Author: The Nation

  • Foundation promotes education, rehabilitation at Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre

    Foundation promotes education, rehabilitation at Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre

    • By Timothy Atoyebi

    The Funmilayo Charity foundation during the week visited the Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre in Lagos to promote education, rehabilitation, and inmate welfare through humanitarian support and sensitisation programmes.

    The outreach, which took place at the correctional facility in Apapa, was aimed at supporting inmates’ basic needs while encouraging them to embrace education and personal development as tools for reform and reintegration into the society.

    During the visit, the foundation distributed relief materials including food items, detergents, toiletries, noodles, and other essential supplies to inmates of the centre.

    The team also inspected educational and rehabilitation facilities within the correctional centre, including a National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) study centre, primary and secondary schools, and an adult literacy programme that provide learning opportunities for inmates of different age groups and educational backgrounds.

    Read Also: Tinubu sets up high-powered APC committee to tackle internal crises ahead of 2027

    Other facilities include a mosque and a church, football and basketball courts, and vocational workshops designed to support moral development, physical well-being and skill acquisition.

    The foundation conducted a sensitisation session, encouraging inmates to enroll in available educational programmes and to focus on self-improvement while in custody.

    Speaking during the visit, the Head of Teachers, Mr. Daniel, commended the foundation for its support but highlighted challenges facing the education units, including shortages of textbooks, writing materials, stationery, and low awareness among inmates about the benefits of education.

    In response, the foundation pledged to return to the centre to support educational needs and strengthen awareness campaigns to boost inmate participation in learning programmes.

  • ‘Investment in  girl-child education will reduce early marriage, others’

    ‘Investment in  girl-child education will reduce early marriage, others’

    Out-of-school children face limited economic prospects, lower self-esteem, and increased vulnerability to crime, substance abuse, extremism and exploitation, while society suffers from a less skilled workforce, increased poverty, social instability, higher healthcare/incarceration costs, and hindered national growth. These consequences create cycles of poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment for both the individuals and their communities, impacting the entire nation’s future. But a new analysis has emphasised that educating girl-child will reduce the number of early marriages in the North among others, Vincent Ikuomola reports.

    A wake-up call for Fed, state govts

    A new study by the Centre for Girls’ Education (CGE) in Kaduna State has shown that educating girl-children will reduce the number of early marriages among young girls in the North. The details of analysis, entitled: “Investment Case on Interventions Supporting Girls’ Education and Delaying Child Marriage in Northern Nigeria,” which was revealed at the weekend by the Executive Director of the Centre for Girls’ Education (CGE), Habiba Mohammed.

    Mohammed urged Nigeria to expand opportunities for every girl – whether in school, out of school, married, young or those facing barriers to advance their education. She declared that investment in girl-children has the potential to deliver a 21-to-1 return on investment, valued at $2.5 billion.

    This came about as she said a new investment of US$114 million over four years is expected to reach 1.1 million adolescent girls, generate 3.9 million additional years of schooling,  avert 327,000 child marriages,  prevent 383,000 adolescent pregnancies, save 3,651 adolescent mothers’ lives, and reduce 35,675 under-five deaths in Kano and Kaduna states.

    According to available records, more than 7.6 million girls are out of school, half of them in the Northwest and Northeast. And while the national secondary school completion rate hovers at 34%, it is just 28% in the Northwest.

    Girls without schooling face earlier marriage (median age 16.6 with no education vs. 21.7 for those completing secondary school), higher risk of intimate partner violence, reduced decision-making power, increased risk of maternal complications and death and a greater likelihood of having stunted or malnourished children.

    However, policymakers have called the findings a “wake-up call” for national and state governments and an opportunity Nigeria cannot afford to miss.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    Fortunately, Northern Nigeria is not starting from scratch. The CGE in Kaduna has spent over a decade pioneering targeted and evidence-backed models that are now informing national policy.

    Its Executive Director said educating girls is the foundation for safer communities, stronger families, and a more prosperous nation.

    CGE’s comprehensive approach to supporting girls

    Speaking to policymakers, development partners, teachers, and community members, Mohammed outlined CGE’s comprehensive approach to supporting girls aged four to 24, emphasizing that the organisation “works with girls at every stage” from preschoolers to married adolescents, from girls seeking vocational skills to those aiming for careers in STEM.

    CGE’s model blends literacy, numeracy, life-skills, vocational training, and mentorship in safe spaces across communities and schools.

    “We train teachers to become mentors,” Mohammed explained. “This gives us ripple effects from indirect beneficiaries, who carry forward the skills and knowledge.”

    The organisation works hand-in-hand with community leaders, religious leaders, parents, husbands of married adolescents, school heads, and government officials, ensuring interventions align with local realities.

    The CGE also collaborates closely with local government education authorities to secure school placements for girls returning to the classroom and to ensure smooth transitions from one level of schooling to the next. “We don’t want a situation where girls drop out. When girls learn, the possibility of them being retained in school is very high,” she said.

    Mohammed highlighted the story of Sakina, a CGE beneficiary, who used her voice to seek policy change in Kaduna during an intervention supported by Malala Foundation.

    She said Sakina’s plea moved a former Kaduna State Governor to scrap school fees for all children from primary through senior secondary schools. The reform became reality, opening classrooms to thousands of learners.

    “The voice of the girl was powerful,” Mohammed said. “When we get the right stakeholders, no girl will be left behind.”

    At CGE, girls are not passive recipients, they are activists, she added.

    “We believe in the slogan: nothing for us without us,” Mohammed said. “We train our girls to use their voices to speak to policymakers.”

    Girls supported by CGE appear on radio and television stations, become advocates in Hausa and English, and speak publicly about why they want education and why it is a fundamental right.

  • On track

    On track

    • We expect that the 2000 tractors will buzz into action in the new year

    The stage seems set for a new berth in food security. Judging by what those in charge are saying, the ballyhooed deployment of tractors across the country will soon commence and the tractors will be revving to farms.

    The Tinubu administration had announced about six months ago that the nation had taken deliveries of 2000 tractors. They came in two batches of 1000 tractors each. The news was first received with scepticism in parts of the country, perhaps because of the sheer number.

    After they arrived, doubts still lingered about the authenticity of the news until they were paraded to convince doubting Thomases in the country. After they arrived, many expected the tractors to immediately be distributed to farms across the country.

    The government must take part of the blame for not communicating that it would take a process and consume time. The impatience in sections of the public was because the media did not take time to also interrogate the purpose of the delay, and also because of a perennial cynicism in parts of the Nigerian society.

    The story is now clearer with the announcement by the Managing Director of the Bank of Agriculture (BOA), Ayo Sotinrin, that the farm trucks will be distributed in January 2026.

    The tractors did not come alone. He added that BOA has already acquired 9,000 implements and 18,000 critical spare parts, all warehoused in Nigeria.

    All of these give the impression of readiness, and getting things right may have led to rollout delay. Sotinrin said it was a rigorous exercise that necessitated making sure that the machines fell in the right hands.

    It is a government-driven process but for it to succeed, it has to depend on the private sector. They would have the tractors and they must be qualified. Hence BOA wants it to reflect the higher levels of transparency, sustainability and a total overhaul of Nigeria’s agricultural mechanisation framework, according to Sotinrin.

    The BOA opened the floor for applicants across the country after an advertisement. On the application process, he explained that the bank received about 110,000 applications from mechanisation service providers nationwide. 

    “The advert closed last month,” he said, referring to November. “We are now shortlisting from 110,000 to about 4,000, and eventually to 2,000 companies.”  He added they want to get it right for the first time in the history of interventions in the agricultural sector.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    In this model, these tractors were bought with taxpayers’ money and cannot be given free to individuals. The distribution will begin in January to support dry-season farming, he said. They were imported from the Eastern European country of Belarus.

    Although Sotinrin emphasised that selection would be strictly merit-based, we shall assess that when the work is concluded.

    Foreclosing patronage, he said, “There will be no political allocation. If we discover that any tractor has gone to a political person, it will be taken back. No party sharing, no monkey business.” That is to be seen.

    Applicants will not be mere farmers, contrary to widely held views. They are only going to companies. “If you give 2,000 tractors to 2,000 people, you disenfranchise over 69 million farmers,” he explained.

    He stressed that the tractors are not intended for direct allocation to farmers. “The objective is to restructure mechanisation in a way that benefits all farmers and strengthens food security,” Sotinrin said.

    The idea of the payments is to multiply the machines.

    Recovered funds from repayments, he added, will be reinvested to expand the fleet to 40,000 tractors nationwide. The ultimate vision of this mechanisation plan is to move from 2,000 to 4,000, and reach up to 40,000 tractors. That is ambitious and it requires a sense of method and dedication.

    Since this marks the first time in Nigeria’s history that agricultural equipment procured with public funds will not be distributed free of charge, indiscriminate distribution would undermine the national mechanisation masterplan and exclude millions of farmers.

    Sotinrin said: “Farmers are not mechanisation service providers. A tractor is a business tool.

    “You cannot give a truck to a wholesaler and expect him to start a transport business.

    “In the same way, you don’t give a tractor to a farmer cultivating one hectare.”

    It implies that mechanisation service companies must have verifiable financial capacity, strong balance sheets and the ability to pay a 25 per cent deposit will qualify. But the 25 percent requirement may be difficult to sustain, according to industry players. Yet the over 100,000 applicants means it may not be a problem.

    Spreading across the country reflects fairness but we cannot deny that some states are more suited by environment and tradition to farming than others.

    Sotinrin asserts that if “you spread 2,000 tractors across the 36 states, each state will have about 80 to 100 tractors.” But it will present a tricky assignment, especially if states with companies with hefty financial outlays do not fall into the brackets of what may be called agricultural belt.

    Land expanse will play a role. We expect that such vibrant companies will be compelled to operate not based on where they are located but where prospects abound. “In that way, 2,000 tractors can cover over 100,000 hectares and serve millions of farmers,” he said. Companies will pay as they use. Once a tractor works on 10 hectares, for instance, the system records it and generates an invoice, he explained.

    It shows that this is for the elite because only companies capable of cultivating a minimum of 500 hectares will qualify and that translates to about 1,000 hectares for every two tractors. So, 2,000 tractors amount to 100,000 hectares per cycle.

    With a refinancing package of over a three-to-five-year period, it promises to be Nigeria’s first fully integrated initiative for mechanisation. About 36 mobile service trucks will provide on-site maintenance and routine servicing. Major tractor hubs across the six geopolitical zones will ease complex repairs. He says all tractors will be fitted with digital tracking systems to prevent diversion and misuse.

    “The trackers tell us where the tractor is, when it is working, when it is idle and when it needs servicing. That way, the tractors can last almost forever,” he noted.

    Timing the release to the beginning of the farming season is welcome, but we expect that the tractors will usher in a new burst of productivity.

    We also know that high yields without enablers in roads, skills and storage will make the whole project like a stillborn child.

  • Kudos to LASG on ‘Light up Lagos’

    Kudos to LASG on ‘Light up Lagos’

    • By Oluwaseye

    Sir: At a time when Nigeria is grappling with insecurity challenges such as ethno-religious conflicts, communal clashes, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and militancy, issues that continue to affect the economy, lives, livelihoods, business activities, and the wider socio-political climate, the Lagos State Government is not resting on its oars. As the nation’s economic nerve centre, Lagos understands that sustained security is non-negotiable.

    This commitment has been evident in the series of security-related engagements held in the last month. From collaborative meetings with stakeholders across the Southern and Southwest regions, to the recent Security Council meeting hosted by the governor, Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu with heads of security agencies in the state, and the upcoming 18th town hall meeting on security, the administration has shown steady attention to maintaining peace and stability.

    Among all these efforts, the ongoing Light Up Lagos project stands out for its direct and visible impact. The project, driven by the Lagos State government, focuses on installing and upgrading LED and solar streetlights across major roads and highways to boost security, support commerce, and improve the city’s overall aesthetics.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    According to the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, the streetlight installations and the solar retrofitting initiative form part of the state’s push toward a well-lit, secure, and energy-efficient Lagos.

    With many sites already completed, the Light Up Lagos project is coming at the right moment. December usually brings heavier movement and vibrant nightlife across the state, and improved street lighting strengthens public safety during this period. It also supports economic activity in hospitality, entertainment, retail, and transportation. Last year, the government estimated that December festivities generated about $71.5 million in revenue, with the hotel sector contributing roughly $44 million. With this year’s yuletide events, the figures are likely to rise.

    While the project is a strong step forward, it is important for the government to ensure the sustainability of this infrastructure. Proper maintenance systems and safeguards against vandalism or sabotage will determine whether these gains last.

    Overall, Light Up Lagos is a promising initiative, poised to put Lagos State on the economic and entertainment global talking stage this yuletide. Its long-term success will depend on how well the state preserves and protects it.

    •Oluwaseye,

    Lagos.

  • On the Akume/Alia reconciliation

    On the Akume/Alia reconciliation

    By Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Sir: The renewed focus on reconciliation between the Governor of Benue State, Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Iormem Alia, and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume, is both timely and necessary. It reflects the sobering recognition that prolonged political estrangement within the ruling party has consequences far beyond personal rivalries; it weakens governance, destabilizes institutions, and ultimately punishes the people.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to mandate a high-level reconciliation committee, chaired by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, is therefore a strategic intervention deserving of collective goodwill and restraint. It is an effort to heal, not to enthrone; to stabilize, not to reallocate dominance.

    Unfortunately, some recent commentaries have already begun to frame this reconciliation process as a contest with inevitable winners and losers. Such narratives are not only premature; they are profoundly counterproductive. Reconciliation is not a boxing match, and it is not a zero-sum game. It is a disciplined political process that demands humility, compromise, and a willingness by all sides to subordinate private ambitions to public good.

    Predicting in advance who will emerge with the “upper hand” hardens positions and encourages brinkmanship. It emboldens political loyalists to dig in rather than soften, to escalate rather than de-escalate. In fragile political environments like Benue, words do not merely describe reality; they help create it. Careless analysis can easily become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

    The truth is that neither Alia nor Akume can afford a prolonged cold war. Benue State needs stability to confront insecurity, economic stagnation, and social dislocation. The APC needs internal cohesion to govern effectively and remain electorally viable. The president needs a united party structure in a strategic North-central state. Above all, the people of Benue need leadership that prioritizes outcomes over supremacy.

    Reconciliation does not require silence on truth, nor does it excuse poor governance or political exclusion. But it does require restraint. It demands that grievances be addressed through dialogue rather than spectacle, and that power be exercised with a sense of proportion and shared responsibility.

    Read Also: Tinubu sets up high-powered APC committee to tackle internal crises ahead of 2027

    This responsibility does not rest on the two principal actors alone. Political loyalists, opinion writers, intellectuals, traditional rulers, religious leaders, and members of the business community all shape the atmosphere within which reconciliation either succeeds or fails. When these groups amplify divisive narratives or project partisan certainties, they risk sabotaging a process whose success serves everyone.

    History is unkind to those who profit from division while society bleeds. It remembers not only the leaders who failed to reconcile, but also the voices that discouraged peace and normalized conflict.

    If reconciliation succeeds, Benue State stands to gain political stability, improved governance, and renewed confidence from investors and citizens alike. President Tinubu’s broader reform agenda gains traction. Nigeria gains another example of conflict managed through dialogue rather than attrition.

    This is not the moment to take sides. It is the moment to take responsibility. Reconciliation, properly understood, is not about who yields more power. It is about who shows greater wisdom.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,

    <shilgba@gmail.com>

  • Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    Malami, Farouk, and question Nigeria refuses to answer

    • By Folorunso Fatai Adisa

    Sir: In The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (1968), Armah offers one of the sharpest moral metaphors in African literature. The chichidodo, he writes, hates excrement with all its soul, yet feeds only on maggots, which thrive best in filth. It despises corruption but survives on its proceeds. That contradiction is its tragedy. It is also ours. The spread of chichidodos has made accountability in Nigeria painfully difficult. Alleged looters are shielded not by evidence of innocence but by ethnic sentiment, religious loyalty, and partisan allegiance. Justice is stalled not because facts are absent, but because conscience has been outsourced to identity.

    Mark Twain captured this moral boundary succinctly when he observed that patriotism means supporting your country all the time, and your government only when it deserves it. He did not advocate blind loyalty. Defending public plunderers is not patriotism. It is parasitism. To praise looters is to feed off the decay they create. That is chichidodo logic.

    According to The Cable, the EFCC has traced 41 properties allegedly worth about N212 billion to Abubakar Malami, former Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. The report states that these assets, hotels, residential buildings, land, schools, and a printing press, are spread across Kebbi State, Kano State, and the Federal Capital Territory. The figures cited are staggering: over N162 billion in Kebbi, about N16 billion in Kano, and nearly N35 billion in the FCT.

    These sums are not abstract. They represent hospitals not built, roads not repaired, classrooms not equipped, and lives diminished by neglect. Political economist Susan Rose-Ackerman, one of the world’s leading scholars on corruption, has long argued that corruption is not only a moral failing but a systemic tax on development, diverting public resources from productive use and eroding trust in institutions. Where corruption becomes normalised, she notes, inequality deepens and state capacity collapses.

    Earlier this month, Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, publicly alleged that a senior government official had sent four children to a Swiss secondary school at a reported cost of $5 million. The official he mentioned was Farouk Ahmed, chief executive of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority. These claims remain allegations, but they raise unavoidable questions. What lawful income sustains such expenditure? What private enterprise supports such opulence? Or are public resources being quietly converted into private luxury?

    These are not questions of envy but of arithmetic. Lavish spending on this scale cannot be reconciled with modest public-sector earnings. Economist Amartya Sen has consistently argued that development is not measured by elite consumption but by the expansion of collective capabilities. When public wealth is siphoned into private excess, the freedoms of the many are sacrificed for the comfort of the few.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    Sadly, the most disheartening sight is not the allegations themselves but the reaction they provoke. Struggling Nigerians rush to defend those under investigation. Poverty argues on behalf of privilege. Hunger becomes a shield for power. This is the mob mentality Aesop warned about in The Frogs and the Sun, where short-term excitement blinds people to long-term ruin.

    Corruption in Nigeria is not confined to politicians alone. It seeps through institutions. Civil servants, regulators, and gatekeepers often form the hidden machinery that sustains the rot. As the World Bank has repeatedly observed, corruption thrives where accountability mechanisms are weak and where social tolerance allows abuse of office to go unpunished.

    If you wish to be an honoured guest in the house of equity, you cannot arrive as a chichidodo. Justice admits only those who come with clean hands, clean garments, and clean intentions. Around the world, nations that treat grand corruption lightly eventually pay heavily in instability, insecurity, and social collapse.

    Nigeria need not imitate extreme punitive models to confront corruption, but it must rediscover seriousness. Without firm and consistent accountability, the damage ahead will eclipse what we already endure. A society that habitually defends looters is not just corrupt; it is complicit. While countries like China impose the harshest penalties for grand corruption, Nigeria need only enforce asset forfeiture, restitution, and lifelong disqualification from public office. Looters should not stroll freely through our streets enjoying stolen comfort; they should lose both the funds and the fun that corruption affords.

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa,

    United Kingdom.

  • Ethnic nationalism and national development

    Ethnic nationalism and national development

    The First World War had ramifying effects on the world including the people of Africa and Nigeria was not an exception. In the case of Nigeria, the colonial administration feared that Islam could be exploited to rally the defeated Muslims in Northern Nigeria against the British because of Turkish propaganda calling for jihad against infidels all over the world. This was the only major threat to British hold on Nigeria but by this time the Fulani rulers who were united in sharing with the British the booty of the Native Treasuries (Beit-el-mal) which were taxes on cattle (jangali) and crops had something in common. This commonality of interest between the colonial powers and the native rulers was to, by and large, draw a wedge between the Northern Effendiyyah and the educated elite in the south before and after independence and possibly till today.

    The idea of native treasuries were extended to the South where it largely met resistance and even uprising in the East which had no hierarchy of chiefs because it was sociologically a chiefless or headless society or what anthropologists call an acephalous society and attempts to create chiefs among the Igbo by colonial administrators by giving warrants to some identified supporters to act as chiefs led to uprising in many parts of Igboland. In Yorubaland where there were chiefs, some of them were elevated beyond their traditional status. This also led to armed resistance in upper Ogun area of former Oyo Empire.

    The effects of the First World War were accompanied by several political and economic ramifications in Nigeria. The Nigerian soldiers and carriers came back with natural exaggerations of themselves in the face of enemy fire while their white colonial officers ran away. Their stories spread to their home cities and friends who demanded rights and better salaries and more respect from their rulers. Political parties initially confined to Lagos and other coastal cities like Calabar began to spread into the hinterland that by the outbreak of the Second World war, the demands and influence of the educated Nigerians in Lagos and the urban centres began to be echoed by illiterate Nigerians saying that service must deserve its rewards. Their leaders began to be known and cultivated by the colonial rulers and their bosses In London.

    Newspapers that had been in reasonable numbers but whose interest and influence were confined to Lagos colony alone began to have wider readership and credibility in regional hubs and places like Ibadan, Abeokuta, Benin, Enugu, Port Harcourt, Kano, Bauchi, and Jos.  The Second World War which began in 1939 and ended in 1945 began with a muffle but ended with a bang in terms of its influence in Nigeria. Tens of thousands of Nigerian troops fought under the Union Jack in the jungles of Burma against tough and intrepid Japanese troops sworn to fight for victory or death in defence of Japan and its emperor Hirohito and its people s ‘interest in Asia particularly in the pacific islands of the Philippines and Taiwan as well as mainland China, Korea and Burma. Nigerian troops saw action mostly in Burma.

    On   returning home, many of the ex-servicemen were courted by the main political parties in existence. Particularly, the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which was formed in 1944 mainly by former students of Kings College who then surrendered leadership to Herbert Macaulay as president and the America-educated Nnamdi Azikiwe as Secretary General. The NCNC was like the various Rassemblement Africain in several French African countries. It was hoped it will be an umbrella political organisation for the various existing African parties some of them existing since the Lugardian years. Unfortunately, this hope was not realised because Herbert Macaulay, the president of the NCNC died in 1948 and Azikiwe, the fiery journalist and nationalist took over and gave the leadership more élan and vigour but in the process, he was accused of leaning too much on Igbo tribal support. This led to the emergence of the Action Group which had its roots in the Egbe Omo Oduduwa formed in1950 and eventually the Action Group (AG) by Obafemi Awolowo, a journalist and trade unionist in 1951 and the Northern Peoples Congress, NPC ( jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa or JMA. These two parties representing the West and the Northern peoples tried unsuccessfully to make the NCNC look as a tribal Igbo party without effect until independence in Nigeria.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    The issue of tribalism or ethnic differences have largely ruined the success of the country. It has infected our politics to the extent that people either vote along ethnic lines and where they tried to look at issues rationally and nationally, they are immediately slapped back into supposedly tribal redoubts or ostracized as traitors or saboteurs. There is widespread rigging of votes to enhance ethnic figures in the census which are usually rigged because revenue sharing is tied to census. This is a problem that affects states creation, education, financial allocation and inability to have genuine democracy and stability which have been the bane of our society.

    The constitution which was a negotiated federal constitution before independence has been undermined by the military dictatorship egged on by civilian politicians who have less than noble or patriotic motives. Most of the political problems Nigeria has had since independence are traceable to tribalism or ethnic parochialism. Example of this can be seen in the Action Group crisis of 1961 to 1963 which split the party into two rival groups which indirectly led to the incarceration in 1963, of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the then leader of opposition in the federal parliament. The ruling NCNC/ NPC coalition government combined the forces of the tribally rooted Northern politicians and their collaborators from the Eastern Region to remove Awolowo from the political scene. 

    .Awolowo may have been ambitious, but it is doubtful that he would have  tried to violently overthrow the federal government of Nigeria with a few party toughies trained in Kwame Nkrumah’s WINNEBA ideological school where the likes of Samuel Grace Ikoku, a former Secretary General of the Action Group was a lecturer. The evidence presented at the famous trial for reasonable felony were not overwhelming enough to condemn a major political leader without upsetting the equilibrium of the country and its stability. The reaction of the people of the West got to a crescendo in 1965 when the Chief S.L. Akintola’s government which was obviously unpopular, decided to manipulate the voting process when the Deputy Premier Chief Remi Fani-Kayode boasted that whether the people voted for their party or not “… angels would vote for them” took laws into their hands, burning and looting while the cabinet prepared for the worst.

    When some elements in the army struck at dawn of January 15, 1966 ,some of the ministers felt that their opponents were behind the “attempted coup d’état while the BBC radio network was telling the whole world that there had been an attempted coup and the prime minister  Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa seemed  to have been kidnapped and two regional premiers namely Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Chief S.L.Akintola, the Are ona Kakanfo of Yoruba land had been killed and many senior army officers seemed to have been killed. When the news were confirmed, and regional and ethnic dimensions of the killings were analysed, the original cheering for the army putsch petered out in fear of what may happen because Nigeria had never seen anything like this before. The counter coup of July 1966 about half a year later appeared as if the equation was balanced by the number of army officers who were killed. But sadly the situation got out of hands when the pogroms against the Igbo in the North began and the whole country became destabilised setting the stage for the three year civil war after the mediation by Ghanaian military leaders failed and General Gowon on return from the Aburi reconciliation meeting in Ghana, appeared to have been outflanked by those who wanted to militarily sort out the issue.  

    Going to war was a terrible denouement for which Nigeria is yet to recover. Previous opportunities for Nigeria to be more united had been missed in 1954 and 1959 to form a forward looking governments and the July coup of 1966 tragically followed the same trajectory.

  • The mandate and the currency of hope

    The mandate and the currency of hope

    •  By Ronke Bello

    I have had causes to interact with brilliant minds across the globe in my numerous academic voyages in the last two years and I can say that so many of those discourses ended in their minds more or less like the scathing remark of the great writer, William Shakespeare who once said “The miserable have no other medicine but only hope”. But as a patriotic Nigerian, rather than boost the despair of those young Nigerians, I encouraged them in the light of Desmond Tutu’s words that “Hope is being able to see that there is light despite all of the darkness”.

    Thinking about it all took my mind back to the beginning of this journey of (renewed) hope which we promised the nation. 

    The very formation of the Tinubu /Shettima Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) was one of hope. Formidable, disciplined and trusting; all signed for letters which clearly stated that we all were volunteers and we were all happy to so work. These  in itself was the hallmark of our  patriotism to Nigeria, a country many of us have, are and will keep giving our bests to, whatever happens.

    In many minds, the APC presidential team were the best placed at hopefully moving the country forward. Both had enviable track record of experience and performance in both government and the private sectors. For those who truly worked, the campaign and election itself was neither an easy task nor a cheap win. One of the fiercest battles was on the Muslim/ Muslim ticket and some of us being Northern Christians (a minority in itself)  had the uphill tasks of convincing our people in the north that it is time Nigeria as indeed the world moved away from religious, gender and tribal sentiments to repose confidence in men and women who can truly give their bests in moving our country forward.

    As a member of the PCC Public Affairs/Spokespersons Directorate, my sermon was simple: if one had to go through a needed self-saving medical operation, one never asks if the surgeons are Christians, Muslims, Hindus or Traditional Worshipers. Nigeria needed a leap forward. To us, our candidate, an icon, a hero of democracy, a man of depth and experience who continually spoke from the heart was the next perfect fit for the Presidency. It was time to have a leader that epitomizes our unity as one indivisible nation.

    Read Also: Tinubu sets up high-powered APC committee to tackle internal crises ahead of 2027

    Despite the huge backlash and attacks especially from the oppositions, we sang “On Your Mandate We Shall and Are Standing “. For every jab, every brickbat we sang higher and louder! It was such a huge relief and sweet victory in the end! Of course, the experienced in public administration understand perfectly that victory at the polls is simply the tiniest bit of governance … for the real hard work to begin.

     Reflecting on the journey thus far, both the positive, and the negatives, I now believe that it is true indeed Nigerians are a happy people that love life and living. These are anchored and seen daily through our cultures, creativities, ingenuity and the “Never die spirit” despite all the odds. These also reinforced my hope that no negative is insurmountable as long as there is the political will, the right team, empathy by the leaders, continued engagement with the led, a feedback mechanism, real time information disseminations on issues especially policies.

    I have come to realize more than ever that the average Nigerian does not hate the leaders; they simply want promises fulfilled, situations, laws and policies explained. They have their own track and measure indices of their wellbeing. They easily read the temperament and temperature of governance.  They are indeed generous followers and one that expect the same generosity of spirit, of duty and performance from their leaders.

    Many scholars of governance and critical observation of governance itself have  proven that “Governance is reciprocal: a two -way street involving mutual obligations, shared authority, and interdependent relationship where actions by one party (government and citizens) directly impact others, fostering collaboration, accountability, and trust, rather than just top-down control.”

     While government creates the enabling environment for citizens to flourish, providing encompassing services and most importantly deliver on its campaign promise and mandate given in addition to defending our space, integrity and leadership presence in the sub region and in the global comity of nations; the citizens in turn must participate meaningfully and as a strategic point of duty demand for accountability. It is this dynamic exchange that strengthens the system or if lacking, weakens it.

    The good news, the citizens of Nigeria are still cooperating with her leaders. They speak out, they cry out and it is heart-warming that in President Tinubu we have a listening and present leader. Under his watch many policies have been reversed. While many will argue that why the policy flip-flops and somersaults in the first place? Rules and laws guide in fact, define a society.

    Empathy in governance is crucial for “it helps leaders understand citizens’ real needs, leading to more responsive policies, fairer resource allocation and better trust; it re-humanises governance”. The Tinubu administration has had its fair share of such policy readjustments and reversals based on understanding the view of the led.

     Of recent, the security of our nation and her citizens has pushed itself to the front burner. While the issue of insecurity predates this administration, every administration must (without excuses) carry its own cross and the recent changes by the president in the nation’s security agencies and the recent appointment of General Christopher Gwabin Musa (Rtd) as Minister of Defence was overwhelmingly received by Nigerians. ”To whom much is given, much is expected”.

    I join all excited Nigerians to wish the minister well.

    In this context, my people of central Northern Nigeria will not forgive my exclusion in this article if I do not mention that urgent help is required. As the nation and especially  the president prepares to enter a new year though a remarkably political – calendar year,  it beckons on us all that contributed massively in enthroning this administration to keep  advising, providing feedbacks and encouraging the administration to run well and graciously.

    Yes, many of the “Emilokan” foot soldiers are aggrieved and perhaps rightfully so. While a president or leader has the exclusive right to choose his or her team, it can also be argued that while it can be patriotically right for a leader to bring all and sundry on board, it can’t be justified as politically correct, especially if men and women who worked (as the records show) super hard, sank in time, energy and resources, are not appreciated. Some are dead , some are still harassed daily by  a fraction of non-forgiving Nigerian citizens (home and abroad ) who ask them at every opportunity in the local slang “ how market?” or at every given occasion bellow out “ On your mandate …”

     Yes, everyone can’t be in government or be patronized at the same time but even the holy books affirms that “a labourer is entitled to his wages” and our candidate turned president on record looked at the team eyeball to eyeball, and promised a reward system so we must not give up on him now, metamorphose into opposition, or wish the administration failure.

    As another season of campaigns begins … we must keep engaging government, providing the needed experience and advice.  I believe that President Tinubu is determined to succeed and the team owe him that much.

    Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year ahead!

    •Bello, Ph.D  is an academic, public policy analyst, publicist and author.

  • Trekking in the wild

    Trekking in the wild

    • Papiri schoolkids ordeal in captivity

    Many Hearts would have skipped at the sight of the kids. It was not something to behold. As they alighted from the buses that brought them to the Government House, Minna, the Niger State capital on Monday, I shuddered as I beheld the tiny tots on television. These kids are too small to undergo what they have just experienced, I muttered under my breath.

    They had just gone through what could be likened to hell and back. Some would say that the kids are lucky they returned alive, while others would wonder what kind of human beings could have kidnapped them. The thought of kidnapping itself is repulsive, not to talk of the act. It happened, anyway, in the chilly hours of the night of November 21.

    They were in their hostels when the marauders struck. The invaders number is unknown, but they reportedly went away with 280 people, comprising 265 pupils and 15 teachers. Fifty of the pupils escaped, leaving 230 others in the hands of the kidnappers. With 230 souls, they knew that they had the government by its balls. To them, the remaining 215 pupils and 15 teachers was ‘good business’ in terms of what they would get from the head of each abductee.

    This is what human life has been reduced to by these terrorists, as the Federal Government has now classified all these criminals, whether kidnappers, bandits, militants or insurgents. Classification is not enough. They should be wiped away from the face of the earth to give the public the assurance that no child would ever be kidnapped from school again. As a nation, we have allowed this criminal act to fester to the extent that terrorists now see themselves as being above the law.

    It is time to draw the line for them, using the Papiri incident to say enough is enough. The kids cut a pitiable picture, as they filed out in a straight line on arrival at the government house. I blinked several times as I watched them walk into the place so that my eyes would get accustomed to what I was seeing. I was shattered by what I saw. I never expected any sane person to kidnap such kids, many of who are under seven or below, judging by their looks. Believe it or not, they had just gone through roving in mangroves as they were being herded from one forest to the other by people old enough to be their parents.

    They are too small to have undergone that harrowing and horrible experience. These kids; these children who do not know their right from their left were sent to boarding school by parents who believe in the life changing power of education. Their parents wanted the best for them in life, and the first steps toward achieving that was to enrol them in a school where their outlook will be shaped. They might have chosen a boarding school, believing that it is a proper place for grooming children.

    Can we blame their parents for sending them to boarding school? This is not just any boarding school, but a faith-based one, the kind of which many of us attended in the past, without any hitch. Then, schools never had this kind of nasty experience of kidnapping, vandalising, killing and looting. Schools even in the remotest part of a community were safe and secure for learning. It was unheard of that some mad men stormed a school to kidnap pupils and teachers. Papiri was not the only school invaded in November.  A girls school in Maga, Kebbi State, was attacked on November 17, four days before the Papiri incident.

    Read Also: Tinubu vows deeper faith-leader engagements to curb conflict, promote peaceful coexistence

    There is a historical angle to these invasions. These marauders struck in Chibok, Borno State in 2014; Dapchi, Yobe State, 2018; Kankara, Katsina State, 2020, and in 2021, four secondary schools and a private university in four states of Katsina, Niger, Zamfara, and Kaduna were attacked. In 2024, two schools in two states of Kaduna and Sokoto suffered the same fate. By now, the nation should have overcome the challenge, but it seems to have defied solution, with the rate kidnappers now strike across the country. In Maga, they snatched 24 schoolgirls on November 17, and four days later, they hit St Mary Catholic Private Nursery, Primary and Secondary Schools in Papiri, Agwara Local Government Area of Niger State.

    The invaders always caught the security agencies flatfooted whenever they struck. At times, the security operatives withdraw from the scene hours or minutes before the attackers strike. The Kebbi school raid might not have happened, if the soldiers posted there had not left about 30 or so minutes to the invaders arrival. The soldiers claimed that they were directed to withdraw. Governor Nasir Idris has been shouting blue murder since, alleging that it was an act of sabotage. Truly, there is no other way to describe what happened. The matter is said to be under investigation. By now, a preliminay report should have been issued to assure the public that there is no cover up.

    The nation must know what happened in Maga. As the nation rejoices over the release of the  Papiri kids and their teachers, the point must be made that things cannot be allowed to continue like this. There must be a reason for the spike in school kidnapping and related incidents in recent time. It is up to the government to find out those behind the rising incidents and deal with them. The government cannot sit back and allow some elements to make the country ungovernable.

    Whatever may be the motives of the perpetrators and their sponsors, the government, which has all the coercive and suasive power should always be a step ahead of them. Of what use is our intelligence security outfits if they cannot nip these acts in the bud? The public has borne for long with successive governments on the security issue, yet the problem keeps rearing its ugly head. There cannot be any excuse for kidnapping to thrive as if it is an industry. It is not and it should never be allowed to become one under this administration’s watch.

    As the President has repeatedly said, he was elected to take hard and courageous decisions to make life meaningful for the people. Nigerians can only get a better life under a safe, secure and serene environment where children go to school; parents go to work, and citizens travel across the country without the fear of being kidnapped. They cannot do all these now because of the fear of terrorists.

    It may not be the President’s fault, but it is his lot today to restore sanity in the land. He can do it and he must do it for the sake of posterity. The haunting looks of those freed  Papiri schoolkids should propel him to cut these kidnappers to size. No innocent schoolkid should be allowed to undergo such trauma again.

    •Merry Christmas, dear readers

  • Christmas beyond customs, toward conscience and courage

    Christmas beyond customs, toward conscience and courage

    • By Obiotika Wilfred

    Christmas has never been static. It has journeyed through ages—from sacred faith to living tradition, from shared customs to today’s modern celebration shaped by commerce, media, and convenience. Yet beneath these layers lie a question Nigeria must ask as we observe Christmas 2025: What does celebration mean in a season of pain, perseverance, and paradox?

    This year’s theme, “The Realm of Overcomers,” speaks directly to the Nigerian spirit between 2024 and 2025—a people pressed by hardship yet refusing to disappear into despair. It is a theme not of denial but of defiance; not of escapism but of meaning. To celebrate Christmas well in 2025 is not merely to decorate homes, travel villages, or exchange gifts. It is to confront reality with courage, to choose joy without blindness, and to end the year with moral clarity while stepping into 2026 with disciplined hope.

    Nigeria’s recent story is heavy. Continual foreign loans, mounting debt, and the need to borrow yet again to fund the 2026 national budget have left the economy gasping. Inflation has become a daily language understood by market women, teachers, artisans, and professionals alike. Prices rise faster than wages; dreams shrink while responsibilities multiply. In this climate, citizens who refuse to complain are often labeled conspirators, naïve optimists, or even mad. Yet their dedication—to work, to faith, to family, to nation—often surpasses the understanding of those who prefer the smugness and ease of contemporary life.

    Here lies the paradox of our time: perseverance is mistaken for madness; hope is confused with denial. But history teaches that societies are not rebuilt by mockery or comfort, but by men and women who endure when endurance is unfashionable.

    Christmas, at its core, reminds us that love is a feeling, joy is a feeling, concern for others is a feeling, and compassion for the lost is a feeling. These feelings are not weaknesses; they are the moral energies that sustain civilizations. When stripped of feeling, celebration becomes noise; when detached from concern, prosperity becomes cruelty. The Realm of Overcomers is therefore not a place of wealth but of disciplined emotion—where love does not grow cold, joy does not turn shallow, and concern does not expire under pressure.

    As we assess the world today—individually, corporately, and professionally—we must admit an uncomfortable truth. Many individuals are exhausted, not only by hardship but by meaninglessness. Corporate institutions, obsessed with profit and survival, often neglect humanity. Professionals, once guided by ethics and vocation, now struggle between integrity and compromise. In such a world, Christmas risks becoming a pause for consumption rather than a call to conscience.

    Read Also: Tinubu sets up high-powered APC committee to tackle internal crises ahead of 2027

    Yet Nigeria’s reality sharpens this call. Insecurity stretches across regions; farms are burned, families displaced, and communities uprooted. The next planting season remains uncertain, while food prices stay painfully high. These conditions breed fear. They also breed idleness. And where fear and idleness coexist, hope becomes contested terrain.

    As 2026 approaches, Nigerians face three options: fear, hope, or idleness. Fear paralyzes. Idleness distracts. Only hope—active, disciplined, and communal—builds. Overcomers are not those who ignore danger, but those who refuse to let danger define their character.

    Unfortunately, a louder voice is rising globally and locally—the voice of what can rightly be called a Hate Revolution. Documented global trends show increasing polarization, intolerance, and dehumanization across societies, amplified by digital platforms and economic frustration. Hate crimes, online hostility, ethnic suspicion, and ideological aggression have risen in measurable percentages worldwide over the last decade. Nigeria is not immune. When hardship persists, hatred often masquerades as courage, while bitterness pretends to be truth.

    But hatred is not strength; it is emotional bankruptcy. Bitterness corrodes judgment. Fleshly lust—whether for power, pleasure, or dominance—clouds moral vision. The complacent, self-centred, and smug, fed up with their own emptiness, often accuse others of madness simply because those others still believe, still serve, still hope.

    Christmas 2025 challenges this trajectory. It calls Nigerians to reject bitterness, to resist the tyranny of lustful appetites, and to choose responsibility over ridicule. It invites us to celebrate not only with music and meals, but with mercy and meaning. To support local communities. To protect human dignity. To speak truth without cruelty. To love without surrendering wisdom.

    Ending 2025 jubilantly does not mean pretending all is well; it means affirming that all is not lost. Starting 2026 prosperously does not begin with budgets alone, but with attitudes—individual, corporate, and professional—realigned toward service, resilience, and shared destiny.

    The Realm of Overcomers is not reserved for the loud or the lucky. It belongs to those who feel deeply yet act wisely; who love without naivety; who hope without illusion; who stand firm without hatred. In a world flirting dangerously with a Hate Revolution, Christmas remains one of the few seasons bold enough to remind us that humanity survives not by anger, but by conscience.

    That, perhaps, is the best way to celebrate Christmas 2025—and the strongest way to enter 2026.

    •Wilfred writes via obiotika2018@gmail.com