to strike. So, it is not every project that we undertake that we announce for security reasons.”

     

    Agenda for the incoming board

     

    The board acts as a bridge between the NNPC and the presidency. By the Act establishing the corporation, the board should be made up of nine members, consisting of a representative from each of the six geopolitical zones, the group managing director of the NNPC and the permanent secretary of the ministry of Finance. The ninth member and chairman of board must be the Petroleum Resources minister.

    Where the president is the substantive minister as it was the case under the former administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the president either nominates an alternate chairman, or relates directly with the NNPC’s group managing director for regular updates.

    At the end of every meeting between, the board chair meets with the president to brief him and for the ratification of any decision taken.

    But,  not every Nigerians knows that most decisions and actions taken by NNPC are ratified by the president. The presidential approval also extends to employment.

    For instance, employment of senior-cadre officers from the rank of a general manager and above must be approved by the president. But, where a management staff, apart from the group managing director, is a nominee from a geopolitical zone, the person stands for the two positions.

    In the dissolved board, the Group Executive Director, Finance and Accounts, Mr. Bernard Otti,  doubled as a management staff and the representative of the Southeast.

     

    Stakeholders’ view

     

    Dr. Austin Nweze, a lecturer at the Pan Atlantic University, Lagos, said the board dissolution may not change much because its members do not do the work. They only influences governance, he said, adding that the expected change can only be effected  with a clear-cut vision for the corporation and the oil and gas industry by the president. Such vision will be a mandate for the incoming board to pursue and achieve.

    Nweze said: “The board members are not the ones doing the job. I don’t think the dissolution of the board will change much but a little in governance if the incoming board members have the will power. NNPC’s problem goes beyond board dissolution.

    “The corporation needs process re-engineering in the sense that it should get things done right, block the loopholes through which funds are siphoned. Sacking the board is one thing, bringing in credible people is another thing because many people are on the wings waiting to grab their own ‘national cake.’

    “The calibre of members of the incoming board will be critical to whatever the NNPC will be in future. To me, the appointment of new board members shouldn’t be based on political patronage.

    “But, if political patronage is inevitable, the membership should be a mix of technocrats who understand the oil industry and politicians. The board will look at the entire NNPC structure, the processes and undertake a reorientation of the management and staff with a view to letting them know that it will no longer be  business as usual.

    “The management team should  work hard to entrench good governance  in the corporation. Let the board strengthen and reinforce the management, even it entails bringing on board those who will create the change.

    “The NNPC needs to be repositioned to be able to take risks as other national oil companies. It should invest in the country and outside the shores of the land. It shouldn’t remain as a government tool, or be compelled to operate under thestranglehold of government.

    “It’s the government that is holding the NNPC down from taking such risks. The corporation should be encouraged to invest in Africa and other countries of the world and go beyond lifting and selling crude.

    “The board should act as an inclusive institution that stimulates the growth of the economy, redefine the role of NNPC and ensure that corporate governance is fully imbibed and entrenched.

    “It (NNPC) can expand its operation by ensuring that petrochemical companies are sited across the country, find alternative sources of generating revenues through corporate strategy. This will boost job creation.

    “Such strategy will help in restructuring the NNPC to grow and deepen the oil industry; develop local capacity and new products through research and development.

    “It is unthinkable that despite the strategic role the corporation is expected to play in the economy, considering the fact that it sits on such an important sector that contributes 80-90  per cent of revenue receipts of the government, it employs less than 20,000 people and contributes less than 20 per cent to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

    “Malaysia, Singapore and United Arab Emirates (UAE) have policies that compel multinationals to build local capacity. When Shell went to Malaysia, it was given a 10-year ultimatum to build local capacity, otherwise let it go.

    “In less than 10 years, Shell achieved that objective. Today, Shell has Malaysians as its expatriate staff all over the world. Malaysia exports its manpower for foreign exchange.

    “That is what the new NNPC board should strive to achieve. It is unhealthy to leave control of such a critical sector in the hands of foreigners.

    “Foreigners have roles to play in the industry but, not to control and to dictate the direction the sector goes. NNPC should expand the sector to employ more people and don’t lean on foreigners because it lacks the requisite skills. Foreign control of the industry is not favourable to the country.

    “The President must have a vision for the new board, the corporation and the industry and encourage the  board to support his vision and achieve it. He should assemble committed like-minds who will help him achieve the desired objective if he wants to be a hero because certainly, he must make sacrifices.

    “He must work with people, governors and other relevant stakeholders to be in alignment with his vision so that nobody jeopardises his plans for the sector. The NNPC should not be a conduit for people, politicians and political parties, and also the consumption mentality it has today should be discarded.

    “Let it be a productive entity like its contemporaries in Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and other parts of the world. The passage of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is one part of achieving this objective. Without a vision, there will be no strategy. And if there is no strategy, there will be no action.”

    An analyst and Lead Director, Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), Eze Onyepkere said: “The dissolution of the board is a step in the right direction as NNPC is associated with fraud and allegations of non-remittance of revenues into the federation account. If the government wants to probe the activities of the corporation, there is no need to leave the board members because they will cover up some activities and thus  make the probe ineffective.

    “We expect transparency in the NNPC because there is so much money there but with little supervision. The NNPC structure doesn’t allow for some level of transparency.

    “Even if angels are taken to the corporation, without substantial supervision, they will be compromised and when they steal N10, 000 today and nobody asks questions, or mete out punishment, tomorrow they will be emboldened to steal trillions because there is no sanction.

    “The dissolution of the board is just an interim measure taken to sanitise the NNPC. However, if the Seventh Assembly of the National Assembly did their job by passing the PIB, all these issues could have been history because the corporation would have been unbundled. There would have been processes and agencies in place to effectively monitor the industry including the NNPC. But the President can reduce corruption in the corporation if he supervises it directly while he makes effort for a speedy passage of the PIB.”

    The former Executive Secretary, Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA), who doubles as the immediate past Executive Secretary, Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF), Dr. Oluwole Oluleye, said President Buhari has been in the industry and knows what to do to reposition the NNPC.

    Oluwole said: “I think President Buhari  has his job cut out for him. Mr. President is not a green horn in the industry. A lot of the infrastructures you see today, were provided during his time. So, he is pretty well versed within the industry for him to make contributions.

    “What is required more in the industry, which he is also preaching is transparency, honesty and accountability. Once he is able to enforce that by virtue of personnel he brings on board, although people are complaining he is slow but he is not slow.

    “He is a military man and he is taking his time because the team that he forms will give a signal to Nigerians on where he is actually going. He understands the industry very well. The President is not alien to  the pipelines, refineries and depots.”

     

    Inside the NNPC

     

    The NNPC is the national oil company, through which the Federal Government regulates and participates in the country’s petroleum industry.

    An Act to dissolve the former Nigerian National Oil Corporation and to establish the NNPC was created in 1977.  The NNPC was established on April 1, 1977, as a merger of the Nigerian National Oil Corporation and the Federal Ministry of Mines and Steel.

    By law, the NNPC manages the joint venture between the Federal Government and some foreign multinational corporations including Shell, Agip, ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Total. Through collaboration with these companies, the Federal Government conducts petroleum exploration and production.

    For lack of supervision, the NNPC degenerated to a rent-collector for the government with less attention to transparency and accountability.

    Between 2007 and 2009, auditors found that the corporation over-deducted funds in subsidy claims to the tune of N28.5 billion and has not been able to account for the money.

    In 2008, Willbros Group Inc of United States (U.S.) admitted making ‘suspicious’ payments of over $6.3 million to officials of the corporation and its subsidiary – the National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) for assistance in obtaining and retaining contracts at the Eastern Gas Gathering System (EGGS).

    In 2004, ABB Vetco Gray, a U.S. company and its UK subsidiary –  ABB Vetco Gray UK Limited – admitted paying over $1 million in bribes to  NAPIMS’ officials,  in exchange for obtaining confidential bid information and favourable recommendations from government agencies.

    After the publication of a report In November 2013 by Swiss, a non-governmental advocacy organisation – Erklärung von Bern – allegations of fraud surfaced, placing the NNPC under suspicion of siphoning $6.8 billion of crude oil revenues.

    From 2013, the NNPC has been battling with the allegation of non-remittance of $20 billion into the Federation Account.

    These allegations, among others are responsible for the continued calls for the sanitisation and repositioning of the corporation.