Tag: Wobbling

  • Wobbling FMBN

    Wobbling FMBN

    •It is depressing that the bank can only provide loans to 60,000 of its 4m contributors

    What a disturbing trend that dearth of housing which for decades has become a serious challenge to the nation is continuing because of avoidable official incompetence. Isn’t it scandalous that the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN) shamelessly revealed through Lawal Isa, its head of corporate affairs, that “there are currently about four million Nigerians that are registered and are contributing to the National Housing Fund (NHF) but the FMBN has been able to provide mortgage loans to only about 60,000 or 1.5 per cent of contributors.’’

    He attributed the setback to several avoidable challenges,, including “…lack of access to land; inadequate funding for the housing sector; inaccessibility of mortgage loans due to lack of proper titles to properties; low income of prospective borrowers, which affects affordability; and cumbersome procedures for obtaining governor’s consent to land transactions, which is also costly.’’

    It is sad that FMBN, known at inception in 1956 as Nigerian Building Society (NBS), being a joint venture of the Commonwealth Development Corporation and the Federal and Eastern Governments of Nigeria has failed to meet public expectations. The problem encountered could not be that of ownership structure or that of putting proper legal framework in place because the Federal Government’s Indigenisation Policy that was backed by Indigenisation Act, 1973, caused the centre government to undertake 100 percent ownership of the NBS which led to its being renamed FMBN.

    The sad reality, 42 years after, is that the contributing Nigerians have not significantly benefited from the supposed mobilisation of long-term funds, lending volume and expansion of mortgage lending services. Even, FMBN’s administration and management of the contributory savings scheme through its empowerment vide the National Housing Fund (NHF) establishment Act 3 of 1992 has yielded little or no result. The NHF has failed to be an effective housing contributory pool for the mobilisation of long-term funds from Nigerian workers, banks, insurance companies and the Federal Government, in order to provide veritable platform for the advancement of housing loans at soft interest rates to contributors.

    The FMBN Act 82 of 1993 and the Mortgage Institutions Act 53 of 1989 that gave the FMBN the status of apex mortgage institution in 1994 have failed to mitigate the difficulty of Nigerians to access housing loans.

    The revelations that FMBN wants to actualise the intent of section 14(2) of the NHF Act Cap N45 of 1992 relating to easy accessibility to loans by contributors for the purpose of building, purchasing or renovating existing homes/houses should not end at the level of rhetoric. At the moment, the country’s mortgage industry is at the verge of collapse and the quicker cheap sources of loanable funds to nurture and sustain affordable home ownership in the sector are provided, the better for Nigerians.

    The FMBN’s new initiative of granting concessionary loan windows to enable Nigerians access mortgages for home ownership is commendable provided it would not end dismally like previous attempts. The introduction of home renovation loan idea to avail contributors to the NHF the opportunity of accessing mortgage loans for the renovation or improvement of their existing homes, good as it may be, is just a palliative because millions of others are still struggling to build a shelter of their own.

    It is high time the Federal Government decided whether or not it still needs FMBN. It is criminal for hardworking people to contribute money with the promise of getting loans when in the end such loans would not be forthcoming. The truth is that the organisation needs urgent recapitalisation and focused management if the housing needs of millions of average income Nigerians must be actualised.

  • PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    …Continued from Friday

    Lagos

    There is no end in sight to the personality crisis between the party leader, Chief Olabode George, a retired Naval Commodore and Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, the former Minister of State for Defence.  Obanikoro has not forgiven George and former Works Minister, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, for his defeat by Mr. Jimi Agbaje at the primaries. It was a rancorous contest. The number of votes cast was more than the number of accredited delegates. The former minister cried foul, saying that it was daylight robbery. He threatened to go to court to register his displeasure. But, he was prevailed upon to jettison litigation. The shadow poll created division in the fold. After the primaries, Obanikoro started to mobilise for the President’s re-election under an independent campaign group. Agbaje has dissipated more energy on reconciling the two warring gladiators.

    Ekiti

    Shortly after the inauguration of the PDP governor, Ayodele Fayose, crisis broke out between the governor and some party leaders over the preparations for parliamentary primaries. Senator Ayo Arise complained that Fayose was trying to impose candidates. Eventually, the governor had his way. The aggrieved PDP chieftains still have grudges against the governor. Feelers from Ekiti  suggest that the state is indifferent to the presidential elections. A source said: “Support for Fayose, which is now in doubt, is not the same thing as support for the PDP. When Buhari came to Ado, people trooped out. What has Jonathan done for Ekiti? The people are asking. The solace may be the promise by Buhari of the APC to fight the infrastructure battle in the state.”

     

    Benue

     

    Benue is another theatre of battle in March and April. Since quarrel broke out between Governor Gabriel Suswan and Senator Barnabas Gemade, the party has not known peace in Benue North Zone. The defection of Gemade, a former PDP National Chairman, to the APC is a blow to the chapter. The governor and the party elder have fanatical loyalists. In Benue, the APC now has two senators. Both parties are mobilising for the general elections. To observers, the PDP can only sleep with two eyes closed.

     

    Ebonyi

     

    There is tension in Ebonyi PDP. Since Governor Martin Elechi lost out in his bid to anoint a successor at the primaries, the party has been polarised. His supporters have defected to the Labour Party (LP), although the governor still claims to be the state PDP leader. Two groups – Abuja forces and Elechi camp – are locked in a battle of supremacy. Now, the House of Assembly is being instigated by the Abuja forces, led by Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Senator Ayim Pius Ayim, to impeach the governor. The PDP leaders accused Elechi of anti-party activities. Put succinctly, they said he has encouraged his supporters to defect from the PDP to the LP.

    During the governorship primaries, Elechi and his men backed the former Minister of Health, Prof Onyebuchi Chukwu. But, Ayim’s men supported Elechi’s deputy, Dave Umahi, an engineer. Umahi won. Since then, Elechi has been campaigning vigorously for President Jonathan’s re-election without extending similar support to other PDP candidates.

    Already, the anti-Elechi forces have secured the approval of the National PDP Caucus to sanction the governor for the decimation of the Ebonyi chapter. Ayim, said a party source, had complained to President  Jonathan that the governor will be an obstacle to   PDP’s victory at the general elections. The Abuja politicians have been having sleepless nights, following the exodus of PDP members to the LP. To them, the move may jeopardise the party’s chance at the polls.

    On January 16, the governor was booed and jeered at the Abakaliki Township Stadium during the presidential campaign, to the embarrassment of the President and other dignitaries. The disgrace was orchestrated to give the impression that the governor is not popular in the state.

    The source said: “PDP leaders, who are against Governor Elechi, are pushing for his impeachment because they see it as the ultimate guarantor of the PDP victory in the general elections. The Abuja-based anti-Elechi forces are working on the members of the House of Assembly to ensure the non-passage of the 2015 Appropriation Bill. Other actions against the governor are in the pipeline. They want to cut the governor’s influence, especially the incumbency power.”

    The governor was not present at the Abuja Caucus meeting where Ayim pressed for sanctions against him.

    However, mixed reactions trailed the SGF’s proposals. The impeachment slot was opposed by the President, who noted that the time was not auspicious. A source said that, despite the President’s objection, Ayim has intensified his lobby to remove Elechi in the belief that, by the time the plan is executed close to the elections, the President would be too engrossed in his re-election battle.

    The source added: “The SGF’s confidence may have been buoyed by what happened on 27th November last year during which the President took a decision with some high-ranking officials of the government and the party to postpone primary elections in Ebonyi, Taraba, Adamawa and Ondo states, pending the resolution of the problems in those states. Some vested interests flouted the order and conducted the primaries in Ebonyi State and the outcome was accepted and the President did nothing. Ayim is apprehensive that it would be difficult for PDP to win the election in Ebonyi while Elechi remains the Governor.”

    Party sources said the declaration of the seats of four members of the Assembly loyal to Elechi vacant on the same day the caucus meeting was holding in Abuja was to set the stage for the impeachment.

    Another chieftain, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said:  “The whole essence of the action is to whittle the number of pro- Elechi and to get the constitutionally stipulated number of anti-Elechi members to successfully initiate impeachment proceedings”

    Last week, the Speaker, Mr. Chukwuma Nwazunku, declared the seats of the four members vacant, following their defection to the LP.

    Nwazunku said in a statement that he has the constitutional right to declare their seats vacant. The affectded legislators are: Eni Uduma Chima, (Afikpo Southwest); Helen Nwaobashi (Abakaliki South); Sam Nwali (Ikwo North) and Mabel Aleke (Ohaukwu South).

    However, many stakeholders have risen in defence of the governor They believe he was being blackmailed and being witch-hunted by the SGF. A group, the Ebonyi Patriotic  Coalition, (EPC), alleged that Ayim was instigating the Economic and Financial crimes Commission (EFCC) against Ebonyi State government.

    At a press conference in Abuja last week, Ebonyi government officials complained about the freezing of the accounts of Ebonyi State Local Government by the anti-graft body on the grounds its funds are used to fund the LP.

    The Attorney-General and Commissioner of Justice, Dr. Ben Igwenyi, and the Commissioner for Commerce, Dr. Ifeanyi Ikeh, said: “There is a spate of frivolous petitions against state government officials in charge of finance. In the last three weeks, the Accountant-General, Mr. Edwin Igbele; the Commissioner for Finance, Timothy Odaah and the Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Mr. Celestine Nwali; have been guests to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    “The allegations against them being that some local government funds which were legitimately spent in 2012 and 2013 were unlawfully spent. These are all lies because the documents are there to speak for themselves. Even without hearing from the above three officers, the Joint Account of the 13 Local Governments was frozen by EFCC contrary to section 34(1) of EFCC Act 2004.

    The move to remove Elechi has polarised the state along ethnic lines. Those from Abakaliki bloc where Elechi hails from and, who are in the majority, are spoiling for war  against party chieftains from a section of Afikpo zone, the birthplace of Umahi. Many are of the view that the governor deserves respect because of his age and popularity among the people.

     

    Plateau:

     

    Plateau PDP is in turmoil. As the PDP presidential campaigns rolled into Jos, the state capital, on January 26, many aggrieved members announced the birth of a parallel State Executive Committee.

    Since the chapter broke into two factions, ahead of the polls, reconciliation has proved abortive. The faction, known as the Reformed PDP, is now rooting for opposition candidates. Members of the faction are aggrieved PDP chieftains protesting the alleged high-handedness of Governor Jonah Jang. Prominent among them are governorship aspirants protesting the outcome of the primaries.  Their spokesman is former Governor Fidelis Tapgun, who complained against injustice in the party. Tapgun is from Shendam Local Government Area.

    Another group, the Equity and Justice Forum, led by Prof. Dakum Shown and Raymond Dabo, is protesting the emergence of Senator Gyang Pwajok as the governorship candidate. Pwajok is a Berom from Plateau North, where Jang hails from. The forum is pushing for power shift to Plateau South.

    Governorship aspirants in the Reformed PDP include: Dr Haruna Dabin (Kanke),  John Alkali (Shendam), Senator Victor Lar (Langtang North), Apostle Chris Bature (Langtang North), Jimmy Cheto (Langtang South), Mr Goddy Miri (Langtang North). Other members of the group are Danjuma Maina (Mangu), James Vwi (Riyom), Ambassador Ibrahim Kasai (Jos East), Lekyes Kwarkas (Pankshin), Evangelist Sam Mbok (Pankshin), Daniel Daduwash (Mangu) and  Dalyop Bok (Jos South).

    The former PDP Chairman, Dabin, has an axe to grind with Jang. He led the party to victory in 2011. But, he later fell out of favour with the governor when he unfolded his governorship ambition. In June last year, he was shoved aside, following a vote of no confidence passed on him by the State Working Committee. After he was suspended from office, the only option for him was to resign in September.

    Tapgun and Cheto believed that they were dumped by Jang, following his victory at the poll in 2007. A source said that Tapgun has not been happy that Jang decided to surround himself with people from the academic and his school mates, who did not play any significant role in his emergence as governor. Cheto is more bitter. Predicting failure for the PDP at the poll, he said: “We are out to reform the PDP in the state. PDP will be dead when Jang leaves office because the PDP exists today in his pocket. PDP, as it is today, will go with him. The PDP will not win the election in Plateau State. Without a PDP governor, the party will be gone and that’s when we will come in. We will give a new life to the PDP.”

    He added: ”We will vote it out. We shall all campaign against Pwajok in our various villages.”

    It is not an empty threat. Last month, Tapgun donated his Jos campaign office to the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Simon Lalong, a lawyer.

    Cheto has insisted that the primary election that produced Pwajok at the Rwang Pam Township Stadium, Jos was a ruse. He said:  “They will know my political strength by the time the February 28 governorship election is over.”

    Shown also predicted tragedy for the party, saying that it has violated the agreement on zoning. He said, despite the complaint to the National Chairman, Alhaji Adamu Muazu, the national secretariat has kept a sealed lip.

    He said: “The PDP constitution supports zoning. Since the incumbent governor is from the North, our stand is that his successor should come from another zone, which is the South. The party must choose between backing Jang and his godson, Pwajok, and losing Plateau during the next election.”

  • PDP:  Wobbling on to general elections

    PDP: Wobbling on to general elections

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) dreams of ruling for the next 60 years. The ruling party is likely  to be in unrealistic  dream, going by its recent travails. President Goodluck Jonathan’s public rating seems to be dropping geometrically. Five weeks to the general elections, many states’ chapters are battling with post-governorship and parliamentary primary crises, thereby jeopardising the party’s chances at the March 28 and April 11 polls. Scores of aggrieved chieftains are defecting to the opposition. But, more dangerous are stalwarts plotting to work against the party without defecting.  Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the agony of a party going into critical polls as a divided house.

    For 16 years, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has grown from strength to strength. It appears the ruling party is now yielding to the law of diminishing returns. In 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011, it won the presidential elections conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Four years after its last victory, the confidence appears to be  waning, in the light of President Goodluck Jonathan’s avoidance of the presidential election previously scheduled for February 14.

    Many PDP chieftains acknowledge that all is not well with the self-acclaimed biggest party in Africa. Some of them now perceive the President as a weak candidate. Yet, the party is helpless. More worrisome is its plight across the states. The chapters have not recovered from the rancorous governorship and parliamentary primaries, which have polarised the fold.

    The chapters that have been relying on federal might for survival are now enveloped in anxiety. At the centre, the confidence of the party is shaky. Reconciliation in some states has been futile: no thanks to the  escalation of the post-primary crises. According to analysts, the shifting of the polls notwithstanding, PDP may go into the contest as a divided house.

     

    Delta

    Delta State is perceived as one of the strongholds of the PDP. But, observers have predicted a tough battle in the Southsouth state on March 28. The governorship primary was the turning point. The governor, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan, lost his senatorial ambition to the squabbles. He could not also anoint a successor. The governor had taken his preferred candidate, Fekix Obuh, to Aso Rock for presidential blessing. Later, the table turned against him. Instead of the governor, a government contractor, Government Ekpemupolo (aka Tompolo), an acclaimed Niger Delta freedom fighter, started calling the shots. When it appeared that Obuh would not fit into the calculation again, Uduaghan settled for Edevbie. But, he was also rejected. Thus, apart from forfeiting his senatorial ambition, the governor’s muscle failed him when the choice of the flag bearer and his running mate was being considered.

    Today, Urhobo are not happy with the emergence of Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, an Igbo from Udokwa.

    Besides, other ethnic groups have cried out that only the Ijaw are savouring democratic dividends in Delta. The Itsekiri alleged that the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) project was relocated from its area to Ijaw, despite pleas, The Urhobo is also angry that it has been marginalised as the majority tribe. The tribe had expected that, having lost the governorship, the deputy governorship would be zoned to the ethnic group. It lost both.  Now, its leading lights are eyeing the All progressives Congress (APC), which has picked its governorship candidate, Chief Otega Emerhor, from Urhobo.

     

    Akwa Ibom

    Akwa Ibom State Governor Godswill Akpabio is fighting battles on many fronts. When the President visited the state recently, he was embarrassed by the extent of the internal strife. The governor has come under attack for insisting on the candidature of the banker-turned politician, Mr. Udom Emmanuel. Following the exit of Umana Umana as the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Emmanuel, a former Executive Director of Zenith Bank, was appointed as as Umana’s replacement, before his  eventual emergence at the governorship primariesas as the flag bearer. Many PDP leaders in the state have objected to his candidature, alleging that he was imposed by the governor. They have vowed to take their pound of flesh from the PDP at the polls.

    Umana, who defected to the APC, in protest, is now the opposition candidate in the oil-rich state. Analysts have predicted a tough battle. Although Akwa Ibom is predominantly a PDP state, there is division in the chapter. Prominent PDP leaders, including Akpabio’s predecessor, Obong Victor Attah and former Petroleum Minister Chief Don Etiebet, have publicly objected to the governor’s style, warning that it may be a prelude to electoral doom. Unless there is a serious reconciliation, the contest will be tough for the PDP.

     

    Sokoto

    The dust generated by the governorship shadow poll has not settled. The deputy governor, Alhaji Mukthar Shagari, was embittered by its outcome. He had been penciled down for the slot in 2007, when he was asked to step down for incumbent Governor Aliyu Wamakko. When his boss defected to the APC, he remained in the party. But, following the defection of former Governor Attahiru Bafarawa from the APC to the PDP, the calculation changed. The PDP national leadership transferred the party leadership to the former governor. Up came Ambassador Wali as a major contender for the governorship. He defeated Shagari at the primaries. But, the deputy governor’s supporters have insisted that Wali was drafted into the race in bad faith. APC is a formidable platform to contend with. The defection of House of Representatives Speaker Aminu Tambuwal from the ruling party and the fact that the Speaker will be flying the banner of the APC on March 28, will further affect the PDP. Coupled with the internal strife and rancour in the PDP, the race will be tougher for the PDP.

     

    Anambra:

    PDP held sway in Anambra State between 1999 and 2003. Even, when the PDP was in power, it was in deep crisis. When former Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju, called the shots, the party was utterly divided. He was consumed by the imbroglio. His second term ambition was truncated. His successor, Dr. Chris Ngige, could not finish his term. Godfathers demanded returns on their political investments, and when Ngige called their bluff, the state became ungovernable. Later, the mandate was restored to Mike Obi, who flew the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) flag for the eight years his two-term tenure lasted. He dumped the party that brought him into political limelight for the PDP shortly after leaving office.

    Since then, the PDP has been making frantic efforts to bounce back, but without success. The party leaders only take solace in victory at the parliamentary elections. But, the scramble for parliamentary tickets has now polarised the crisis-ridden chapter.

    In Anambra Central Senatorial District, the post primary crisis escalated last week, following the replacement of Chief Chris Uba with his elder brother, Andy, as the senatorial flag bearer. The two brothers have been making antagonistic claims to the ticket, following the parallel primaries held in the district. Chris had earlier said that he was the authentic candidate, pointing out that his name has been submitted to INEC. But, Andy’s name appeared on the INEC website as the flag bearer for the zone, to the consternation of his younger brother, who is said to be in control of the party structure.

    Also, for the Anambra North, the name of the House of Representatives member, Mrs. Uche Ekwunife  appeared on the website as the senatorial candidate. Mrs. Ekwunife and Senator Annie Okonkwo have been at loggerheads over the ticket after the primaries. Okonkwo’s supporters are kicking against Mrs. Ekwunife’s emergence as the candidate. In  Anambra South, where former Aviation Minister Stella Oduah’s name appeared as the flag bearer, there are also protests.

     

    Ogun

    The greatest tragedy that has befallen Ogun PDP is Tuesday’s resignation of former President Olusegun Obasanjo from partisan politics.   Obasanjo, who has not hidden his opposition to President Goodluck Jonathan’s second term bid, will not throw his weight behind the governorship candidate, Gboyega Isiaka, after shredding his membership card. Although the two factions of the party in the Gateway State managed to reach a truce before the primaries, the shadow poll became another trigger for passion. According to party sources, some governorship aspirants have also refused to give their commitment to the flag bearer. In Ogun East senatorial district, many are uncomfortable with the choice of Prince Buruji Kashamu as the senatorial candidate. His supposed rival at the primaries, former Governor Gbenga Daniel, had backed out of the race when he realised that he would be defeated. Many traditional rulers, political leaders and youths are of the opinion that a politician without a lorry-load of baggage would have been more acceptable to the zone, instead of Kashamu, who is perceived as a controversial politician. Kashamu is rich, but to the people of Ijebu/Remo, a Senatorial Zone once represented by former Afenifere leader and National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) patriach, the late Pa Abraham Adesanya,  the contest is not totally about financial muscle. According to sources,  the pendulum of victory may swing towards the direction of the APC candidate, Dapo Abiodun, who has been endorsed by many stakeholders, groups and associations in the district.

     

    Edo

    Edo PDP is confronted with a big obstacle. The ruling APC is waxing stronger. Governor Adams Oshiomhole has justified the confidence reposed in him as a leader liberator. Therefore, the possibility of the PDP displacing the APC is remote. Although the PDP has succeeded in wooing some chieftains, including cabinet members, the defections have not altered significantly the geo-political calculations.

    PDP is suffering from self-inflicted crisis. At its recent rally in Benin City, the state capital, controversy over N1.5 billion mobilisation money broke out. A cleric-politician is said to be at the centre of the controversy. Many youths, who turned up for the rally at the Samuel Ogbemudia Stadium, cried out that they were short-changed. The dust has not settled. The controversial politician denied that he embezzled the money. The youths were, however, not satisfied with his clarification. To them, the actual amount has not been declared. The controversy rages on. Besides, many party members are still protesting the outcome of primaries in many constituencies.

     

    Oyo

    Before the primaries, many thought that the Oyo PDP had a bright future. But the shadow poll compounded the problems of the chapter. There are now four PDP factions in the Pacesetter State. The first is the mainstream PDP, which produced Senator Teslim Folarin as the candidate. The second is Accord Party (AP), led by Senator Rashidi Ladoja. The third is the Labour Party (LP), which is fielding former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala as the flag bearer. The fourth is the Social Democratic Party (SDP), which has Seyi Makinde as its candidate. Ladoja, Alao-Akala and  Makinde are PDP chieftains in disguise.

    The polarisation has implications for the PDP. It is now more weakened than it was four years ago. Therefore, there is no evidence to show that it can withstand the APC candidate and incumbent Governor Abiola Ajimobi at the polls.

     

    Bayelsa

    Bayelsa is the home state of President Jonathan. The governorship election will hold in the state next year. Ordinarily, next month’s general elections should be a walkover for the PDP but certain factors may make it impossible. The rift between Governor Seriake Dickson and President’s wife Dame Patience, has continued to fester. Mrs. Jonathan, who resigned as Permanent Secretary from Bayelsa State Civil Service, is not in talking terms with the governor. In fact, there were allegations that her  foot soldiers were pushing for the impeachment of the governor. During his recent visit to the state, the President clarified that he is an avid supporter of the governor. The declaration has doused the tension in the party. Unless there is a genuine reconciliation, the cracks on the wall may become widened and PDP may play into the hands of the opposition.

     

    Rivers     

    Between 1999 and last year, PDP was the dominant party in Rivers State. But, the tide changed, following the defection of Governor Rotimi Amaechi to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), now APC. The APC has been growing in leaps and bounds in the state. But, the internal challenge to Chief Nyesom Wike’s candidature is almost proportional to the threat posed by the APC candidate, House of Representatives member Dakuku Peterside. Rivers is reputed for its four million bloc vote. Under the two-party system, the feat is difficult. Manipulation will be very difficult now that voters are more vigilant.

    PDP has a hurdle to cross. It is the challenge of zoning. The perception is that the opposition party has violated the principle. Amaechi, an Ikwerre, had proposed power shift to the lowland area from the upland area in the spirit of fairness and justice. In his view, power shift to the area that has not enjoyed the slot for 16 years will give the area a sense of belonging. The APC has now taken up the challenge of zoning based on equity by fielding Peterside, who hails from the lowland area. This may work for the PDP at the polls.

    Ondo

    The PDP in Ondo State has been in pains since 2007 when it was disgraced at the polls. The late Governor Segun Agagu was defeated by the Labour Party (LP) candidate, Dr.  Segun Mimiko. Since then, the PDP has not been insulated from crisis. Despite Mimiko’s return to the PDP, the crisis has not abated. Instead, his return has aggravated the crisis.

    Following disagreement with the governor, some aggrieved LP chieftains had defected to the PDP. However, when the governor defected, they were back to square one. The distribution of elective offices during the primaries was based on the dichotomy  of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ PDP.  Many old PDP members who had hoped to vie for parliamentary positions were compelled to sacrifice their ambitions to the defectors. In fact, the defectors led by Mimiko had upper hand because of their perceived numerical strength. In anger, some old PDP members hurriedly jumped into the APC tent. Aggrieved chieftains who have not defected are still fighting for their future. Reconciliation has been futile.

     

    Cross River

    In Cross River State, there is a gulf between Governor Liyel Imoke and other PDP gladiators. The governor has been accused of deliberately frustrating his colleague at the bar, Senate Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba, who had planned to return to the Upper Chamber. Senate President David Mark, who had anticipated the danger to Ndoma-Egba’s ambition, had offered to broker truce between the governor and Senate Leader, who are from the same senatorial district. Two days to the primaries, Mark sent his friend, Senator Tunde Ogbeha, a retired Brig-General, to Calabar, the state capital, to beg the governor. But, Imoke disagreed. The governor, sources said, was annoyed at the activities of some politicians who wanted him dead when he was hospitalised abroad. Also, the running battle between the two lawyers assumed a new dimension during the governorship primaries. Ndoma-Egba was allegedly rooting for Jeddy Agba for the slot. But Imoke and his predecessor, Donald Duke, preferred Prof. Ben Ayade.  The primary election is still generating ripples. Besides, many Cross River elders are unhappy with President Jonathan for the role he placed in the ceding of some oil wells from the state to Akwa Ibom State.

     

    Kwara

    The weakest PDP chapter is the Kwara. Following the defection of Senator Bukola Saraki, Governor Abdulfatah Ahmed and other big wigs to the APC, the party became a shadow of itself. There is acrimony in the decimated chapter over the emergence of Senator Simeon Ajibola as the governorship candidate. Many PDP leaders believe that his candidature cannot fly. In fact, the senator rode on the back of the Saraki political family to fame. Since his emergence as the candidate, other aspirants slowed down on their mobilisation for the party.

     

  • Wobbling democracy

    Wobbling democracy

    •Still a long way to go, 15 years after

    It is 15 years today since the current democratic dispensation started. As usual, at the beginning, many people were full of expectations that things would turn out well. Despite reservations about the military establishment and the system it had foisted on Nigeria, Nigerians, optimistic as ever, chose to trust the General Abdulsalami Abubakar administration with sincerity of purpose. And, when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo emerged President on May 29, 1999, it was thought that his wide experience as a former military Head of State, post-office involvement in negotiating peace and promoting good governance at home and abroad, would serve the country well. He was regarded by many as one who had seen enough of conflicts to understand that only good governance could promote peace, development and stability.

    However, 15 years after the civilians took over from the military, the journey to development has been very slow and jerky. Communal and religious conflicts and crises have threatened the very fabric of the society. Development has suffered greatly, despite token advancement in a few states, and the growth rates usually published as evidence of performance remain mere statistics that have failed to reflect in the general quality of living.

    The people are disenchanted. Democracy remains defined by tentativeness and tokenism. Those who largely buy their way into power sit on the throne belching out orders like potentates. They regard the people as foot mats and are adept at devising means of sidetracking the electorate in the electoral process. The result is impunity. They act to override the General Will.

    Over the years, Nigerians have become cynical. They do not trust governments at all levels, regarding office holders more as dealers than leaders. And, this is borne out by the mind-boggling corruption that has eaten very deep into the polity. The court registries are littered with files of corruption charges pressed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) against former holders of high offices, whereas no progress is being made in justice delivery. For almost one decade, cases against the men of power charged with gross abuse of office are kept at the level of speculation and the same men and women desecrate higher offices, taking decisions binding on the people.

    Almost all institutions of state have failed. The Labour Movement that used to be a bulwark against autocracy, even under military rule, has suddenly lost its voice. The activism and vibrancy that underscored its operations as watchdog for the people have been lost to inexplicable docility. The political parties have not improved over the very primitive practices of the First Republic – candidates are imposed as rules are serially breached. Strongmen dictate the running of institutions expected to aggregate values and offer choice at the polls.

    Local governments remain mere tools in the hands of state chief executives and the ruling parties. When a governor mercifully permits an election to be held, he considers it sacrilegious that any party other than his could win the chairmanship of any council. In some cases, a few opposition councillors are allowed to emerge. In effect, the people at the grassroots are fenced off the democratic process and, when they choose to throw their hands in the air, the potentates continue looting the treasury and directing affairs.

    On the other hand, where there are strong opposition parties, realising that the ballot box is not a viable means of effecting regime change, local armies are created by candidates and parties, leading to blood-letting and the emergence of the strongest. Not the most popular.

    It is unfortunate that, despite this democratic dispensation being the most sustained in the country’s history since independence, the structure of governance remains as rickety as ever. It took only a little more than five years to truncate the process in the First Republic. Self-serving leaders had no compunction dealing mortal blows at the system and assailing democratic institutions. The legislature was used to subvert the constitution and an emergency rule was imposed on the Western Region. It was no surprise that the system collapsed on them all and an opportunistic and rapacious military elite took over, leading to a pogrom and a costly civil war. For 13 years, the military continued to bungle national affairs, inappropriately imposing a unitary system on a plural society.

    When the civilians returned in 1979, it was expected that things would have been set right. That was not the case. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) that was installed in power could not manage victory, failed to be a rallying point for galvanising action for national development and utterly failed the democracy test. Again, it inexorably led to military take-over. Rotation of powers among different tendencies within the military set-up continued for almost 16 years at no benefit to the country and its people.

    The last six years of the military rule almost led to the country’s disintegration. General Ibrahim Babangida was literally chased out of power for playing games through a phony transition to a Third Republic. General Sani Abacha was a barefaced dictator. The anchorman for rule by the jackboots, General Abubakar, was therefore left with no choice but to hurry out of the power sanctum. He hurriedly organised another transition to civil rule during which a constitution was not agreed and those who contested did not know the terms spelt out in the grundnorm.

    Hence, the Fourth Republic started on a false and wobbly note. A critical section of the society boycotted the transition process and those who had lent their weight to the Abacha transmutation plot reaped the reward. But, it was expected that, in due course, the politicians would realise the benefits accruable to all by playing by the rule. They did not. They have kept subverting the constitution and the process and the President kept aggrandising power. The economy suffered the consequences, social relations ebbed.

    Insecurity has gripped the land, not just by armed robbers and kidnappers, but also by the Boko Haram Islamic sect that has become a blood-sucking demon in the last five years. But the sect stole too much for the owner to notice when on April 15 it abducted more than 200 female students of Government Girls Secondary School in Chibok, Borno State. This has drawn the attention of the world to Nigeria, with the world powers now involved in efforts to get freedom for the abducted students, since the matter seems beyond the capability of our security agencies.

    In all, we find it difficult to award pass mark to the democratic system as practised in the past 15 years.  Of course we acknowledge that democracy is not a destination, but a journey. No doubt some progress has been made in policy formulation and a few oases of sanity could be located in some institutions and states. This is an indication that sustenance of the system could lead to eventual stability and deepening of the democratic culture.

    But the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan has to be more alive to his presidential responsibilities. The way and manner he has carried on so far does not inspire hope. He must change his style. For a leader to solve his country’s problems, he must believe those problems are there. We wonder how a president who says there is no poverty in Nigeria can take measures to address poverty; or how a president who distinguishes between stealing and corruption can see the need to vigorously curb stealing and corruption. Yet, unless we address these cankerworms, the country cannot make progress.

    There is no reason why democracy cannot work here if it is working in other places. That is why we urge active engagement by Nigerians and the civil society in resisting impunity and tyranny for Nigeria to survive. The civil society must wake up from its slumber. We are not yet there, and we cannot rest until we get there. What we need is not just the letter of democracy but the spirit of it. We can make it happen, if we want.

  • Education: A tale of wobbling sector

    Education: A tale of wobbling sector

    As Nigeria celebrates its 53rd independence anniverary, its education sector lays prostrate. AUGUSTINE AVWODE examines the effects of underfunding on the critical sector.

     

     

    Perhaps, nothing illustrates more graphically, the dire state of education in Nigeria, even as it celebrates its 53rd independence anniversary, than the strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), which enters its fourth month today. ASUU’s action is predicated on alleged Federal Government’s refusal to implement the agreement between it and the union. Polytechnic lecturers, who started theirs two months before ASUU began its strike, also claimed non-implementation of agreements and lack of infrastructure in their institutions.

    Since it attained independence Nigeria has always expressed a commitment to education, with the belief that the best way to accelerate national development and growth was by overcoming illiteracy and ignorance. However, in the last four decades, specifically from the mid- 70s, education has been characterised by the lack of adequate funding, poor and deteriorating infrastructure, and insufficient teaching and learning materials as some of the major problems bedeviling the sector. This has resulted in a free fall for the sector, which should be the backbone of growth and development. It is rather lying prostrate, pleading for attention for the relevant authorities.

     

    Challenges

     

    Experts have noted that the biggest challenge facing education is inadequate funding. They blame government at all levels – federal, states and local governments.

    Speaking to The Nation at the weekend, former Vice Chancellor of the Ladoke Akintola University of Technology ( LAUTECH) Prof. Babatunde Adeleke, said inadequate funding remains the greatest threat to the education sector in the country.

    He said underfunding hampers intensive and extensive research programmes; provisions of better infrastructure; and lack of good teaching and learning environment. He said the strike embarked upon by teachers has done much damage to the sector.

    Adeleke warned that the nation faces dire consequences, if the trend is not reversed as soon as possible. “Without sincere support and sincerity of purpose in pursuing the best ideals for the education sector, we will continue to have problems. The first and perhaps, the greatest challenge facing Nigeria and making it difficult for the provision of quality education, which is capable of bringing about sustainable development is inadequate funding by the federal, state and local governments. I cannot remember when last the Federal Government met the UNESCO recommendation of 26 per cent of national budgets for education.

    “Nigeria needs a lot of financial support to take us to where we are supposed to be. In the country today, we have over 100 universities; but if you look carefully you will discover that there is the issue of under staff. Our research activities are not the best. If you take a head count of qualified lecturers, that is, those with PhD and above, you will discover that the system is highly under staffed. As long as there are no good research programmes going on, the possibility of producing enough Ph, D holders, to effectively man the universities will continue to constitute a problem”.

    A senior lecturer at the Department of English Language, the Obafemi Awolowo University Dr Chijoke Uwahomba, said Nigeria is not making any progress in the sector. “In terms of policy articulation and implementation, we are not making any progress, we are just wobbling. Any progress; we have made is as a result of the patriotic zeal of committed Nigerians to give their best to Nigeria.

    “For instance, during the Babangida regime, when the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), was introduced, many people left Nigeria for greener pastures because the currency lost its value. The reason was simply because the salary was not competitive. That was how the idea of brain-drain came in.

    “If we look at the education sector generally, you will discover that government, over the years, has paid only lip service to the sector. That is why a landlord in Lagos always finds it difficult to give out his house to teachers. Let us ask ourselves why teachers, at all levels, are always going on one strike or another, from primary to tertiary levels? It is so because the government has not taken it as a serious business”.

    Also speaking to The Nation, Delta State Commissioner for Higher Education Prof. Hope Eghagha, said the challenges in the education sector have been fundamental. He, again, mentioned funding and infrastructure. He, however, argued that more Nigerians now have access to education than it was 50 years ago.

    “There has been increase in access to education, both in primary, secondary down to the university levels. The numbers of universities have risen from 9 in the 60s to over 100. But that also has its own challenges”, he said.

    Eghagha bemoaned the quality of education.“In terms of quality, we have a huge challenge. The quality of teaching, and the quality in terms of participation and response, which we get from students, is a thing for concern. So, when we look at all these things – funding, infrastructure, quality of teaching, response or the level of participation by students, we have serious challenges in our education sector. And, that is why, when people talk about standard, they are referring to the quality of response, quality of materials and the totality of the product that come out of the system. But people forget that there has been a huge leap from 1978, when the Joint Admission Board was established and now. Every year, we have over 1,000,000 applicants trying to become undergraduates”.

    According to Adeleke, the quality of education in the country is determined by many things. He argued that except attention is paid to the products coming from the primary and secondary schools, the quality of graduates will continue to be a matter of concern. He identified the primary and secondary schools as the stages where the greatest problem are encountered, which results in poor quality of graduate.

    “Unless we focus our attention on the primary and secondary, the quality of the final product, coming out of the university system in Nigeria will continue to be poor”.

     

    What future for

    education

     

    The question is what does the future hold for education in Nigeria?

    Eghagha said there are many things that must be looked into, if the future must be made bright. “The first is the quality of teaching. Then the issue of funding and the issue of infrastructure. The future in 10 years, certainly, will not be the same. There is the need to improve the quality of teaching. Any student who goes through the primary, secondary and the university without access to the computer, will not be marketable in the future.

    “So, there is need to improve the gadgets for learning, increase funding so that we can buy teaching aids, equip laboratories and ensure that teachers teach well. In other words, the inspectorate division has to be reinvigorated so that teachers can be made to teach what they are paid to teach. I must emphasis that the reward of education itself is knowledge. The idea of compelling people or students to read just to sit for exams is to say the least, obnoxious and retrogressive. It will not serve the overall objective of freeing the mind from the shackles of ignorance.

    “So, if all of this is taken into consideration, in the next 10 years, to get ahead, to be anywhere near where we should be, we need to increase funding, build infrastructure and maintain them, then the welfare of the teachers is very important, pay them the salary that can take them home, as they say. Imagine a principal on level 16, who cannot afford some of the basic things of live, how will he be able to put in his best”, Eghagha asked.

    He said incessant strikes is not good for the system and advised ASUU to find an alternative dispute resolution as the long time effect could be very damaging to the system.

    “In any society, paralysis, like the strike that is on now, is not good for its development. It is my view that strike should not be part of the menu of the universities and colleges of education. With strikes, education itself can be truncated; there could be negative consequences, if there are interruptions. We live in a global village, the people in Canada, U S A and Great Britain are following us; and when a Nigerian graduate shows up, they immediately pick him out. “, Eghagha said.

    Chijoke said the future of education may be in jeopardy, except the government does the needful without wasting any further time. “We are talking today now, students have been indoors for three months, and you know what that means for the system. Already, we have graduates that are not employable, who cannot construct correct simple sentences. If the future of education must be secured, if we must avert a bleak future, the government must stand up and do something today to salvage the current impasse. If it continues to play the “it does not matter card”, the future of education is bleak in Nigeria”, he said.