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Tag: zoning

  • Zoning, Akwa Ibom and 2015

    The 2015 general election promises to be another defining moment for Nigeria as a country. The situation is no different in Akwa Ibom State where the search for the successor of Governor Godswill Akpabio has begun in earnest, even though the elections are still two years away.

    Already there has arisen a lot of argument in many quarters regarding where the next governor should hail from. Ethnic warlords and political jobbers believe the next occupant of the Hilltop Mansion, as the Akwa Ibom State government house is known, must come from the Eket Senatorial District. They argue that the district has never produced a governor in Akwa Ibom since the creation of the state about 25 years ago and that it is the turn of the district to produce the governor of the state in 2015. It is rather regrettable that our brand of politics is based more on ethnic and other primordial considerations rather than the capacity and the ability of the candidate to deliver the dividends of democracy to the people. To my mind, we seem to have lost it as a people.

    Akwa Ibom State was created on September 23, 1987 by the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida, Nigeria’s former military president. The state was carved out of the old Cross River State with Uyo as its capital city. The then Col. Tunde Ogbeha was the first Military Administrator for the state.

    Just like every other state in today’s Nigeria, Akwa Ibom State has three Senatorial Districts namely the Uyo Senatorial District comprising the Ibibio speaking people, the Ikot Ekpene Senatorial district populated largely by the Annangs and the Ibibios and the Eket Senatorial District made up of the Oron, Eket and the Ibibio speaking people. Governor Godswill Obot Akpabio, the incumbent governor is an Annang man from the Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District while his predecessor, Obong Victor Attah is an Ibibio man from Uyo Senatorial District.

    For the avoidance of doubt, at no time has zoning ever been a factor in the governorship election of Akwa Ibom State. The eventual emergence of Obong Victor Attah and even his successor, the incumbent Akpabio as governors at different times were purely an electoral computation and not based on any zoning arrangement, as the race was thrown open to every senatorial district in the state. A closer look at the profile of the various contestants for the governorship seat at different phases of the gubernatorial election may suffice here. The facts are there for anyone to glean from.

    In 1991, during the subtle democratic experiment of former military president, General Babangida, culminating in the creation of two political parties, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC), the ethnic origin of the aspirants in Akwa Ibom State was never an issue for debate. Prominent aspirants for the governorship race of that era included the late Obong Akpan Isemin from the Uyo Senatorial District under the platform of the National Republican Convention, Etukudo Ekporo, also from the Uyo Senatorial District, under the National Republican Convention political party, Mfon Amana from the Eket Senatorial District under NRC and Ekong Etuk of the SDP from Uyo Senatorial district. However, the political drama of the early 1990s ended with the dissolution of the two political parties of the Babangida era by the late General Sani Abacha.

    Similarly, at the commencement of political activities in 1999, notable gubernatorial aspirants emerged from every section of the state and included Obong Akpan Isemin under the All Peoples Party (APP), Obong Victor Attah, PDP, Uyo Senatorial District, Dr. Mfon Amana (APP) Eket and Benjamin Okoko (PDP) also from Eket Senatorial District.

    Then, again, in 2003, the profile of contestants was equally representative of the different senatorial districts in the state. Notable aspirants who indicated interest in the governorship position included Obong Victor Attah (Uyo ) under the PDP platform, Ambassador Etim Okpoyo and Dr. Udonsak both from the Eket Senatorial Zone, declared their intentions under the platform of the PDP and the ANPP, respectively. Dr. Ime Umanah from the Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District joined the race also under the ANPP platform.

    In the same vein, the number, calibre and representativeness of aspirants were to increase in 2007 when democracy appeared to have taken a firmer root in the country. Of the six prominent governorship aspirants, three under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) were from the Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District, namely, Don Etiebet, Dr. Ime Umana and Godswill Akpabio. Uyo Senatorial District produced two aspirants, namely, Group Captain Sam Ewang of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and James Iniama of the Action Congress of Nigeria. Larry Esin was the lone contestant from the Eket Senatorial District. Akpabio won the election and is currently serving his second term in office.

    Furthermore, not even the power of incumbency could deter other aspirants from contesting the 2011 governorship election in the state. Three notable aspirants under the PDP vied for the governorship ticket. Of the three, Akpabio was the lone contestant from the Ikot Ekpene Senatorial District, Imoh Udo from Uyo Senatorial District and Frank Okon from the Eket Senatorial District. Senator Akpan Udoedehe from the Uyo Senatorial District contested under the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria while Group Captain Ewang, a former Military Administrator of Ogun State, also from Uyo, vied for the governorship position under the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). Esin from Eket Senatorial District contested under the banner of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).

    My layman’s understanding of zoning presupposes that when a particular position is zoned to a certain senatorial district, only aspirants from that region are eligible to contest for that position. But that has never been the case in Akwa Ibom State.

    From the foregoing therefore, it is glaring that the governorship election has always been an open contest for all Akwa Ibomites irrespective of the ethnic origin or the senatorial districts they hail from. This therefore makes nonsense of the agitation for a zoning formula in the state even as the so-called zoning argument has only served to expose the insidious role of ethnicity and tribal sentiments inherent in the politics of the state. This type of thinking can only retard the development of a people.

    The present scenario where zoning appears to be a front burner issue equally throws up some pertinent and soul-searching questions: where is Akwa Ibom heading in 2015? What has suddenly gone wrong with our politics? Why should we be seen to be trivialising a serious issue of electing the chief executive of our dear state?

    It should be noted that our hope and progress as a people lies not in our ethnic origin or other divisive considerations, rather, we should be clamouring for those intrinsic values that tend to strengthen the bond of unity among us.

    This becomes more imperative in the 2015 governorship election when all people of Akwa Ibom should join forces together to elect a man of honour and integrity as governor. We need a governor that will make meaningful impact in the lives of the people. We should choose meritocracy over and above zonacracy. Akwa Ibom needs a youthful leader who is honest, sincere, pragmatic and reasonable in managing the vast resources of the state and not an ethnic bigot foisted on the state to execute the agenda of his godfathers.

     

    •Akpanobio writes from Uyo, Akwa Ibom State

     

  • Stakeholders disagree on zoning in Rivers PDP

    The ex-leader of the Niger Delta Vigilance Movement, Ateke Tom and an Ogoni leader, Justice Peter Akere (rtd) have disagreed on zoning in the Rivers State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Akere, who is also the President of KAGOTE (Khana, Gokana, Tai and Eleme – the four Ogoni councils), an umbrella organisation of Ogoni people, said:”As far as the PDP is concerned nationally, zoning is the main plank of its policy.

    “It did not start today and it is not going to end too soon. “When the PDP discusses zoning as its policy, it is the National Executive Committee (NEC) that will take the decision and pass it down to the states, local governments and wards.

    “No state chapter has any decisive voice on the matter (zoning), unless it is directed by the NEC.

    “It is therefore surprising to hear Felix Obuah, the Rivers PDP Chairman, say that zoning is no longer applicable in Rivers State.

    “By the zoning policy of the party, which is still in force, the Rivers Southeast Senatorial District is the next zone to produce the governor. “So, it is anti-party to suggest that the zoning policy of the party has seized to be operative.

    “The Minister of State for Education, Nyesom Wike, is introducing new elements in the principle of zoning.”

    But Ateke said: “The governor, in 2015, can come from any of the three senatorial districts. No to zoning. We need good governance.”

    The duo called on President Goodluck Jonathan and Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi to end their rift.

  • Plateau and politics of zoning

    Plateau and politics of zoning

    In Plateau State, the three senatorial zones have produced the governor, based on the zoning agreement among politicians in the state. But the state is now under stress as the major ethnic groups are scrambling for the slot. Correspondent YUSUFU IDEGU examines the claims of each zone.

     

    Ahead of the 2015 general elections, political tension is alrerady brewing in Plataue State. The various ethnic groups are locked in the battle of wits over who should produce the next governor.

    Since the Second Republic, politicians have always adopted established a zoning formula that has stood the test of time. Based on the agreement, the three zones; Plateau South, Plateau Central and Plateau North; have filled the slot. According to the analysis, between 1979 and 2015, each of the senatorial zones would have ruled the state for eight years.

    In 1979, Plateau South took the first shot. The zone produced the first civilian governor, Chief Solomon Lar of the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP). He is of the Tarohk tribe from Langtang. He ruled the state between 1979 and 1983. Lar was re-elected as the governor, but his second term was truncated by the military intervention of December 31, 1983.

    During the aborted Third Republic, the South also produced former Governor Fidelis Tapgun. That was in 1990. The zone complained that it was entitled to a second term, recalling that Lar could not make it to the end because of the military coup.

    The Tapgun Administration was also disrupted. Following the annulment of the 1993 presidential election, there was crisis in the country. The military sacked the civilian authorities, including the second executive governor.

    In 1999, power shifted to the Plateau Central, with the ascension of Governor Joshua Dariye. he ran on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Unlike Tapgun, Dariye was re-elected. Thus, between 1999 and 2007, the governor came from the Central.

    In 2007, it was the turn of the North to produce the governor. Up came the retired soldier from Berom, which is the major tribe in the zone. Air Commodore Jonah Jang (rtd) was re-elected in 2011. In two year’s time, his second term will expire. By the time he leaves the office, all the zones would have occupied the seat for eight years.

    However, the hitherto gentleman agreement has nowbecome an albatross for the state. Politicians are at a cross road as the 2015 governorship context draws near.

    Now that all the zones have tasted power, the question is: which zone should produce the next governor?

    All the three zones are rationali-sing their claims to the throne. For example, the people of Plateau South, who first produced the governor in 1979, are saying that the zoning should begin from their zone again. But politicians from Plateau Central have disagreed, saying that it is their turn. are saying it is their turn. Also, political leaders from the North are demanding that the zoning should now be implemented in an anti- clock wise manner.

    This disagreement over zoning has thrown the major ethnic groups in the state into political rivalry. The Tarohk and Goemai tribes from the southern zone; the Angas who dominates the central zone and the Berom tribe, which dominates the northern zone, are the major players.

    The Berom, who are Jang’s kinsmen,are not ready to relinquish power in 2015. It appears that they are no longer fascinated by zoning. Basking in the euphoria of the incumbency, they are calmouring for a fresh arrangement that would favour power retention. With this in mind, aspirants from the North are lining up to grab the opportunity. Prominent among thye governorship aspirants from the zone are Senator Gyang Pwajok, Mr. Pam Gyang, Chris Giwa and Lumuba Dah Adeh.

    A Berom elder, Gyang Jacob, said the ethnic group has made sacrifices for the state by adjusting to life outside power for 20 years. He argued that it was only proper and fit for his people to start the ‘second round’.

    “We know we are currently in power in the state. We had made so much sacrifice to produce the governor in 2007. We waited for almost 20 years while others were ruling. Now, the zoning formula will be completed in 2015. All we are asking for is let us be the first in the next round because we came last in the last round. Let the last be the first this time and let the first be last; that is all we are asking for. What is good for the goose is also good for the gander”, he said.

    However, other zones found the Berom position, not only selfish and oppressive, but also untenable. A commuinty leader from the South, Lukman Ponfa, however, faulted the arguument. He said that Berom people are taking undue advantage of the fact that they are in power to oppress other stakeholders in the state. He canvassed the retention of the existing formula for the sake of peace and unity.

    “To allow peace to reign, the Berom should allow the existing zoning arrangement to continue uninterrupted. It should be turn by turn as it has been. Let no one alter it and make it go anti-clock wise for selfish reason”, he advised.

    Already, the agitators for power shift to the South are on the increase. Prominent among them are Mrs. Pauline Tallen, Senator Cosmos Niagwan and Senator Victor Lar. They have governorship ambition and the rejection of zoning is likely to further position very far from power.

    The Angas tribe oin the Central Zone is also not relenting in its claim to power, ahead of 2015. Political leaders from the area are vociferous. When the zone was to produce a governor in 1999, the slot went to a minority tribe, Mushere, which threw up Dariye. The majority tribe, Anga, also seem to have a convincing explanation. According to the political leadwers from the ethnic group, equity, justice and fairness demand that the next governor should come from Anga, pointing out that it is the only major tribe that has not produced the governor.

    A community leader from Anga, who did not disclose his name, said that the three zones are equally entitled to the governorship. But he addded that, since Tarohk produced Lar in 1979 and Berom produced Jang, Anga should struggle to win the sympathy of the other tribes.

    He urged prominent leaders from the area, including the former Police Commissioner, Hezekiah Dimka, (rtd) and the PDP Chairman, Dr Haruna Dabin, to brainstorm on the issue and present their trusted sons for the contest.

    Analysts contend that, if the Berom succeed in their plot to twist the zoning to their favor, Senator Pwajok may be their joker for 2015. To survive the ethnic politics, the Beroms are contemplating a‘ Plan B’ in pursuit of their ethnic agenda. It is is being rumored that the Beroms in government are contemplating supporting the candidates from the other zones so that they supply the running mate.

    A former legislator from Plateau Central, Bala Gogwim said: “This is no longer rumor. The Berom has their Plan B. It is an open secret. They will not only form a strong alliance with one of the two zones that is ready to make a Berom the running mate.

    “We learnt that they will come out with their funds and incumbency power to sponsor a governorship candidate from the other zone who will be willing to surrender power to them through impeachment. They are planning to sponsor one of the commissioners from the zone or a House of Representatives member. We would not want to mention the name now. But we know him.”.

    But can they succeed with the so-called ‘Plan B’?

    But how they so called plan ‘B’ will work out is left to be seen.

     

  • ‘Vote competence, disregard zoning’

    ‘Vote competence, disregard zoning’

    A partisan group, “The Anambra Leaders of Thoughts (ALT)” has advised voters in Anambra State to vote for a competent candidate in the forth-coming governorship election.

    The association said that only a competent governor can fuel the fire of growth and development in the state.

    The group said in a statement signed by its co-ordinator, Mr. Chukwuemeka Okeke, in Awka, the state capital, that zoning should not shape the proposed election.

    According to ALT, the people of Anambra State should shun sentiment and disregard zoning in their own interest.

    The group added: “We call on our people to disassociate themselves from the current calls for a political leadership based on zoning and an inexplicable pact, which could rubish the electoral process”.

    ALT maintained that only a governor freely elected by the majority can proceed with the work of development in the state at this critical time.

    The association urged the people not to sacrifice qualitative leadership on the alter of zoning.

    ALT said: “Without proper voters’ education, some politicians would take undue advantage of the people. Before long, desperation would set in and various rigging mechanisms that we have always experienced before will be resurrected.

    “We are gradually evolving as a nation and that includes our electoral process. We have seen examples of the people’s power in recent times at home in states such as Edo and Ondo where elections took place recently”.

    The group maintained that Governor Peter Obi’s successor must be a patriot, hardworking, incorruptible and exemplary politician endowed with great qualities of leadership.

    It added: “We can admit that, save for a few incidents, which could still be avoided in future elections, the conduct of the INEC in recent elections has given us hope. Elections in recent times have been free and fair. We want to believe that this will be the trend in Anambra next year”.

     

  • ‘Zoning will forestall tyranny of majority’

    The politics of succession is heating up the polity. Would you subscribe to a single term tenure as panacea to the power struggle?

    This is happening because most people who are in these public offices really didn’t win elections to get there. So, the office becomes a gigantic picnic because they don’t have serious programmes. If you have serious programmes and you are implementing those programmes and people are watching you, it should not be difficult for you to retain your seat. But if you are there doing nothing and you insist on remaining there just because of pride and ego, then, you go to any extent to remain in office.

    We copied this system from the United States and Brazil. The people in those countries are doing well because they are driven by the dreams they brought into office and the work they have to do. So, whether you make it one term or two terms, some of the issues which have compromised integrity and performance will still be very much there because it is the man or woman in office who hasn’t any commitment to the service of society that will always treat being in office as a matter of life and death.

    Talking about election, should we adopt a staggered system of election?

    It will be useful because the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will have less of a burden at a given time. We would be able to concentrate more on a particular election at a particular time. But, I want to emphasise that the problem is not only with the INEC. We blame the INEC a lot because it is its responsibility. But the criminal damage done to the national elections in Nigeria is more by politicians than the INEC. It is the politicians who corrupt the INEC officials; politicians are the ones who, through corruption, are destroying the judicial system in the country. The bribes are getting too large and too tempting to be resisted. Today, we hear of serious cases of abuse of court processes and miscarriages of justice by many judges, which the National Judicial Council (NJC) is now probing. Therefore, there more be, first and foremost, severe penalty for election malpractices. I suggest imprisonment without an option of fine. For anyone who manipulates elections, if he is found guilty, should go to prison. Once that begins, in fact, let me say this that in some parts of India, election malpractices almost earned a life imprisonment. It was what sanitised the system there; otherwise, India would have been impossible to manage as a democracy. We need to introduce those penalties here. And that should cover judges who tamper with justice and politicians who benefit from rigged elections.

    The review of the 1999 Constitution is on. If you were to suggest three things to be included, what would they be?

    First, I think they should look into this arrangement that guarantees some forms of equity at the federal and state levels.

    Equity? How do you mean?

    When we talk about the rotation of the Presidency, people think it is undemocratic and yet, there are serious sensitivities in Nigeria. There is the danger of one part of the country seizing power and dominating it eternally. Then, in some states, there are some majority ethnic groups, which believe that minorities should never exist. One of the weaknesses of democracy is the tyranny of the majority. And, it is as dangerous as any military dictatorship, even if it is a democracy because it is the cause of tension and disaffection in the polity. For instance, there is no reason why the governorship in any state shouldn’t go through the three senatorial districts.Since there are three zones in every state, let it move around so that nobody feels marginalised. I am an Idoma man and I don’t like the situation in my state where the Tiv majority feels that I should never have the chance to be governor. And it is so in some states like Kogi, Cross River, Anambra, Delta, Abia. These are issues that create real tension in these states. As long as we still have the tyranny of the majority, that can’t be guarantee peace.

    Number two, the lawmakers should give serious attention to the issue of women. The abuse of women; the denial of women and other weaker people like children and the disabled of some privileges in society is unacceptable. Issues like rape and other things that women are subjected to should be dealt with very seriously under justiciable right.

    And third, the post of the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and the State Attorney Generals (SAG) should be contested for as it is done in many states of the United States of America. Instead of being appointive, it should be contested for and allow the electorate to vote for whoever they want. It is at that level that we can expect equity and justice. First, it insulates the man from being a stooge of the person who is supposed to appoint him, be he the President or the governor. And once he owes his allegiance to the people and not the President or Governor, the better for this country.

    Insecurity in the country has assumed a dangerous dimension. What is the way out?

    My approach to the issue of security is that real security is to be found in the contentment of the largest majority of the society. It can’t be procured by guns, tanks and machetes. The economy is the biggest victim of insecurity in Nigeria today. And unless we can create jobs and provide for the well being of the majority of society we will never have an army large enough or the police force efficient enough to suppress tendencies which are caused by hunger and disaffection.

    So let us create the jobs in agriculture, in housing, in industrial growth, and let’s give up this nonsense we inherited from the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which has continued to cause pain in this society and impoverished the majority while we gullibly hang on to it in the name of no alternative. We still have the highest interest rate among most countries in the world. So, it is impossible to borrow to invest to produce resources in agriculture. We can’t feed ourselves. We have to import everything from everywhere in the world including China. We import tooth picks, paste, Irish potatoes and so on. Unless and until the interest rate regime is set, such that people can borrow and invest, all the noise we are making about progress, will never happen. And our youths are going to be getting angrier and angrier.

    You left the PDP in 2005. Many other chieftains of the party also left before the 2007 general elections. But almost everybody has gone back. Why have you not gone back to the PDP?

    People have gone back out of personal choice. I have not gone back because the issues that made me to leave the party have not changed at all. So, I have decided that I am more comfortable where I am now. Though I am still friendly with those of them in the PDP, I don’t think we share the same basic principles on a large number of issues. That is why I have not gone back.

    Hasn’t there been pressure from many quarters all this while?

    There has been and, of course, I made my position known to them.

    You recently said you weren’t prepared to be the cook of former President Olusegun Obasanjo. Does this mean that the in-thing was for the President to always want to lord it over the party chairman?

    At that time, yes, it was the in-thing. If you remember, Chief Solomon Lar left, and so was Chief Barnabas Gemade. There was the tendency not to give the party chairman sufficient respect and regard. Some party members, who bowed to the pressure or law of sycophancy, began to appoint the President and governors as leaders of the party. There is no such provision in our constitution; it is not in the guidelines of INEC or the constitution of the party that made the President the leader of the party or the governor the leader of the party in the state. The President is the leader of the country and the governor is the leader of the state. You can’t give them the responsibility of leading the party because that is where all the imposition and distortions set in. There is no more party supremacy; internal democracy is destroyed once people hang on the neck of the executive leaders the responsibility of leading the party at the same time. And therefore, there was the tendency to treat the party chairman purely as some low-level administrative officer.

    At our time, I earned no salary as chairman of PDP. There was no salary all I had was a sitting allowance of N30,000. That is the truth. Now, I hear they pay N2million in a month as salary to the chairman of PDP. And the sitting allowance is N150,000. Things have changed. It wasn’t so in the time of Lar, Gemade, or myself or Ogbulafor or Nwodo or even Ali.

    Do you regret ever being in the PDP?

    No. We founded the party at the beginning. And we intended it to be a strong democratic party. I was part of the initial writing of the constitution with people like Jemibewon and others. But the party got disfigured because there were too many aggressive incursions into it by the intruders. I played my role, stood by what my conscience told me to do and when it was no longer feasible, I made my views known in writing. And when party members thought I was a heretic, I left.

    The circumstances under which you left has been a subject of controversy. Can you tell us something about it?

    Yes. There was the story that I was sent out at gun point. It is not true. But there were indications that violence might be deployed, if I refuse to quit. There was even a comment by a leading member of the party that I was going to be given the Bola Ige treatment, if I fail to quit.

     

  • ‘Zoning can lead to break-up’

    Second Republic politician, Dr. Junaid Mohammed, has said those pursuing the concept of zoning and rotation as a basis for holding political offices are leading the country along the path of old Yugoslavia.

    He said no country on earth, known to be practising democracy, could claim that either zoning or rotation of political offices has worked well at any time.

    Speaking to The Nation yesterday when reacting to questions about the preparedness of the North, as a region, to produce the President in 2015, he said zoning or rotation of political offices is undemocratic and it can lead to the break-up of the country as it happened in the defunct Yugoslavia.

    Said he: “No country on earth, which claims to be democratic, had ever tried zoning or rotation of political offices and it worked. It has never worked. It was tried in the defunct Yugoslavia after the death of Marshal Tito, their war time hero. It did not work, it led to the balkanisation of Yugoslavia from one federation to five or six states.

    “From it we have Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia. Yugoslavia collapsed because many of the contending political elite could not agree on what to do.”

    The former lawmaker said as long as zoning as a concept or policy is not enshrined in the constitution, it should not be binding on any person.

  • Anambra 2014 and zoning

    Anambra 2014 and zoning

    Alex Zitto the half-Ghanaian, half-Nigerian crooner had in his second album, a hit song which he dubbed as ‘Walakolombo’ depicted the lamentations of a man who had been ripped off by an alluring woman who having conned her latest victim had wickedly left him in his misery. The song being a hit track naturally ruled the airwaves for quite sometime even as it was played in several occasions and events where people simply bopped to it that eventually the word’ walakolombo’ became a part of our informal lexicon used to indicate when someone had pulled or attempted to pull the wool over his fellow man or woman’s eye.

    Today, the Anambra State, is presently witnessing a walakolombo-like song all in the name of zoning of the office of governor to a particular area. Before I delve into that, it is worthy to note that since the inception of the Peter Obi administration, Ndi Anambra has been subjected to deception.

    The Obi administration would claim to have built schools when all it has done is to build ugly looking classrooms, digital libraries when it has only renovated a house, hospitals when it has built mere cottage clinics, hospitals that couldn’t carry out autopsy on the bodies recently retrieved from the Ezu River, and roads when he has only been constructing future death traps.

    And when not engaged in puerile matters, the Obi administration is much engaged in the absurd, playing to the gallery much to the consternation of Ndi Anambra, who by and large are frustrated about the failure of this government to meet even the smallest of the fundamental needs since the administration rather prefers using the huge funds allocated to it to hire spin doctors and propagandists.

    Today, Governor Obi is on another pathetic mission, which is his inordinate desire to impose a stooge as governor on the people of Anambra come November 2013. Naturally, this shouldn’t be an issue as it is his right to say that he prefers a particular candidate from a particular zone in Anambra. But to want to impose a particular candidate on Ndi Anambra in a democratic society or setting is an indication of total dictatorship and a tyranny of one man which cannot be accepted by the ordinary Anambra man who ranks high in terms of being politically astute. Furthermore, it is imperative to state that all over Anambra, the talk of a governor coming from a particular zone remains a hard sell owing to the peculiarity of the state’s politics. Are we then to forfeit our critical faculties and democratic power of choice imbued in us since the days of our republican fathers to the whims and caprice of one man? Are we now to barter merit and proficiency on the altar of mediocrity? Or does Mr. Obi think that we are like Caesar’s soldiers who on the blast of the trumpet marched across the Rubicon? Are we robots or zombies to do as Emperor Peter decides?

    Funny enough, as the zoning argument seems to be falling apart like a house of cards, Mr. Obi has refused to call it quits while he still has some time to reverse himself; rather he keeps on committing more fallacies. The first is his attempt to link the controversial issue of zoning in Anambra State to the holy agitation of Ndigbo for the presidency in 2015. To the undiscerning people, this would have been a fine argument but before we fall victim to the devious lyrics of this walakolombo song, let us recast our minds back to the August 30 visit of President Goodluck Jonathan. Thence, Governor Peter Obi made the declaration that since Jonathan got 90% of the votes cast in Anambra in the 2011 elections, come 2015, he should be prepared for 99% support this time around.

    Now adding two plus two, that is Obi’s agitation for zoning in Anambra and his reference to the legitimate demand of the Igbos for the 2015 Presidency as similarities, we would find both difficult to merge when pegged against his declaration of support for Jonathan’s second term to the detriment of Ndigbo who have never governed Nigeria as an executive leader, or is our president now an Igbo man?

    On the other hand, the next stanza of this walakolombo music has seen the advancement of a theory that argues for the much work he claims done in the state, he wouldn’t want a buccaneer to become governor of the state and fritter away the so called achievements of his administration. This however would have been true if Governor Obi had dedicated himself to work. To think that his wobbly roads, faulty policies and governance existing only on billboards and propaganda are legacies, I am then forced to wonder if the word legacy has a dual meaning. Again, is Mr. Obi saying that it is only from a particular

    zone that we can find men who may protect his legacies?

    Let us for the amusement delude ourselves that indeed Obi has left legacies, can guarantors of such a legacy not come from any of the two zones which he wants to excise from the politics of Anambra, zones which boast of more credible candidates than any of the lackeys Obi has lined up?

    One is however not at a loss on why the governor is seriously agitating for the zoning of the gubernatorial position to a particular zone, with his eight-year tenure expiring and his political future in limbo. Obi’s call for zoning is a last gasp attempt to ensure his

    political survival. A false move as such gives him room to make deals with many who are ready to sell their souls. The zoning clamour is nothing but a bargaining chip and a ruse.

    Finally, it is my plea to my governor to repudiate this idea of zoning but rather channel his energy to the business of governance, which the people of Anambra State are yearning for. He should let Ndi Anambra in the spirit of democracy choose their next governor since they are the custodians of democracy and have utterly rejected his walakolombo music on zoning or as the garrulous K. O Mbadiwe did once quip “We have zoned to unzone”

    • Arinze writes from Awka

  • Sagay: zoning, function of political backwardness

    Sagay: zoning, function of political backwardness

    A legal luminary, Prof. Itse Sagay (SAN), has described zoning as a function of political backwardness and immaturity.

    He said that no democracy can be sustained by the rights of tribes to misrule, misgovern, plunder and under-develop the country. The legal scholar urged Nigerians to imbibe political maturity and civilisation.

    Sagay, who is also a member of the Southsouth Development Think-Tank, spoke in Port-Harcourt, the Rivers State capital.

    Sagay also dissected the polity, saying that a constitutional conference is imperative. He said the various ethnic nationalities have the right to discuss the future of the country and their place in that future.

    He said any constitution review that cannot foster true federalism is an exercise in futility.

    In the country, zoning has become an integral part of the political culture. The competing zones in the states believe that distribution of political offices should be based on zoning.

    Also, the choice of party leaders has followed the same trend. Critics have submitted that mert is often sacrificed on the alter of zoning.

    At the federal level, the six geo-political zones scramble for the top political positions because they believe that it gives them a sense of belonging.

    Noting that many developed democracies do not choose their leaders based on ethnic consideration, Sagay said the idea is retrogressive.

    The eminent lawyer lamented that leadership by zoning has roobed Nigeria of merit, standard and excellence.

    He said this approach has continued to draw the country backward, considering the years of misrule and looting.

    Urging the think-tank to distant itself from zoning, he maintained that it is undesirable.

    Sagay also admonished the members of the National Assembly to work out modalities in the constitution amendments to empower states to create local governments.

    He also said the councils should be funded by the states.

    Sagay pointed out that local government autonomy and federalism were incompatible, stressing that local governments should not be listed in the new constitution.

    The retired university don also doubted, if the National Assembly can do a thorough constitution amendment. Sagay said only a constituent assembly can tackle the challenge of making a new constitution for Nigeria.

    He said the inputs into the constitution making would be made by the ethnic nationalities, which are the pillars of the nation-state.

    Sagay said issues relating to true federalism, fiscal federalism, restructuring of the polity, devolution of powers, state police, creation and control of the local government and other critical issues can be resolved at the national conference.

    He expressed worry over government’s aloofness to the call for a national dialogue.

    The convener of the think-tank, Mr. Mike Igini, who is also the Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) in Cross Rivers State, said that the initiative lacked political connotation.

    He said the group will be a brain-storming assembly of citizens from the zone ready to discharge the patriotic duty of adding value to governance through their constructive contributions to policy making.

    Igini said eminent Nigerians from the zone were determined to focus on issues bordering on revenue allocation and true federalism.

    He called for support for the group from the ranks of professionals. Igini said their experience and expertise are required by the region in the march of development.

     

     

     

  • Zoning tears Ekiti PDP apart

    Zoning tears Ekiti PDP apart

    Zoning of the governorship is tearing apart the Ekiti State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ahead of the 2014 elections, reports Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU.

    Ekiti State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is addicted to crisis.

    The latest one creating tension in the fold is the zoning of governorship. The three zones, Ekiti North, Ekiti Central and Ekiti South, which were thrown up by political expediency, had filled the slot at various times, both during military and civilian regimes. But rival politicians in the opposition party are now invoking zoning to score political advantage.

    No fewer than 12 governorship aspirants are on the prowl. More names are still expected on the list when the coast is clearer. A dark horse is never ruled out, judging by past experience. It is not certain whether PDP will hold transparent primaries for the contestants. It is also uncertain that the winner of the shadow poll will lift the flag. In 2007, when the party held its primaries, Yinka Akerele scored the highest number of votes cast by delegates. He was trailed by Prof. Ojo and Oni. But the PDP national leadership selected Oni as the candidate. The national chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur has promised to restore internal democracy and allow the wishes of the party members to prevail. But time will tell.

    Currently, those interested in the slot cut across Ekiti North, Ekiti Central and Ekiti South Senatorial Districts. Among the PDP governorship contenders are Mr. Bimbo Owolabi, a pharmacist from Ise-Ekiti, his kinsman, Prince Dayo Adeyeye, journalist and lawyer, Ayodele Fayose, businessman and former governor, Senator Ayo Arise, another businessman, Senator Gbenga Aluko, former Deputy Governor Sikiru Lawal, Mr. Bisi Omoyeni, a banker, Chief Abiodun Aluko, an engineer, Mrs. Biodun Olujimi, Femi Bamisile, former Speaker of House of Assembly. So far, in the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, is the lone contender.

    Ibadan-based Owolabi is a successful professional, although he is not popular in political circles in Ekitiland. Sources said that he has worked hard and made money within the ambit of the law and professional ethics. But he is like a dwarf before Adeyeye, a prince of Ise and former Afenifere Publicity Secretary, who defected from the Action Congress to PDP during the 2007 primaries. Adeyeye is a man of immense political experience. But he had suffered many political loses in the past. In 1999, he was the only Alliance for Democracy (AD) senatorial candidate who lost the election in the whole of the Southwest.

    When Adeyeye dumped the progressive fold for the conservative platform, observers said that the move was a mockery of his antecedents. Many felt that the consummate politician left his natural political habitat for the camp he had waged political war against since his foray into politics. When he was nominated for a ministerial appointment, fellow defectors from AD to PDP mounted pressure on former President Olusegun Obasanjo to drop him. He was later compensated with the chairmanship of Ekiti State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) by former Governor Oni.

    Fayose has not declared his ambition for the post he vacated in 2006 in controversial circumstances. But his foot soldiers are already doing underground work. The former governor’s men have been traversing Ekiti for consultations. Sources say the defunct ‘Ayo Fayose Movement’ which was scattered, following his abdication of the office, is being revived. There is also a media war against the former governor in the social media. Recently, there were reports that his supporters clashed with ACN supporters during party meetings at Ilawe and Afao-Ekiti.

    Fayose’s ambition is worrisome to Oni, the controversial Southwest PDP leader. His group has not accepted the Ogundipe-led executive committee, which emerged in a congress that followed laid down procedures. Oni’s grouse is that Fayose contributed to the misfortune of the PDP in the state because he backed Governor Fayemi during the rerun. But Fayose’s men have also turned the heat on Oni, alleging that he was not duly elected as the National Vice Chairman of the party during the selection process that took place at Osogbo, the Osun State capital earlier in the year.

    In AC, Arise and Adeyeye, who have been long-standing friends from secondary school days and in-laws to the late Elekole of Ikole-Ekiti, Oba Adetula Adeleye, competed for the slot, but in vain. They are repeating the same in PDP. Arise is a rich businessman who started learning the ropes after venturing into politics around 2005. He is popular in his home town, Oye. Townspeople believe that he played a major role in the siting of the federal university in the rural town. When he hurriedly left AC for PDP, political tragedy befell the former Education Minister, Prof. Tunde Adeniran. On the advice of Obasanjo, the senatorial ticket was transferred from the renowned political scientist and former governorship candidate to Arise, who served as senator for four years. Arise has earned the reputation of a big party financier in his district. However, media campaigns against him by political foes, especially during the rerun, wreaked havoc on his image as a politician.

    Aluko from Ode-Ekiti is the son of the late Action Group (AG and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) chieftain, Prof. Aluko. Contrary to his family tradition, he had pitched tent with the PDP in Ekiti in 1999 at a time his father’s compatriot, Dr. Nathaniel Aina, was the AD leader. Against predictions, he won election into the senate, defeating Adeyeye. In the Senate, he was not a bench warmer. In 2007, the former senator left PDP to hibernate in the Labour Party (LP). But the party could not fly in Ekiti State.

    Party sources said Aluko is fully prepared for a hot race. “Giant oil companies are ready to support his bid and he will not lack resources to oil his campaign machinery. I can confirm that he is in the race and he is determined”, said one of his associates who added: “He has what it takes to be governor in terms of experience and network. He also has a good plan for Ekiti”.

    Former Deputy Governor Omoyeni is from Ikere-Ekiti. The former Managing Director of Wema Bank was appointed, following the sack of Abiodun Aluko, who also hails from Ikere. A thorough-bred administrator, Omoyeni contributed immensely to the growth of the bank. Many expressed shock when he accepted to serve as deputy governor because he lacked political experience. After a month in that office as a “spare tyre”, he realised that Wema Bank was richer than Ekiti State. The task of a deputy governor was less challenging than that of a bank’s Managing Director and key player in the national economy. He retraced his steps into the familiar terrain. But he is now fully back in the ring as a rival of his former boss, Fayose.

    Olujimi was a special assistant to the governor and later, member of the House of Representatives before she was appointed as deputy governor, following the sudden exit of Omoyeni. She later parted ways with Fayose, her former boss and was appointed Works Commissioner by former Governor Oni. She is a consistent member of the conservative party.

    Owolabi, Aluko, Omoyeni and Adeyeye are from the South Senatorial District, which produced Bamidele Olumilua as governor in the Third Republic. Arise, Bamisile and Olujimi are from the North which produced the sacked governor, Segun Oni, an engineer, and incumbent Governor Kayode Fayemi. Fayose and Lawal are from the Central District, which had produced the late Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi and Major Gen. Adeyinka Adebayo as military governors and Otunba Niyi Adebayo and Fayose as civilian governors.

    PDP chieftains pressing for zoning are from the South Senatorial District. Their argument is that, since 1999, the zone has not produced the governor. In their view, justice and equity demand that the zone should produce the next PDP candidate, just as the Central Zone produced Fayose and North District produced Oni. Politicians from the Central and Northern parts of the state have fired back, saying that zoning was not a major contributor to the emergence of both Fayose and Oni as flag bearers.

    But, some prominent Ekiti contend that zoning has never been a major issue in the Fountain of Knowledge. From Efon, the gateway town, to Otun in Mobaland, and from Ikere to Omuo-Ekiti, the perception of the people, who are united by similarity of culture, tradition and language, is that Ekiti Confederation has been a single, indivisible zone from time immemorial.

     

     

  • ‘Zoning is sweet music to us’

    ‘Zoning is sweet music to us’

    Last week’s declaration by the National Secretary of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola that the party is committed to its zoning formula in distributing elective positions ahead of the 2015 general election has been described as “sweet music to the ear”.

    A chieftain of the party in Delta State and protem chairman of a political pressure group, Anioma Agenda , Chief Alex Onwuadiamu, told The Nation yesterday that it is also the only hope for minority groups across the country.

    The group has been campaigning for the zoning of the governorship slot of the state to the Anioma speaking people of Delta North senatorial district. According to him, “It is a welcome development because it shows that the PDP leadership is listening to the clamour and yearning of all minority groups across the country. It is sweet music to our ears. We believe that Nigerian democracy is still at infancy; if we continue without zoning and rotation of offices, great injustice would be done to a lot of people across the country and we cannot continue like that”, he said.

    He argued that it only fair and just for the people of the zone to be allowed to produce the governor of the state after two decades of creation.

    “We are urging our brothers and sisters in the South and Central senatorial zones for support and understanding of the quest by the Anioma ethnic nationality for the governorship of Delta State come 2015. The Anioma people are clamouring for the governorship of Delta State principally because there is the need for equity, fairness and justice in any given polity, particularly ours. Delta State is constituted by there senatorial districts and the Anioma people of Delta North are the only senatorial zone that has never occupied the office of Governor since the creation of Delta State”.

    His enthusiasm was not, however, shared by all as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has called for a correction of the “injustice” done to many loyalists of the party when it jettisoned the principle of zoning in the run up to the 2011 general election.

    In a reaction to questions by The Nation yesterday, Atiku’s media aide Mallam Shehu Garba insisted that the implementation of the principle has been observed more in breach by the party. He therefore called for making serious amends by the leadership of the party by first and foremost publicly admitting that an error had been made.

    According to Atiku, “It is a fact that the issue of zoning is still enshrined in the PDP constitution as amended. However, recall that in the run up to the 2011 election, the principle of zoning as enshrined in the party was implemented in breach.

    “If the current leadership wants to right the wrongs of the past, it has to match its intent with action. It can not be that zoning is right for some people and it is abandoned when it comes to others.

    “You cannot eat your cake and have it. If the leadership is serious about making amends for the injustice of the past, it has to first admit that a wrong had been done and then take appropriate steps to do the right thing. There cannot be atonement without confession. The admission of error is the first step to rectification”.

    The now contentious Section 7 (2) (c) of the PDP Constitution states in part that, “in pursuant of the principles of equity, justice and fairness, the party shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of party and public elective offices and it shall be enforced by the appropriate executive committee at all levels” .

    Oyinlola had told newsmen in that it would be politically dangerous to abandon zoning because it is our binding force.

    “What has endeared PDP to the people from all over the country has been the zoning arrangement which has given the hope that those in the minority in the country would have access to power.

    “There is an adage in my language that says when a medicine is working for you, you don’t throw it away. So we will continue with zoning arrangement because it is working very well”, he said.