The Nation Newspaper

Tag: X-raying

  • X-raying the diaper brand war in Nigeria

    X-raying the diaper brand war in Nigeria

    Pampers, owning 60 per cent of the diaper market share, is a brand hinged on functionality, affordability and availability. With the largest distribution network and a N4.8 billion plant, Pampers is seriously defending its market leadership position. To increase market share, its manufacturer, Procter & Gamble (P&G), has added Pampers Baby Dry and Pampers Premium to the product portfolio.  P & G is taking its competitive drive ahead of the market by exploring below–the-line promotion, engaging moms with product towards experiential marketing.

    Pampers is the dominant brand in this market, however, the competition is daring. Therefore the brand keeps defending the current market by using advertising, maternity wards engagement and promotions. In addition to this, Pampers must expand total market by promoting product-brands and expand market share. For a leader to protect its position against challengers, it requires innovation, choices, price cuts, expansion distribution channel, and intense promotional efforts. Pampers has a lot to do.

    Huggies is a major competitor of Pampers. The Huggies brand sells intrinsic value, driving a unique proposition that goes beyond form and functionality. For Huggies, functionality is the basics, while the “feeling” is the product. Huggies sells “self-esteem” to moms as a product. Huggies flew over Physiological Needs in the Maslow’s Hierarchy and offers the baby “class” and the mother, “pride”. As a blogger puts it: “Huggies babies were more posh… a thing of class”. Because of this, those who use Huggies have so much affinity for the brand and they are always pleased to show off the diaper at every opportunity.

    These moms are proud to change their baby’s diapers in the public, they paid for it! Huggies is a nicher and a strong brand in this market. It is therefore exposed to less threat. Huggies does not control this market and it cannot be controlled by it. The target of the brand is a segment of the market with a strategic profiling: middle-upper class, business-professional moms. As long as Huggies remain a quasi-luxury brand, they would keep buying. Huggies’ brand statement: “let the second hug come from us” has said enough that all you get is a diaper that emote. As a nicher, Huggies is an end-user specialist and is focused on wallet share, rather than market share. The concept is “having 100 per cent of few pockets rather than having one per cent of many households”.

    Molfix is a low-cost diaper brand, produced by Hayat Kimya Nigeria Ltd. Molfix is cheaper and significantly offers quality products. It is also presently competing with Pampers in terms of national distribution and is positioned as a challenger. To be able to challenge the market leader, Molfix invested $100 million dollars into production, erecting an ultra modern diaper/tissue factory in Agbara Industrial Layout, Ogun State – a facility that was inaugurated on June 1, 2017.

    The challenger brand is expected to choose general attack strategies as well as specific attack strategies. In terms of price strategy, Molfix is doing well in offering lower prices for quality products. The best way to challenge a leader is to drag it into a price war, while initiating backward integration to cut cost. With the cutting edge technology of Molfix, plus the fact that the company generates its own power, cost of production is lower and there is more control on pricing. This is competition!

    Luvs have been introduced into Nigeria through the online shopping stores. The brand was created in 1976 in the United States, as a premium diaper. Presently Luv is being positioned as the cheapest anti leaking diaper. Nigerians are yet to understand this product and it is not being promoted to the mainstream. The positioning of Luvs in the market is yet to be understood. There is another product being merchandised online, Chocco Diaper, a product imported from India.

    Forecasting the future

    P&G’s new brands – both the Pampers Baby Dry and the Pampers Premium – could have raised the cost of production. We should also note that cost of raw materials rose as a result of forex instability. For the leader, the proposition of “low-cost efficient brands” must have been challenging. Euro-monitor’s research shows that Pampers had loses in volume and value last year but was able to keep 60% of the market share. Pampers will soon be attracting new users; new moms who had no previous experience of diapers. Frequency of use is another approach to increasing volume; the demographic of moms who reuse diapers will offer low volume. Thus, the Leader will less likely explore price cut; the brand is an asset for market share expansion.

    Huggies will always remain what it is – a diaper that hugs tight, and makes the mother proud. The manufacturer, Kimberly-Clark, will eventually extend Huggies rewards to Nigeria. And the brand may soon be involved in events, sponsorships and promotions. Nichers are exposed to two threats – the fact that a Follower may clone the product-brand of the Nicher and also the fact that the Leader may expand its product portfolio to include that particular niche. What happened to Alomo bitters was that new entrants came into the niche it pioneered. That was possible because the Nicher did not defend the niche; there was no promotion, no advertising and no events. Huggies will take steps to become synonymous to the niche and grow its wallet share. When you leave a gap, others come in to fill it.

    Molfix has taken a bold investment decision, and it can only continue to be daring. The brand is engaging moms on social media and may soon initiate promotions that will drive loyalty and frequency of use. Obviously, Molfix refrains from being a Follower – unlike Techno is to Nokia and Infinix is to Samsung. Being a Follower is also a strategy but a Challenger is a brand ready to take Market Leadership. In challenging the Leader, the manufacturer of Molfix will eventually start promoting its hygienic pad, Molped, as the Leader also has product line for hygienic pads. Expect some event sponsorships and celebrity endorsement from the Challenger.

     

    Conclusion

    Competitiveness will bring new product developments, choices for consumers and prosperity for humanity. The diaper market will grow bigger in potentials and value, due to urbanization and globalization. Change is what is constant and the future is full of uncertainty. As P & G set out in 1950s to change the culture, converting cloth-diaper to disposable diaper, so also more brands are setting new trends with new products. However, culture is setting the pace for innovations in the 21st century, and we can only expect smart diapers!

  • X-raying Nigeria’s democracy, development

    This book takes a panoramic view of the Nigerian socio-economic and political landscape. It attempts a deconstruction of the notions of politics and of economics which underpin public policy and practice. These attempts are made in two parts spread across forty-seven chapters under themes dealing with varied issues which in the first part include among others leadership, democracy, power and power politics, the configurations of political interests and the patterns as well as implications of the constellations of these interests.

    The author engaged with the challenges of development in the second part of the book detailing his thoughts on issues of vision and growth, the imperative of education as well as exigencies of innovation and its inevitability as a catalyst for growth and development. Also capturing the analytical focus of the author are the issues of poverty eradication and unemployment, economic diversification, entrepreneurship and the prospects for Nigeria’s global competitiveness.

    The diversity of the issue areas covered by the book is indicative of the broad dimensions of the author’s concern with the multiplicity of the malaise currently besieging the Nigerian State, especially its political economy. He correctly placed the leadership question upfront and in the epicenter of his analysis. He sees leadership as ‘a complex ethical relationship’ between leaders and the led, one which ought necessarily to be underpinned by trust and good faith. Unfortunately the ‘illusion of omnipotence’ i.e. the assumption by leaders that they possess unlimited power enables the embarrassing, oftentimes dysfunctional, mismatch between policy and outcome. African leaders over promise and underachieve.

    African leaders, true African leaders, must in the author’s opinion be realistic, transparent and accountable. He bemoaned the genre of leadership in Africa and ascribed the failure of governance to them. He substantiates his argument with the point that Africa lags painfully behind on all the major indices of human development. He canvasses for courageous and committed leadership guided by truth, discipline, and transparency. He calls for leadership that is inspirational, propelling citizens’ confidence and action towards growth and development.

    But citizens’ action is predicated on the extent of the prevalence of the ethos of democracy and the pursuit of political inclusiveness. The author’s analysis of the shades of democracy was very brief, almost too brief in fact. Any one craving for more details will therefore need to consult other academic materials on the subject. However, the author elaborated fairly well his thoughts on the Nigerian situation positing that “There is currently a growing concern in Nigeria about the mismatch between democracy and development”.

    Of further interest perhaps is the author’s depiction not only of the stunted, malnourished nature of Nigeria’s political system, but even more serious the wanton display of infantile political predilection by the political elite. How else can one describe the boxing contexts that take place every now and again on the floor of the supposedly hallowed chambers of our state and national parliaments?

    The author also took a swipe at the country’s political party system. This is a particularly strong point although he came short of fruitfully and maximally exploring the several key aspects of this aspect of our political praxis. For instance, the obsession with the notions of party supremacy as well as the culture of imposition of political appointees is discussed. However, the point could have been developed further by pointing out, inter-alia, that as the statutorily recognized machinery for capturing the reins of power, political parties themselves ought to rise to the higher calling of serving as veritable breeding grounds and ‘colleges’ for the production of qualitative, visionary and law respecting leaders. But alas the reverse in several cases appears to be the norm. Banausocracy, i.e., government by the uncultured and vulgar elements of society, now prevails.

    The author passed a critical test of political economy when he attempted to link democracy and the economy. His point of departure was the perennial contestation over the value of the naira and the petroleum subsidisation policy. The author’s points are well taken, particularly his call for caution over the simultaneous adoption of currency devaluation and the removal of subsidy. However, it must be stated that the issues are more profound and ramified that the position assumed in the book. At stake is the character of the structure of the Nigerian economy especially the system of production, distribution and consumption. These in turn must be placed within the wider context of the contemporary global economy, bearing in mind also such dynamics as economic power and globalized competition. All these constitute exogenous constraints which in themselves impact domestic policy options and strategies.

    The author’s capacity for deploying useful analogies serves his communicative function very well throughout the book. Farmers and Hunters in Governance, Chapter 7 of the work, compared and contrasted the sniper, ad hoc activity of the hunter with the skillful, innovative, futuristic mindset of the farmer. Public officeholders in contemporary Nigeria are likened to the former while what is needed for long term, sustainable growth and development is the mindset of the latter.

    His illustration of governance failure with the inability of governors of oil rich states of the Niger Delta region to pay civil servants’ salaries is apt. It signposts clearly not only that there are high levels of corruption and profligacy in government, but also that there are manifest inability to be proactive, creative and resourceful.

    The author correctly identified the power politics among nations in the international arena as a critical context and determinant of national development. From this arena, the prospects and/or fortunes of nations, Nigeria’s inclusive, cannot therefore be divorced from the capacity to use economic resources and influence meaningfully.

    The author clearly and correctly commented on Nigeria’s waning power and influence not only in the region but also globally, attributing same  to its dwindling economic fortunes, especially the fall in the international price of oil. That point, as sound as it is, is however not a sufficient one in itself. The mangers of the state have also failed to harness and develop the country’s other frontiers and indices of power – population, military, industry, the diverse element of soft power including media, culture, tourism etc. Nor has the state been able to arrest and/or mitigate the fallouts associated with such dysfunctionalities like the country’s negative image abroad in terms of corruption, terrorism, kidnapping, 419, drug trafficking, election rigging and violence, etc. Efforts at rebranding the country have had suboptimal results. Perhaps because of the DNA of disorderliness?

    The scholar also elaborated on the notion of national security, linking same to the prevalence of poverty, unemployment and the general low living standards of the populace. His prescription for national security therefore is: improve the lot of the citizenry.

    The author spared a few words for the Buhari administration particularly on issues that border on quality of leadership and of appointments of state officials to drive the policies of his administration. In this connection he opines that the President ought to screen for leadership traits which are devoid of the greediness which now plagues the current crop of leadership in Nigeria. He also canvassed for leadership which is enamored of youth development, nurturing the youth for leadership roles. Unfortunately however, the president appeared, in the opinion of the author, to have succumbed to the typical Nigerian disease of using the exercise as an opportunity for providing jobs for the boys.

    Nonetheless, the author does not believe that the all was lost. In other words the ‘boys’ could still perform, rising to the billings of true statesmen and women and charting a course for the country out of the present doldrums. All these so long as they are able and willing to adopt the appropriate mindsets, develop the vision for growth and development and most importantly pursue, adopt, apply and activate complex innovations to all those processes that are germane to socio-economic and political transformations, growth and development of the country  .

    On a final note the author accessed the global development framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It is noted here that the framework itself has been succeeded by the Sustainable Development Goal (SDGs). However the take home point remains that government must up its ante. A critical and objective post-MDG review is necessary to ensure a consolidation of past gains while reviewing areas of poor or even negative performance.

    On the whole these are the major themes around which the thoughts and analysis of the author are built and across which other subthemes were developed.

    The book’s main contribution to knowledge lies mainly in the non-technicist manner in which it intervenes in the discourse on the Nigeria social formation. Devoid of any technical jargons it is still able to dissect the problems, isolate the critical variables around which contestations turn, evaluate policies and strategies and ultimately take an informed stand on designated issues.

    A major flaw of the book lies in the structure of its presentation. The chapter outline is not only way to long (47 chapters), it is onerously repetitive.  A book so lucidly written and dwelling on so many important themes of national significance is deserving of a well-structured, revised reproduction. At such point, it is advised that the author streamline the book’s chapter outline. Chapters suitable for merging, for instance, include chapters 2 and 3; 14 and 15; 1, 12, 16 and 17; 22 through to 28; 29 and 30.

    In the final analysis this is a commendable effort and one expects to see a continuation of a very robust debate around the issues which have been raised therein by the author in the near future.

     

     

  • X-raying a governor’s intellectual offering

    X-raying a governor’s intellectual offering

    IN one of the most brilliant speeches ever delivered on an international platform, Lagos State Governor Akinwunmi Ambode outlined a social economic projection of Africa, complete with a ‘how to achieve design’ while graphically stating the inevitable – it is time for Africa.

    Ambode, speaking at the third annual London School of Economics (LSE) Africa Summit on April 23, said Africa’s biggest economies have enjoyed improved social and economic performance for more than a decade, but are now facing significant headwinds following the adverse shock in commodity prices in the process growth has slowed, coming in at 3.5 per cent in 2015, down from 4.6 per cent in 2014, the weakest pace since 2009.

    Yet he chose not to delve in the past but see into an Africa with an economic future rating amongst the first world countries. He noted heavily that Africa’s strength and potential lies in its rapidly growing population “judging by the Transformational urban swell by 2050, two in three Africans will be urban, by 2050 Africa would account for almost 24 per cent of the world’s population.

    This transformation and growth in Africa will mean a more equal partner and more intense and deeper trade and commerce with the rest of the world. A prosperous Africa would end the great press of migrants trying to enter Europe.  In the 1960s, there were roughly 300 million Africans, and 400 million Europeans, and the world was not that well connected. By 2050, there will 2.4 billion Africans, and only 700 million Europeans.

    Yet a bursting population wasn’t the only criteria for the continents economic and technological independence. Abode warned that for there to be real transformation, nations and states must design their own path, with clear plans for growth and development, directed at achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    In what was deemed by all gathered to be a rousing and inspiring moment in his speech Ambode cited the tough but imperative task ahead if Africa were to in the nearest future become a self-reliant economic giant as China is today. He noted that when Goldman Sachs predicted that China would become the world’s biggest economy by 2048, the idea was ridiculed. But today 30 years off, China will be the world’s largest economy by 2018.

    Using his hard work and record time achievements in Lagos as a case study for Africa’s development and self sustainable goals, Ambode drew outlines and examples from the state’s  tax system as one many potential areas that African states and nations could begin from – “our tax collection is very poor – with tax-to-GDP estimated at 8%, the second lowest in Africa and the fourth lowest in the world …excluding government revenue from oil & gas, our tax receipts were only 3 per cent. Even in Lagos where we have consistently achieved success in IGR collection, there is still significant scope for growth.

    If properly implemented to Sub-Saharan African economies average of 18%, Nigeria could potentially raise its tax revenue to $103.3 billion, the equivalent of Morocco’s GDP in 2014.

    A higher tax revenue would reduce government borrowing and generate more funds to devote to areas where government spending is more productive than the marginal rate of private sector spending encourage financial institutions to offer funds at lower interest rates, thereby boosting the real economy. He also added that if we ask for tax revenue, we in the government will have to deliver something. We need to imbibe fiscal discipline in delivering the public services that our citizens so rightly deserve. This calls for a greater autonomy of state and local governments, which in turn promotes accountability. If we look at Canada for example, its decentralism has played a great part in its growth and success, allowing for maximum provincial authority in the fields of healthcare, education, taxation and social benefits. In terms of specific sectors, the first step lies in harnessing Nigeria’s potential in the non-oil sectors, focusing particularly on Agriculture, Manufacturing, Solid Minerals, and Service sectors which in aggregate represent 90% of GDP.

    He noted sadly yet was keenly optimistic that though the massive fall in oil prices has sharply reduced Nigeria’s growth rate, export earnings, foreign direct investment, and government revenues. Nigerians have been provided with the opportunity to now deliver real growth. The high price of oil created a distorted economic structure, where it was more valuable to capture value from the oil stream than create value.  The governor noted bitterly that the returns to oil went to a few, with a tiny trickle down system to keep the social peace. He went on to reiterate positively that the drop in oil prices has revealed that the one dimensional model of Nigeria’s political economy has outlived its shelf life. “We are forced by the slump to change the architecture of our political economy. That is the challenge before us.”

    He sees the low oil prices as a tipping point for positive change, noting that, “this downturn is an avenue for us, the leaders and citizens of the country, to address the sources of vulnerability in order to achieve inclusive growth and sustainable development”. Stating that “the tone of enhance governance with focus on transparency and accountability has been established under the leadership of President Muhammadu Buhari.”

    Attentions were aroused and concentration keened as the governor piqued audience interest when he went on to highlight the wonderful achievements and futuristic project plans of the APC-led government of Lagos State.

    “As a state, Lagos has increased its efforts by targeting infrastructure spending towards improving the condition of inner roads- almost 150 due to be completed within one year of my assuming office. We are now in discussions with private and institutional investors who have shown interest in game changing projects such as the Badagry deep sea port, the 4th Mainland Bridge, development of new cities around the Lekki Free Trade Zone, where Dangote Refinery is located and scheduled to come on stream in 2018.

    “Also recognising that power and security challenges enhance business success. We have invested significantly in security, funding and equipping the police with the Securities Trust Fund initiative. Our Light Up Lagos’ initiative has also seen us connecting 67 communities of the state to the national grid and major roads fully lit. Whilst we are steady heading in the right direction we clearly still have huge infrastructural gap. Lagos – City Of Opportunities The Lagos delivery model is based on strategic imperatives built on four pillars: Infrastructure Development, Economic Development, Social Development and Sustainable Development. These pillars are underlined by enhanced Governance structures. However, despite Lagos’ challenges, let’s be clear on one thing: Lagos is now the commercial centre of Africa. Despite not being an oil producing state, we are one of the few states that are self-sustaining with our Internally Generated Revenue growing by 84% to $1.4 billion in 2014 compared to 2010. Our strength lies in our demographics. The population is nearing 22 million of which a large proportion fall within the ages of 18-40- a ready labor force! We pride ourselves as the 5th largest economy in Africa with our GDP estimated at $131 billion in 2014 compared to Johannesburg’s GDP of $83 billion. This makes a strong case for Lagos not just as a promising market, but as an emerging global centre, with Africa’s lead in financial services, ICT, hospitality, and other high value-added sectors. We are committed to the vision of making Lagos State Africa’s Model Megalopolis and Global Economic and Financial Hub that is safe, secure, functional and productive. This is evident in the recent establishment of Lagos Global a one-stop shop for investors.”

    Rounding up his speech, Governor Ambode left his delighted audience with strong enjoining challenge – “So where will all this end up? A recent PwC report has projected that in 2050, Nigeria would be the world’s 9th largest economy. Everyone in this room has a role to play in this journey and I am counting on your support to help us make it a reality.”

  • X-raying Ayade’s 14-Point agenda for 2016

    One of the distinguishing traits of quality leadership is the uncanny ability to set attainable goals- short, medium and long term. While some goals may be achievable within a short term, there are those that require medium term attainability as well as others whose attainment are long term.

    In his New Year message to the people, Cross River State governor, Senator Ben Ayade, outlined his strategic model that offered him the opportunity to go for what could be regarded as low hanging fruits. That is delivering on those aspect of developmental programmes or projects that do not require long term actualization.

    In an inspiring and galvanising message that heralded hope and confidence, Governor Ayade articulated a 14-point agenda that would be the prime focus of his administration in the current year.

    Christened “My 14-Point Agenda for 2016”, Ayade stated his resolve to give the necessary push that will ensure the concession of the Calabar-Itu Federal Highway, just as he is equally ready to provide the requisite economic and political backing to prospect for oil and gas deposits in the state.

    The governor who charged the people of the state to view 2016 as “another unique opportunity to open up a new chapter filled with captivating elixir of hope” noted that “in the days ahead, we will catalyze the tempo of multi-sectoral turnaround of our dear state in spite of dwindling allocation from the federal coffers.”

    Very much in a hurry to accomplish so much within so short a time, Ayade also hinted that the monorail and the garment factory would be completed and commissioned this year. When commissioned, and any moment soon, the Monorail, which would be the first in operation in Nigeria, is expected to trigger a quantum effect in the economy of the state as it will further add to the tourism offerings of the state. In the same vein, the commissioning of the garment factory will significantly address the monstrous army of unemployment.

    Other critical areas which governor Ayade said full attention would be focused on include the completion of the detailed design and preconstruction work of Calas Vegas, a new cosmopolitan city to be berthed out of Calabar as well as two others in the two other senatorial districts of the state. It is also expected that before the end of the year, completion of the de-bushing of the superhighway corridor and the completion of the detailed design and securing of approval from the Federal Executive Council for the construction of the Deep seaport would have been achieved.

    Other projects to be executed in 2016 are the creation of new urban forests for climate change, establishing of the state Microfinance Bank to provide soft loans for the youths, ensuring a substantial stabilization of power and water supply in Calabar, and commencement of dredging of the seaport.

    Reconstruction of the Health and Education system of the state, activation of the Green Police and the commencement of construction of 5000 housing units for the no-income and the low income earners in Cross River would also be the very important areas that the Ayade-led administration will be giving full attention this year.

    The creation of new urban forests for climate change, besides its financial value chain in terms of revenue generation, will bring about employment creation for the newly established Green Police.

    Urban forests will help in beautifying the city of Calabar and other major towns like Ogoja, Obudu, Ikom and Ugep in a pristine way.

    The activation of the Green Police will help to curtail the activities of illegal loggers, thereby ensuring that the state gets a great chunk of the funds set aside by the World Bank and the United Nations for Africa and the third world countries to battle climate change.

    There is no doubt that we have many young, vibrant and articulate Cross Riverians with the immense capacity and training to become cutting-edge entrepreneurs, but are incapacitated by paucity of fund and  lack of access to facilities and guarantors. The establishment of Cross River State Microfinance Bank to provide soft loans Cross Riverians would certainly be the panacea to turn things around in this regards.

    From Governor Ayade’s  New  Year message, it clear that he fully appreciates the import of a healthy citizenry as wealth-drivers of the economy, which is why he is demonstrating a strong commitment to the task of reconstruction of the health and education system of the state. The benefits of doing so are enormous, just as the consequences of are better imagined than real. Ayade understands this very well and wants to be in the right side of history.

    A governor whose soul is sold completely on improving the wellbeing of his people he cannot afford to delay the commencement of the construction of the 5000 units of houses for those without income and the low income of the state. Earlier, he had sworn never to see any Cross Riverian live in thatched houses, a scenario he considers subhuman and dehumanizing.

    There will be immeasurable benefits that will accrue to Cross River people from the concession for the Calabar-Itu Federal Highway is obtained by Governor Ayade- reduction in the number of man-hour, on the road, boosting of inter-state commerce.

    Despite the plunge in the global oil price, and the focus on alternative source of energy, Governor Ayade sees a future for the state in oil and gas, hence his desire to prospect for the black gold in 2016.

    Setting these lofty goals for 2016, Governor Ayade said he is not “unaware of the huge responsibility, skepticism and downright criticism”, when he decided to embark on the signature projects. There is no doubt that Governor Ayade is passionate and committed to pursuing with extreme vigour the 14-point agenda. Over time, he has proven that whatever he sets his mind on, he follows with his heart and head.

    It is on this note that the year 2106 promises to be an exhilarating one for Cross Riverians and   one in which dreams will be born, hopes fulfilled and confidence restored in the people that indeed, flowers can bloom among the thorns of life.

    Accordingly, he urged his people: “As we raise a toast to the new year with a sparkling in our eyes and the ‘jigida’ dance of hope and triumph, may the dreams we wish all come through and the days abound with richness and contentment”.

  • X-raying ‘I belong to everyone and…nobody’ (2)

    X-raying ‘I belong to everyone and…nobody’ (2)

    Last week, we said since President Muhammadu Buhari delivered his inaugural speech on Friday May 29, 2015, the statement “I belong to everyone and I belong to nobody” has continued to generate reactions regarding the intended meaning. We analysed the literal meaning and stressed the fact that the statement radiates metaphoric meaning. We added that context is critical to meaning.

     

    Nigerian English and lasticity of meanings

     

    The major challenge we have in Nigeria with elasticity of meanings of such a statement is due to our over-reliance on constituent words for meaning, over-generalisation of meaning, etc. For instance, “Do-or-die” is a positive idiom that means “Strong determination” in British English. But we use and interpret it negatively in Nigerian English because of the word “Die”.

    Sometimes ago, I was compelled to link people up to the online comment of the captain of one of the English clubs that survived relegation on the last day due to exceptional team determination. The captain showered praises on the team-mates thus, “Congratulations guys. Our do-or-die attitude has saved us from relegation”. Does it mean he was insulting his team-mates for doing a positive thing? No.  We have also wrongly substituted the word “Send-forth” for the correct version “Send-off” because we consider the adverbial particle/preposition “off” as negative. I wonder why we have not changed the school admission “cut-off” mark to “cut-forth” mark!

     

    Extension

     

    Most Nigerians also interpret the idiom “No love lost” to mean that the love between two people is intact. This idiom actually means that two people involved hate each other, that the love does not exist in the first place not to talk of losing it. Meanings of expressions are often not based on meanings of individual words but embedded. On a radio sports programme some years ago, one of the ex-Super Eagles players was asked about his relationship with another ex-Super Eagles player, he said their relationship was intact and also used the idiom “No love lost” to emphasise it. What a self-contradiction!

    In the same vein, the expression “Play the Devil’s advocate” is misinterpreted in Nigerian English because we rely on individual words for its interpretation. The fact that it contains the word “Devil” further makes us commit the blunder. The dictionary meaning of “Play the Devil’s advocate” is: “to pretend to disagree with somebody in order to have good discussion about something”. But in Nigerian English, it is wrongly used to mean that somebody is defending an offender, like an advocate or lawyer.

     

    Psychological efficacy

     

    Most people have expressed disappointment with the President for saying “I belong to nobody”. But in the context in which it was uttered, it was actually not intended to insult his associates but to accommodate or woo his antagonists, especially given the tension that had mounted ahead of the elections and before he finally took over on May 29. It was psychologically and morally right for him to assure the multiplicity of ethnic nationalities, political parties and others that he is not the exclusive property of just a few people but belongs to everyone, so that he can been seen as a rallying point of different interests. The need to assure everybody of collective ownership and equality became imperative considering that he had been accused of tribal, religious and political bigotry.

     

    Last words

     

    On a note of analytical finality, in everyday conversation, misunderstanding often manifests because speakers make wrong assumptions regarding what their listeners know or ought to know. At such points, the conversation can break down and may need to be modified through questioning, clarification and cross-checking. Despite the intended or contextual meaning, one major shortcoming of the statement “I belong to everyone and I belong to nobody” is its ambiguity, that is, double meanings. Also since “I belong to everyone” has full meaning, it is redundant or unnecessary to add “I belong to nobody”.

     

    PS: For those making inquiries about our Public Speaking, Business Presentation and Professional Writing Skills programme, please visit the website indicated on this page for details.

     

    •GOKE ILESANMI, Managing Consultant/CEO of Gokmar Communication Consulting, is an International Platinum Columnist, Professional Public Speaker/MC, Communication Specialist, Motivational Speaker and Career Management Coach. He is also a Book Reviewer, Biographer and Editorial Consultant.

    Tel: 08055068773; 08187499425

    Email: gokeiles2010@gmail.com

    Website: www.gokeilesanmi.com

     

     

  • X-raying Jonathan’s form donations

    The cost of the Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) Presidential Nomination Fee and Expression of Interest Form has been fixed for N22 million.

    President Goodluck Jonathan, who is the sole candidate of the party, realised N99.915 million from donations and pledges, bringing the cash to over 354% of the amount needed to obtain the form.

    The donations, which came from individuals, associations and communities, warranted two statements to be issued last Wednesday from the office of the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity.

    The office had to update the first statement to capture the latest donations received after it was issued.

    While the N22 million donations from PDP governors is expected, but the motives for donations from widows and people with disabilities who need more financial and moral supports from the society, cannot be clearly placed.

    No doubt, this is just the beginning of more donations to come as the campaign begins in earnest.

    But what are the real motives behind the N99.915 million donations and pledges? Are they genuinely given out of love for Mr. President or as gratitude for the past or as part of a larger plan towards future selfish gain?

    Maybe the President needs to pause a little and really take a critical look at each of the donations ranging from N5,000 to N22 million in order to unveil the true motivations behind them.

    Those who donated  include: Mr. Kennedy Ikenna Odoeme – N5, 000, Mr Ezemagu Sunday Nnamdi – N10, 000, PDP Governors – N22 Million, Transformation Agenda of Nigeria  (TAN) – N22m, Ogbia LGA Stakeholders, Bayelsa state – N5m, Otuoke Community Stakeholders – N2m, Brass LGA Stakeholders, Bayelsa state – N50, 000, Bayelsa State PDP Stakeholders- N5m, Northern Youths Forum – N2m, Central Market Traders Union, Kaduna State – N1m, PDP Stakeholders, Zaria LGA – N500, 000, PDP Stakeholders, Yobe State – N500, 000.

    Others are PDP Stakeholders, Kaduna State- N2m, Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore – N5m, The Goodluck Support Group, Gombe State – N1m, Adamawa State PDP Stakeholders – N3m,  Ebonyi State PDP Stakeholders- N2m, Kogi State PDP Stakeholders – N5m, Rivers State PDP Stakeholders – N5m, The 2015 Project – N1m, Team Goodluck, Ondo North Senatorial District – N5m, Middle Belt PDP Women Support  Group for GEJ 2015 – N500, 000, King David Generation Foundation, Jos – N200, 000,  Behwong Weneng Yere Duk, Jos – N200,000, Redemption 3 Youth Organization, Plateau State – N500, 000,  Plateau State Indigenes Association, Abuja – N300,000, Gombe Youth United for Goodluck Ebele Jonathan 2015 – N500, 000, Gombe Youth Vanguard for PDP- N500, 000, Yamahu/Deba Goodluck Support Group – N200, 000,  Coalition of Gombe Support Groups for Goodluck Ebele Jonathan – N2m, Hinna Youth Coalition for Goodluck – N500, 000, Nigerian Women Pray for Jonathan – N1m, National Association of Widows – N100, 000, National Council of Women Societies – N500, 000,  Female members of the PDP Board of Trustees – N500,000, Joint Association of Persons with Disabilities – N100,000,  National Association of Market Women – N500, 000, Community Awareness and Development Network – N1m.

    The Presidency also got donations from Presidential View And Endorsement Platform -N200,000, Association of South East Town Unions – N300,000, Goodluck Jonathan 2015 Online Group – 250,000, The Light Network for Jonathan 2015, Lagos State – N300,000, Igbo Speaking Community, Lagos State – N200,000, Oghareki Graduate Association for Jonathan, Delta State – N500,000.

    Another poser is where will the balance of the donations in excess of the cost of the form go to. Will it go to the motherless babies homes or be held back for the campaign proper.

     

    Avoiding NFF crisis

     

    Every deliberate efforts were made last Wednesday to show the neutrality of the Presidency in the crisis that engulfed the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF).

    The occasion was the presentation of the African Women Football Championship (AWC) trophy and the victorious Super Falcons to President Gooduck Jonathan before the commencement of the Federal Executive Council meeting.

    The crisis in the Nigerian football house that day had centred on the current President, Amaju Pinnick and the factional President, Chris Giwa, who had headed to a general law court, which was threatening sanctions from FIFA. The Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) has jurisdiction over such cases.

    But by Thursday, Nigeria escaped the wrath of FIFA as Justice Ambrose Allagoa of the Federal High Court sitting in Jos struck out the suit filed against the NFF by Chris Giwa-led group.

    Pinnick, before the court struck out the case, was among the delegation that accompanied the Super Falcons to the Presidential Villa on Wednesday and seemed not to be given proper recognition as the head of the Federation that won the AWC trophy.

    He was first ommited when the master of ceremony, the Principal Secretary to the President, Hassan Tukur was making introduction of some of the delegation that came with the team.

    The NFF President or the name of Pinnick was also not mentioned among the group to present the AWC trophy to President Jonathan at the brief occasion witnessed by cabinet members.

    The master of ceremony had mentioned Sports Minister, Super Falcons’ Captain and the teams’s coach as those that will present the trophy to Mr. President.

    Probably because he is a native of Delta state, which is known as the ‘Big Heart’ of the nation and popularly referred to as ‘Delta no dey carry last’, Pinnick rose up and joined the group to present the trophy to President Jonathan.

    He did not fail to enjoy every bit of the ceremony as he posed with others for photo shots with the President and the AWC trophy.

     

    FCT Council of Chiefs, Area Councils endorse Bala Mohammed for longer tenure

     

    The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Council of Chiefs and the six area councils last Wednesday were unanimous about improving development in the capital city under the Minister, Senator Bala Mohammed.

    Paying a courtesy visit to President Goodluck Jonathan at the Presidential Villa, they declared that they have never had it so good in the city than with Mohammed as FCT Minister under Jonathan’s administration.

    The delegation, including Chairman FCT Council of Chiefs, HRH Alhaji Adamu Baba Nisa, Sarki Jiwa, HRH Idris Musa, HRH Alhaji Mohammed Bada, Robochi, Kuje Area Council, Etsu of Bwari, HRH Ibrahim Yaro, Agura of Zuba, Mohammed Umar, Sakari of Karo, Emmanuel Shota,  FCT PDP Chairman, Y.Y. Suleiman, Senator Philip Aduda, Senator Jubrin Wowo, Chairman, Kwali Area Council, Hon. Ibrahim Daniel, Chairman Abaji Area Council, Hon. Yahaya Garba, among other demands begged Mr. President to continue to retain Mohammed as the Minister of the territory.

    While making his remartk, Alhaji Baba Nisa said: “Mr. President, we thank you very much for sending Bala Mohammed to be our Minister. If there is anything required of us, we will support him and support you because we want him to remain in the FCT. He has done a lot for us.”