The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

Hilliard Eta misfired by questioning Governor Otu’s ‘Season of Sweetness’

Ntufam Hilliard Eta, the appointed Chairman of the NYSC Federal Board awaiting inauguration, appears to be grappling with the perceived disconnect between the realities of Cross River State’s economy and the administration of Governor Bassey Edet Otu. Eta’s skepticism, particularly regarding the “Season of Sweetness” slogan—a term derived from Governor Otu’s long-held “Sweet Prince” nickname—reflects his concerns about the state’s economic trajectory. This nickname was embraced during Otu’s tenure in the Federal House of Representatives and the Senate and has been further adopted since his election as governor, alongside the administration’s “People First!” mantra.

In recent remarks, Eta questioned the authenticity of the “Season of Sweetness,” asserting that he sees “no change in the narrative and trajectory of Cross River State.” He cited a “high level of wants, poverty, and lack of economic opportunities” in the state, along with a noticeable absence of entrepreneurial activities.

Eta further claimed that Cross River State is currently at its “weakest” point, while acknowledging reports of increased internally generated revenue, albeit without concrete data. He called for accountability, suggesting that the Otu administration has received significantly more in federal allocations during its two and a half years than its predecessor did over eight years. He posed the critical question, “How can we cultivate the next generation of entrepreneurs in Cross River State?”

This response aims to clarify and address Eta’s concerns, focusing on how Governor Otu’s administration is nurturing the next generation of entrepreneurs and how the governor is judiciously utilizing the increased revenue from federal allocations and internal generation efforts.

Governor Otu’s administration is actively fostering entrepreneurship through transparent accountability and a focus on community development. Notably, the administration has developed a comprehensive 10-year development plan for 2024 to 2033, with quarterly budget reports available online. Under Governor Otu’s leadership, the Micro Enterprise Development Agency has been rebranded as the Cross River State Enterprise Development Center (CRSEDC), significantly enhancing its visibility and identity as a state-led hub for entrepreneurship. The center has trained over 2,500 participants across the 18 local government areas, improving business skills, financial literacy, and startup readiness at the grassroots level.

The CRSEDC has also strengthened MSME registration, tax onboarding, and compliance training for entrepreneurs, fostering institutional linkages between state-level enterprise support and federal agencies. Over 100 beneficiaries have reported that, after training in creative and digital economy partnerships, they received startup capital support. The administration has supported 5,000 nano businesses with N50,000 each, liquidated N200 million from the CRSG-BOA fund, and successfully profiled 500 beneficiaries who have received payments. Additionally, 2,315 MSMEs across the state have been awarded grants ranging from N100,000 for nano businesses to N400,000 for small enterprises. Furthermore, 500 retirees have been trained and equipped with starter packs.

Under the Ministry of Wealth Creation, 8,168 nano businesses have been registered and trained. In the 196 wards of the state, more than 200 Cross Riverians have received POS machines and N150,000 each to launch micro-enterprises, directly contributing to rural economic activity. Additionally, over 200 youths have been trained in integrated agriculture, and a digital transformation initiative has been established in collaboration with NUGI Technologies and the State Bureau of Statistics, resulting in a digital data bank to support policy planning. The state has deployed desk officers to the 18 LGAs to manage and operationalize the data system, providing real-time insights into labor market conditions. Importantly, the state has inaugurated the first MSME Council, aligning Cross River State with the National MSME Council chaired by the Vice President, thereby solidifying its position among Nigeria’s leaders in MSME reform. A comprehensive five-year MSME Development Strategy for 2024-2028 is in place, encompassing training modules and institutional reforms aimed at enhancing the productivity and reach of micro and small businesses statewide.

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These initiatives represent just a portion of the government’s efforts to drive investment and entrepreneurship. Recent actions include the debt buyback of Tinapa Business Resort, the revitalization of agricultural estates such as the former Cross River Rubber Estate, now Uyanga Oil Palm Estate under Wilma Limited, and the Boki Nsadop Palm Estate, now managed by Presco Limited.

Opportunities abound in the state, with agencies and institutions available to assist potential investors in sectors such as tourism, the digital economy, agriculture, the marine economy, real estate, oil and gas, and industrialization.

Addressing Eta’s inquiry about how the governor has judiciously utilized the increased revenue from federal allocations and internal generation efforts is essential.

It is important to acknowledge that achieving over a 150% increase in internally generated revenue requires a governor with fiscal discipline. The state IRS has generated a total of N90 billion in two years under Governor Otu, compared to N43 billion in the previous two years of the last administration, reflecting a growth of 109%. Average monthly collections increased from N1.7 billion to N4.5 billion as of May 2025, representing a growth of 165%.

The removal of the petrol subsidy and economic re-engineering at the federal level have also contributed to increased federal allocations to states. While Governor Bassey Otu has a vision for state development, his blueprint includes rebuilding and restoring meaningful programs initiated by his predecessors.

So far, the governor has focused on rebuilding the state civil service, lifting a ten-year employment embargo and hiring over 5,000 civil servants. The minimum wage has been increased from less than N20,000 to N70,000. Arrears of retirees’ gratuities dating back to 2012 have been addressed, with N10 billion approved to tackle the backlog for those from 2012 to 2015. Additionally, the governor has worked to reduce the state’s debt profile by over 50% in two years, as verified by the Federal Debt Management Office.

With the increased revenue, the government has undertaken significant infrastructure development, including rural and urban roads, bridges, erosion control, and the refinancing of unfinished projects from previous administrations, such as Bakassi Deep Seaport and the Obudu passenger and cargo airport. These developments are evident to those who choose to view them objectively.

In conclusion, the Governor Otu-led administration welcomes constructive criticism as a means of gauging public sentiment and making necessary adjustments. Much has been achieved through listening to objective feedback.

Even when criticisms are subjective, the Governor Otu-led government remains open to them, discerning valuable insights from less credible claims. However, when criticisms are based on falsehoods, half-truths, and misinformation, they become a malicious attack on a governor committed to effective governance. Such actions are unjust.

The path to greatness for Cross River State requires collaboration, unity, and truth, rather than division and unverifiable claims. Governor Bassey Otu’s administration is not merely promoting a slogan; it is executing a reform agenda focused on fiscal discipline, enterprise development, social protection, and long-term planning. While progress may not be instantaneous, it is measurable, intentional, and unfolding across various sectors. The real danger lies not in constructive criticism but in ignoring the facts that clearly demonstrate a state committed to rebuilding its economy, restoring public confidence, and laying the foundation for sustainable prosperity.

•Nsa Gill is the Special Adviser on Public Affairs to the Governor of Cross River State

December 18, 2025
Malami and terror
- All we want are the facts and adherence to the rule of law
There is nothing new about a former public officer falling into the net of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for alleged abuse of office and misuse of official funds. Yet when it happens, it reinforces public worry that high office is a window on high crimes of the official fraud variety.

Two persons are in the news for alleged money-related crimes. They are former labour minister Dr Chris Ngige and former attorney general and minister of justice Abubakar Malami. Both served in the Buhari administration.

But what is potent in this story, for all the worry about financial fraud, is the inclusion of terrorism financing in the 18 charges against the former attorney general. It is not in court yet, and the investigation, according to the EFCC, is still ongoing.

That a former chief law officer of the federation would even be tarred with such a charge is a huge cause for concern. The only cheering thing about it is that a sliver of hope may exist in some quarters that we still have to get into the court of law and gauge the evidence before any conclusion can be made on the matter.

Such a sliver of hope is not necessarily good hope for the country if the facts are proven, especially given the upsurge in terror incidents in parts of the country. The north is the hotbed of fear.

Of late, we witnessed the kidnapping of hundreds of students from a Catholic institution, St. Mary’s Catholic School, in Papiri, Niger State, just after two major acts of abduction. One of them was in Kebbi State at the Government Girls Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga. The other was at the Christ Apostolic Church (CAC) in Eruku in Kwara State. The Papiri students’ saga is still a horror story because over 100 students are still in the hands of the bandits. Just after that, another one happened in Kogi State at the ECWA church at Aiyetoro-Kiri, in which the gunmen killed about four people and went away with at least 20 worshippers.

So, the idea of prosecuting a major person for terror financing is significant. We just hope that this is not a flim-flam matter in the end. For years, the public has been flaying the state, especially during the Buhari era, that there was no seriousness in the hunt for the hoodlums in the area of prosecution.

However, the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), announced that 860 persons have been convicted in the last seven years. This brought some cheer to the concerned that some work has actually been going on.

The AGF said: “What this demonstrates clearly is that we do not operate a system of arbitrary arrests or indefinite detention.

“Persons arrested in connection with terrorism and extremism are properly profiled and investigated. Those found not to have credible links are discharged, while those against whom evidence is established are prosecuted in court.”

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If these words are anything to go by, then we are compelled to believe that the case against the former attorney general is credible. He will be the first major person of recognisable pedigree to the public to be so charged.

The other charges are also grave. Some of them pertain to the so-called Abacha loot and the Paris Club loan saga. They are of public questions of integrity in public office. He has to address those charges.

Malami has charged back that his detention and investigation reek of political victimisation. He said he was picked up not because he was guilty but because he attended a meeting of an opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The party also issued a statement that the federal government is weaponising the charge to tar him politically and put him out of commission as a threat. He is believed to nurture an ambition to run for governor in his home state of Kebbi.

We must acknowledge that such weaponisation is possible because it has been done in the country before. It is also possible that the party and Malami himself are following a familiar preemptive trope in weaponising the idea of such weaponising to detract from the essential charges against him.

For particular note is the five-term bail instituted against Malami, and he did not meet any of them. “Administrative bail is a discretionary temporary reprieve that allows a suspect to be released on stated conditions pending the conclusion of investigation and arraignment in court,” said EFCC in a statement.

“The commission compassionately granted his plea even while his bail conditions had not been met,” it said. “The EFCC cannot allow the latitude granted the former minister on health grounds to stand in the way of investigations,” EFCC spokesman Ayo Oyewale said.

If he lied about his health concern as the EFCC states, then we must worry about whatever facts he is not forthcoming with. So, the issue is to set aside politics and look deeply into whatever the charges are against the former top law officer of the country. A terror charge is too important a matter to be tainted with partisan drivel.

“Trials are still ongoing, and we continue to improve our prosecutorial processes in line with global best practices,” said Fagbemi on the federal government’s attitude to this scourge in the country.

In 2022, the United States named persons that it discovered as terror financiers in its cooperation with the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The six men, Abdurrahman Ado Musa, Salihu Yusuf Adamu, Bashir Ali Yusuf, Muhammed Ibrahim Isa, Ibrahim Ali Alhassan, and Surajo Abubakar Muhammad were accused of using their stay in the UAE “to move funds intended to support Boko Haram’s violent campaign in Nigeria.”

That action by the U.S. shows that the fear about big men who back these acts of brigandage is real. We would want more of that not only by the U.S. but also in Nigeria. But we need to see more of such in the country. Hence, the Malami investigation ought not be trivialised.

We cannot ascertain the authenticity of the claims about the names of possible terror financiers in the country currently circulating online. Evidence is the only counterfoil to wild speculation. In the past few weeks, two other prominent Nigerians from the army top brass have denied in public along with Malami that they had any links with terror. Both are former chiefs of army staff under President Buhari.

One of them, Lt. Gen.Tukur Buratai (retd.), stated his case and denied. “No security institution, intelligence agency, judicial panel, diplomatic mission, oversight mechanism, or administrative body has ever linked me with terrorism financing in any form,” he said.

The other general is Lt. Gen. Faruk Yahaya (retd.), who described it as political vendetta. “These allegations run contrary to Gen. Yahaya’s impeccable service record, professional integrity and lifelong commitment to the defence of Nigeria,” he said in a statement.

We continue to see reports and pictures of terror miscreants, many of them are on the low rung of the operation. They are hirelings while the those who finance them hide in high offices and in the shadows.

The financiers are the jugular, and they have built a nefarious economy based on blood money to rack the north and cripple the lives of parts of the country.

The EFCC must get to the bottom of the issues, and they must adhere to facts. Ultimately, prosecution in the open arena is what will assure Nigerians that justice is not only done but is seen to be done.
December 18, 2025
Farouk Ahmed: A challenge for EFCC
- By Ukasha Rabiu Magama
Sir: The recent allegations against Engineer Farouk Ahmed, accused of spending approximately N8 billion on his children’s education abroad, have reignited public debate about corruption and accountability in Nigeria’s public sector. While the figure is staggering, many Nigerians are not surprised by the accusation, as they have become accustomed to stories of public officials living far beyond their legitimate means.

In most countries, allegations of this magnitude would prompt swift investigations and sustained public scrutiny. However, in Nigeria, such cases often follow a predictable pattern: public outrage, brief media attention, and eventual silence.

Over the years, many public officials have been arrested or investigated for embezzling public funds, only to be released without facing meaningful consequences. The scale of corruption within Nigeria’s public system is so vast that many cases remain unquantified and undocumented.

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There are indications that law enforcement agencies, particularly the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), has begun to take action in this case. However, public confidence remains low. Past experiences suggest that, without sustained pressure, such investigations risk being quietly abandoned. Media organizations often fail to follow up, and anti-corruption agencies seem to lose momentum once public attention wanes.

This cycle has serious consequences. It reinforces a system in which the poor bear the brunt of economic hardship, while a privileged elite continues to divert public resources with little fear of accountability. The result is a deeply distorted society where integrity is punished, and impunity thrives.

If justice is genuinely pursued in the Ahmed case as we expect it should, it could mark an important turning point. A transparent investigation and appropriate sanctions, if it becomes necessary, would serve as a deterrent, signalling that public office is not a license for personal enrichment. Such an outcome would help restore public trust and protect public funds.

However, this case must not be treated as an isolated incident. The EFCC and other oversight institutions must go beyond individual prosecutions and address the broader structures that enable corruption to persist. Without systemic reforms and consistent law enforcement, the latest case, like many before it, risks becoming just another forgotten headline in Nigeria’s long history of unresolved corruption scandals.

•Ukasha Rabiu Magama,

Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.
December 18, 2025
Bauchi: Of awards without impact
- By Yasir Shehu Adam
Sir: The recent award presented to the Bauchi State governor by the Presidency for good governance has attracted wide applause in political circles. Awards of this nature are meant to celebrate leadership, accountability, and improved quality of life for citizens. However, beyond the ceremonies and official statements, a critical question remains: does the lived reality of Bauchi people truly reflect the ideals of good governance being celebrated?

In governance studies, good governance is measured by clear indicators — quality education, accessible healthcare, job creation, timely payment of salaries, social welfare, and human development. Infrastructure is important, but it is only one part of development. When these broader indicators are examined in Bauchi State, the picture becomes mixed and deeply concerning.

Take education, for instance. Across many public schools, learning conditions remain poor. Classrooms are overcrowded, roofs leak during the rainy season, and basic teaching materials are lacking. Teachers work under difficult conditions with little motivation. More worrying is the absence of a strong scholarship policy that enables Bauchi youths to study within or outside Nigeria and return to contribute to the state’s development. A society that neglects education is silently postponing its future.

The health sector reflects similar challenges. Many health facilities lack essential drugs, modern equipment, and adequate personnel. Reports of delayed salaries and poor welfare for health workers continue to surface. In such an environment, quality healthcare becomes a privilege rather than a right. Governance that improves lives must first protect life itself.

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The issue of workers’ welfare also deserves attention. Civil servants experience irregular salary payments and weak welfare systems. Economic theory and public administration agree that a demoralized workforce cannot deliver effective public service. Timely payment of salaries is not generosity; it is a basic responsibility of government.

On youth development and employment, the situation is equally troubling. Bauchi has a large youth population, yet structured job creation programmes, skills development initiatives, and innovation hubs remain limited. Human development — investment in people — is the true engine of sustainable growth. Sadly, many young people feel excluded from the state’s development story.

To be fair, the Bauchi State government has made visible efforts in road construction and flyover projects. These projects have improved urban movement and aesthetics. However, development experts consistently warn against placing infrastructure above human needs. Roads should serve people; people should not be sacrificed for roads. At this moment in Bauchi’s history, education, health, employment, and welfare demand greater urgency.

This is not a rejection of recognition or an attack on leadership. Rather, it is a call for honest reflection. Awards should align with measurable improvements in citizens’ lives. When recognition comes before widespread impact, it risks losing meaning.

True good governance is not proven in Abuja halls or award plaques. It is proven in functional classrooms, well-equipped hospitals, paid workers, empowered youths, and communities that feel seen and valued.

Bauchi State has the potential to rise. But that rise must be built on people, not just projects. Until then, the conversation about good governance must remain open, critical, and people-focused.

•Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman),

Bauchi.
December 18, 2025
As Ogun model schools turn miscreants’ hideouts
- By Kayode Awojobi
Sir: Quality education is the foundation of a quality future. This must have been the guiding vision of Senator Ibikunle Amosun, the former governor of Ogun State, when he initiated the Ogun Model School project in 2012 during his first tenure under the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria. The initiative, which was greeted with widespread excitement and hope by citizens, promised a new era of educational excellence in the state. Sadly, more than a decade later, that promise has failed to materialize, and what remains is a painful reminder of abandoned ambition and wasted public resources.

At inception, the cost of each model school was reportedly pegged at ₦750 million by the Amosun administration, while the then Commissioner for Education, late Barrister John Odubela, stated that the fully completed and equipped cost of each school stood at ₦1.3 billion. These figures reflected the seriousness of the project and the magnitude of public investment involved. Yet, despite the enormous sums expended, the schools have never lived up to their purpose. Instead of becoming models of excellence, they have become monuments of neglect.

Since their completion, most of the model schools either completed or not spread across the state has not functioned as intended. They have neither served students nor inspired educational reform. Rather, they have remained largely unused, abandoned, and left to decay. This neglect represents not just infrastructural failure but a profound disservice to the people whose taxes funded these projects.

One of the 26 model schools, named after a distinguished son of Ago-Iwoye and renowned biologist, Professor Sanya Onabamiro, exemplifies this tragedy. Located near the Ago-Iwoye Stadium, the multi-million-naira facility now lies deserted. What was once envisioned as a centre of academic excellence has been overtaken by weeds, reptiles, and decay. Equipment that was once installed has either been vandalized or completely carted away, further underscoring the waste of public funds.

Ironically, Amosun had assured citizens that these schools would boast exceptional facilities in science, technical education, agriculture, humanities, enterprise, and sports, complete with full boarding facilities to serve students from across the state. Today, those promises ring hollow when weighed against the reality on ground.

Although the Ago-Iwoye model school was reportedly completed in record time, years of abandonment have stripped it of its beauty and purpose. From a distance, the structure still hints at the thoughtful planning and substantial investment that went into its construction. Inside, however, chairs and desks are scattered haphazardly, while two adjoining structures believed to be hostels remain unused. The entire environment has been reclaimed by thick vegetation, making access difficult and turning the premises into a haven for criminals and miscreants. This situation now poses a serious security threat to residents living in the surrounding community.

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While it is unfortunate that the administration of Amosun failed to operationalize the model schools, it is even more disheartening that the current administration under Prince Dapo Abiodun has openly stated that the project is not a priority even though attention was given to a few of them. Regardless of political differences, it must be remembered that public funds were used to execute these projects. Allowing them to rot away is an affront to the citizens of Ogun State and a stain on successive administrations.

The present government still has an opportunity to right the wrongs of the past. These model schools can be revived and repurposed into functional educational institutions or transformed into vocational and technical centres that equip young people with practical skills. At a time when unemployment and youth restiveness are major challenges, such facilities could provide meaningful solutions and restore hope to countless families.

This is a call to action to the Ogun State government, the Ministry of Education, and all relevant stakeholders. The time has come to move beyond excuses and political blame games. These abandoned structures must either be rehabilitated, repurposed, or responsibly managed. Ogun State cannot continue to afford the luxury of wasted investments while its citizens struggle for access to quality education and skills.

Model schools should not be monuments of failure or hideouts for miscreants. They should be centres of learning, innovation, and hope. The authorities must act now, not only to reclaim these facilities but to restore public confidence and reaffirm their commitment to the future of education in Ogun State.

•‘Kayode Awojobi,

Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State.
December 18, 2025
Negative vibes and what upsets us as a people

Racism, bigotry, prejudice antisemitism, Islamophobia, Tribalism (ethnicism), sexism and homophobia and anti-communism etc. are what put us off because we just don’t like them or the people with whom we associate them with.

There are so many people in the current world whose lives are ruined by hatred for one thing or the other. There is of course nothing wrong in wanting to be with one’s type whether what unites one with others is language, race, or religion. But this does not extend to not wanting others of different hues, language or religion to be around.

One’s religion, race skin colour or ideology should not determine who one relates to. I have always believed that everyone has the right to meet or associate with anyone who has same ideas or with one who can add some virtue to one. Of course, the Almighty who made all of us made us differently as men and women, black, white, brown, yellow, Jews and gentiles, divided into five races namely Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Negroid, Australoid and Amerindian.

Caucasoid includes people from Europe, North Africa, the Middle East, and parts of central Asia and south Asia, characterized by light to olive skin and various hair and eye colours.

Mongoloid incudes people from Asia, the Arctic and Americas with yellow to brown skin tones.

Negroid includes people of African descent, with dark skins coiled hair and wide noses. Australoid includes indigenous populations from Australia, New Guinea and parts of South Asia characterized with dark brown to black skin tones and wavy to curly hair textures

Amerindian includes Native American with a mix of Mongoloid and other characteristics.

There have been debates over racial characterization because these five divisions do not cover mixtures of racial types. However there is broad agreement on three types of races namely Caucasoid, Negroid, and Mongoloid into which human beings fall into.

Racial categorization is really not the object of my article. I have dwelled on it to show how wrong even educated Nigerians are when they talk glibly about “Ibo race” “Yoruba race”, “Hausa” race. There is no such thing! However some Fulani types were regarded as Caucasians by some racist colonial administrators who favoured them in Nigeria. Physical features of some Fulani can have similarities with those of other Caucasians but not all of them have Caucasian features.

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Discrimination or even hatred based on whatever separates one man from another is just wrong and absurd and absolutely wrong. The situation in which the German Adolf Hitler and his Nazi party decided that Jews posed existential problems to the German nation was absolutely crazy. He then went ahead to industrially murder about six million of them who committed no crimes and just because they were of different religion than those of the ordinary Germans. The hatred of the Jews had always been a madness of all Europeans from the Atlantic to the Urals. Russian pogroms against the Jews were as odious as those of the Nazi but only different in scale.

Racism in France and the UK were a hindrance to human progress and Benjamin Disraeli had to become a baptized Jew before his talent as a politician was allowed to flourish. The story of the sentencing of Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an artillery officer in the French army who was accused of leaking military secrets to the Germans in 1894 epitomizes rampant anti-Semitism in France. Dreyfus was eventually pardoned after a spirited campaign by Emile Zola, a prominent French writer published his article “j’accuse”. Effort to silence Zola failed and attracted international attention. Dreyfus was eventfully freed in 1906. Even in the UK, anti-Semitism got close to the House of Windsor when Edward viii embraced national socialism before he abdicated and was accused of antisemitism. What happened in Germany was therefore not strange to followers of political trends in Europe.

The killing, a few days ago in Sydney, Australia, of 15 innocent people in a Jewish fun-fair of Hanukkah is related to the Benjamin Netanyahu war against Palestinians in which he slaughtered thousands in response to Palestinian killing of innocent Israelis. The Israeli prime minister is blaming the Australian prime minister of recognition of the non-existent Palestine for breeding anti-Semitism. It is clear to me that one act of hatred triggers another hateful action.

Coming home to Nigeria. There is so much mutual dislike if not hatred among the various ethnicities in Nigeria. It is so bad that if one does not share the same sentiments with the ethnic haters, one is almost considered a traitor against the group. In some places, homophobia is so rampant that a lesbian or homosexual is seen as a leper. What is tolerated in America is seen as a journey too far in Nigeria. This is why our government says Nigerians would rather starve to death than accept AID tied to toleration of same sex relationships.

As long as people of this orientation keep to themselves, one should, in my view not bother.

It is very dangerous when it gets to a situation of intolerance of other people based on even ideology. Communists are regularly persecuted in some western countries while a capitalist democrat would not be tolerated because such a person would be considered a danger to the state security.

There was a time in the USA when a senator, McCarthy led a national movement against communists as if they were some kind of vermin. Jimmy Lea at 78 faces a life sentence in People s Republic of China for holding on to his liberal political philosophy as against the communist ideology of the state. These days in Donald John Trump America, to be labelled a “liberal” is like a sentence of political death.

President Trump openly discriminates against black Africans and Haitians in preference to Norwegians or Scandinavian immigrants.

In America where there is a right to own weapons, dislike of the other person for whatever reason is dangerous and can lead to one life’s termination. Of course these differences have different implications. The racial discrimination is the most obvious and could be most significant in the life of anyone. It could, in most western countries, determine where you live, which institutions you go to, what hospitals you are allowed to go to when ill, it could determine your economic opportunities and who you associate with generally.

It sometimes controls what country’s visa is readily available to you .In other words your race is your destiny. As a black person, I have to be twice as good as my colleague to attract the same attention or recognition. It will probably not matter so much if hatred for others different from one were not tied to possession of nuclear weapons as threatened by the North Koreans and Americans when confronting each other or Americans and Chinese in their struggle for world domination if not now but in the future.

December 18, 2025
Gas flare commercialisation delivers gains for all
- By Akpandem James
For decades, the sight of roaring flames lighting up the night sky in Nigeria’s Niger Delta has been both a symbol of oil wealth and a reminder of environmental neglect. Gas flaring, long treated as an unavoidable by-product of crude oil production, has inflicted deep scars on host communities, degraded ecosystems, endangered public health and strained relations between oil producers and their hosts. Over time, these tensions contributed significantly to operational disruptions, community unrest and the eventual decision by some international oil companies to divest from onshore oil production in the region.

At the heart of this long-standing conflict lies environmental degradation, with gas flaring as one of its most visible and damaging manifestations. Beyond the obvious pollution of air, soil and water, flaring has been linked to respiratory illnesses, acid rain and heightened safety risks for communities living near oil facilities. For Nigeria, whose economy depends heavily on hydrocarbon revenues for foreign exchange earnings, the consequences extended beyond the Niger Delta, affecting national output, investor confidence and energy security.

These challenges formed part of the critical concerns addressed by the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, a landmark reform that redefined the regulatory and commercial framework of Nigeria’s petroleum sector.

Sections 104 to 108 of the Act introduced a comprehensive regime for prohibiting, penalising, measuring, managing and ultimately eliminating the flaring of natural gas during petroleum operations. This marked a decisive break from the Associated Gas Re-injection Act (AGRA) of 1979, which had permitted routine flaring with ministerial approval once operators submitted gas re-injection plans.

In practice, the old regime inadvertently encouraged flaring. Penalties for non-compliance were relatively low and often cheaper for operators than investing in gas utilisation infrastructure. The result was decades of routine flaring, with enormous environmental costs and lost economic value. The PIA reversed this logic by making flaring increasingly unattractive while creating clear incentives for gas capture and utilisation. It also streamlined milestone approvals for gas flare elimination facilities, ranging from concept design and front-end engineering design to detailed engineering approvals and final permits to operate, thus providing regulatory clarity and predictability for investors.

With the coming into effect of the PIA in August 2021 and the subsequent inauguration of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) in October 2021, Nigeria’s foremost upstream regulator, decisive steps were taken to confront what had become an Achilles heel of the petroleum sector. Central to this effort were clear regulatory guidelines and the relaunch of the Nigerian Gas Flare Commercialisation Programme (NGFCP) in September 2022.

The NGFCP was conceived as a market-driven solution to a decades-old environmental and economic problem. Its core objective is to transform flare gas from a long-standing liability into a valuable economic asset capable of driving industrial growth, strengthening energy security and significantly improving the sector’s environmental credentials. Rather than viewing flared gas as waste, the programme treats it as feedstock for power generation, LPG, petrochemicals and other gas-based industries.

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According to the commission’s chief executive, Gbenga Komolafe, the ambition is nothing short of transformational. “The target was to end a decades-long challenge and replace it with a wealth-generating, climate-positive opportunity,” he said.

By allocating flare sites to competent third-party developers through a transparent and competitive process, Nigeria has activated what he describes as a globally innovative commercial model—one in which waste is converted into value and environmental challenges give way to investment opportunities.

The scale of the programme is significant. The NGFCP targets 49 flare sites across land, swamp and shallow offshore terrains, with aggregate flare volumes estimated at between 250 and 300 million standard cubic feet of gas per day by 2027. Individual sites range from 0.5 to 30 mmscf/d, offering opportunities for both small modular projects and larger gas utilisation schemes. Supported by the fiscal incentives embedded in the PIA, the programme is expected to attract up to $7.2 billion in investment capital while delivering annual emissions reductions of between six and seven million tonnes of CO₂ equivalent.

Beyond climate benefits, the economic implications are far-reaching. Increased gas supply into the domestic market will deepen in-country value addition, stimulate gas-based industrialisation and reduce reliance on imported fuels. For host communities in the Niger Delta, the programme promises cleaner air, new infrastructure, employment opportunities and enhanced social development. For oil producers, it offers relief from flare penalties, reduced environmental and operational liabilities and improved environmental, social and governance (ESG) performance—an increasingly important factor in global investment decisions.

The NGFCP also aligns fully with Nigeria’s Energy Transition Plan (ETP) and its Nationally Determined Contributions under global climate frameworks. As noted by Komolafe, the programme is not merely a policy initiative but a core pillar in Nigeria’s effort to eliminate routine flaring, reduce greenhouse gas emissions and enhance the country’s credibility in international energy transition commitments.

Progress under the programme has been steady. To date, 28 frontline NGFCP awardees have been issued final permits to access flare gas, marking a critical transition from planning to implementation. The programme itself has been structured in three phases: the bidding process, which began in 2023 and culminated in the announcement of 42 awardees in September of that year; a negotiation phase in 2024 covering technical, commercial and contractual terms, followed by permit issuance in 2025; and a final execution phase, scheduled to commence in 2026, aimed at delivering actual flare-out projects.

This transition was formally underscored on Friday, December 12, when the NUPRC issued Permits to Access Flare Gas (PAFG) under the 2022 NGFCP. Presiding over the ceremony, Komolafe described the event as a milestone achievement for Nigeria’s upstream sector, a strategic inflection point signalling the shift from legacy challenges to market-driven solutions that unlock economic opportunities, strengthen energy security, reduce emissions and improve operational efficiency across the industry.

More importantly, the issuance of permits marked the end of commercial negotiations and the beginning of real project execution. It signalled a fundamental change in how flare gas is perceived, not as waste or an environmental burden, but as a commercially viable resource capable of driving industrial growth and national prosperity. In regulatory terms, it represented a decisive move from policy design and bidding to tangible implementation under the NGFCP.

The achievements recorded so far are notable. The programme has awarded 49 flare sites across three terrains to 42 bidders, attracted an estimated $2 billion in foreign direct investment for gas development projects and placed Nigeria as a pioneer in structured flare gas commercialisation. It has also created a fast track towards fulfilling the presidential mandate of deepening domestic gas utilisation while enhancing local participation in the sector.

Recognising that success depends on effective delivery, the NUPRC has established continuous support mechanisms for permit holders. These include streamlined regulatory approvals, hands-on guidance through a dedicated NGFCP Project Management Office, facilitation of access to financing, including carbon finance in collaboration with development partners, and sustained advocacy for international support.

However, the responsibilities are clearly shared. Producers are obligated to deliver flare gas in line with agreed quantities and quality, ensure accurate metering and transparent reporting, provide safe access to flare sites and align host community engagements with permit holders. Permit holders, on their part, must design, finance, build and operate gas gathering and utilisation facilities to approved technical and safety standards, meet flare-out milestones, maintain robust health, safety and environmental systems, and manage fair relationships with host communities.

Once projects commence, routine gas flaring is expected to cease, except in limited emergency situations expressly permitted by regulation. The ultimate expectation is clear: visible projects on the ground that convert flare stacks into engines of economic value.

If fully implemented, gas flare commercialisation under the NGFCP will stand as one of the most consequential reforms in Nigeria’s upstream petroleum sector. It offers a compelling example of how environmental responsibility can be aligned with economic growth, delivering cleaner air for communities, operational relief for oil firms and sustainable value for the national economy. In extinguishing the flames of routine flaring, Nigeria may well be lighting the path to a more resilient, inclusive and climate-conscious energy future.

•James, Fellow of the Nigerian Guild of Editors is a member, Governing Board of the Nigerian Institute of Journalists, Lagos.
December 18, 2025
Emergency power: Supreme verdict for the ages

Outside a validly declared state of emergency, the President possesses no power whatsoever to interfere with state executive or legislative institutions – Supreme Court

WITH THESE REMARKS, the Supreme Court, has once and for all, cleared the air over a vexed provision under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) dealing with the extraordinary measures that the President can take in a state where he has declared a state of emergency. By the way, the statement was made in passing, and I believe that it was deliberate on the part of their Lordships .

It was made in passing because the court went out of its way to do so, after holding that it has no jurisdiction to hear the case which it equally held that the plaintiffs had no locus standi (legal right) to file. The case was instituted by 11 states against the state of emergency declared in Rivers on March 18 by Predident Bola Tinubu. He also suspended the governor, his deputy and the House of Assembly. All the institutions were restored on September 18.

For long, the court had shied away from speaking on Section 305 under which the President can declare a state of emergency in any part of the country under certain conditions in order to restore peace, law and order. These conditions are, among others, when the nation is at war; under real or imminent threat of danger; and the breakdown of law and order.

For reasons best known to the apex court when similar cases came to it in the past, it refrained from making any pronouncement on the section, preferring to, as they say, ‘blow muted trumpet’ by allowing the issue to pass. For instance, it struck out the suit brought against the state of emergency declared in Plateau State by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2004 for want of jurisdiction and allowed the matter to end there. Obasanjo suspended then Governor Joshua Dariye and the House of Assembly in the wake of the emergency. President Tinubu did the same thing in Rivers 10 months ago.

So, the Plateau and Rivers cases are ‘on all fours’. But something changed in the Rivers case. The court came out boldly to pronounce on Section 305, perhaps to settle for all time the unending row over whether or not the President can suspend a governor, his deputy and the state legislature where there is a state of emergency.

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It is obvious that the Supreme Court’s decision is in response to calls to lend its voice to the matter and lay it to rest forever. This column was among those that made such calls. In a March 27 article titled: Much ado about Section 305, we appealed to the court to so act so that the nation can benefit from its wisdom. Part of the article is reproduced below, with the rest concluded online.

An institution like the Supreme Court should not keep mute when the nation is confronted with serious legal and constitutional matters because of mere technicality such as want of jurisdiction. It should go into the merit of the case and make its stand known for good or for ill. The court should not be too legalistic on such matters, and the issue of Section 305 is one of them. There are times that the court should not talk too much law in order to resolve certain issues in the national interest. It has done well to speak on Section 305 without being inhibited by the technical issue of jurisdiction. It does not have to make a declarative, consequential or injunctive order on every case to achieve this.

It is not always that the court should use the force of law to correct things. At times, moral force achieves more than the force of law because once the Supreme Court speaks whether on the merit of a case or not, its name would do the rest. The court’s name alone is enough authority on any matter. When you hear: ‘the Supreme Court has said…’, you sit up and ask no further questions.

It is in the light of this that some people are now dissipating energy on whether the court in the Rivers case upheld the President’s power to suspend a governor, his deputy and the state assembly during a state of emergency. If the majority decision did not uphold that power, what then did it say? The quote at the top of this essay is clear and unambiguous and it comes from the lead judgment. It is not written in French or Latin, but in plain, simple English. Again, if the majority decision did not uphold the President’s power to so act during an emergency, why then is there a dissenting judgment?

I believe the dissenting Justice’s action was informed by his disagreement with his Learned Brothers’ stand. Although, the position might have come as an opinion (obiter dictum) in the course of the judgment which struck out the suit for lack of jurisdiction, it amounts to Intellectual fraud for anybody to want to twist the statement. What those arguing this way wanted was for the court to disclaim the President’s action and upbraid him for what they consider as undermining the Constitution. Thus, all this their noise about the Supreme Court not upholding the President’s power to suspend some democratic institutions during a state of emergency.

They should hold their breath and wait for the certified true copy (CTC) of the judgment. No matter the noise, what is written has been written and cannot be altered. The Supreme Court, the judicial oracle in Abuja, has spoken and so be it.

December 18, 2025
Cannibal economy

When Dangote Refinery reduced the price of petrol to N739 per litre, Nigeria did not erupt with relief. Instead, it went quiet. There was no buzz over fare reduction at the motor parks or recalibration of metres at the fuel stations; there was no easing of food prices in markets already booby-trapped with hardship. Life remained hard and unforgiving, as before.

Yet everyone knows what would happen if Aliko Dangote increased fuel price. If petrol soars to N1,000 per litre tomorrow, Nigeria would instantly convulse. Before the news settles on the airwaves, prices would already be in flight. Transport fares would leap and traders would reprice goods on anticipation alone. Panic would spread and once again become the most valuable commodity in the Nigerian economy.

This our reality. Nigeria’s truest fate is scarcely written in policy documents or election manifestos, but in the unguarded, bitty moments of our daily life. It manifests in the market stall, where commodity prices are maniacally jerked upwards, in the motor park where travel fares are randomly adjusted by insolent transporters, and in the landlords’ quorum where house-rents are arbitrarily increased without explanation or compassion.

This is where Nigeria reveals itself, most honestly, as a living temperament. And what that temperament increasingly reveals is a country locked in an intimate, exhausting war with itself.

There is persistent cry over hardship, but the citizenry, for all their lament cuddle their pain; they study it closely, acquire its rhythms, and subsequently reproduce it with frightening efficiency.

Nigerians have trained themselves to respond more enthusiastically to bad news than to relief. So, when fuel prices rise by even the smallest margin, markets erupt with inflated prices. Every trader and artisan suddenly discover a reason to increase the price of his wares and services. From bread, tubers, onions, rice, water, to transport, plumbing, and rent, nothing is off limits to the bandit merchants. The logic is rarely interrogated; it is enough that a reason exists. They cite inflation as a slogan rather than a measurable reality.

But when fuel prices fall, logic evaporates and memory falters. Everyone suddenly remembers old stock, high overheads, invisible costs. The same petrol price that justified yesterday’s increases becomes irrelevant today. What disappears in these moments is scarcely economic sense, but ethical restraint.

We amplify disaster because it permits us to overcharge, hoard, and excuse predation. Hardship gives moral cover. Progress, on the other hand, is treated with suspicion, as though it were temporary or undeserved. Good news is received quietly, if at all, and rarely allowed to alter behaviour.

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This is not how rational economies function. It is how maimed societies behave. Such economic bad faith is less the flaw of a faceless system and more the machination of a bandit populace—ordinary Nigerians—who have learned that there is little social cost to exploiting relief when it appears.

Somewhere along the way, we unclasped morality from pricing. We stopped asking whether an increase was fair, necessary, or humane. We asked only one question: Can I get away with it?

That question has wrecked us. Today, a 45-minute flight from Lagos to Owerri can cost N400,000. A road journey on a commercial bus drains N80,000 from commuter pockets. House rents rise arbitrarily, detached from value and reason, and supermarkets owners change price tags with the casualness of a fickle weather.

And yet, petrol prices are relatively steady. The forex market, while strained, is not in free fall. The sacred barometers—fuel and dollar—have stopped swinging wildly. So why are we still bleeding?

Perhaps, because the real inflation is no longer monetary. It is moral.

What remains, then, is intention. We have crossed from inflation into something grislier. Some would call it market behaviour; but I would call it predation. We are no longer merely reacting to hardship; we are deepening it.

There is a particular irony in how easily we ask, why life is so hard and why nothing works. For a people who practice the very injustices they protest against, this is markedly cheap and delusive.

It is within this moral context that the petrol price reduction by Dangote Refinery must be examined soberly, not romantically. Professor Wumi Iledare’s warning that Nigerians should not rejoice over the billionaire’s gift is neither hostility nor pessimism; it is caution from someone who understands that a nation’s market may plummet especially during its purported boom era.

Relief without structure can be deceptive. A single dominant supplier, even one welcomed as a national saviour, can gradually stifle competition if regulation is weak and applause too loud and unquestioning. Today’s price cut can, without firm oversight, become tomorrow’s market control. Monopoly rarely announces itself as a threat. It often arrives as efficiency, convenience, and national pride.

That is why the administration of President Bola Tinubu must resist the temptation to outsource reform to private intervention. An enabling environment shouldn’t thrive on cronyism, but on clear rules and oversight, transparent allocation, and fierce protection of competition.

Yet, even the most robust regulatory framework will struggle in a society where ethical limits are breached. Thus, Nigeria will either perish or survive on the moral habits of its people. It all begins in the family, the first and most influential institution of all. The family teaches restraint, fairness, empathy, or fails to. From there emerges the individual, personifying those lessons in public spaces. Individuals form institutions—markets, schools, churches, unions—that reflect private ethics at scale. From these institutions emerges society, and from society, government.

Government is not an alien force imposed from outer space. It is society invested with power. Humans give both government and civilisation character, and constitute the fragments from which nations are assembled. Thus, when families normalise sharp practices, markets grow ruthless. When dishonesty is excused at home, its permeates social institutions, rotting all to the core. The society that rewards cunning over conscience, suffers transactional leadership.

This is why the line Nigerians draw between themselves and their government is often dishonest. The landlord who raises rent without justification condemns state exploitation. The trader who inflates prices protests inflation. The transporter who refuses fare reduction curses leadership failure. Yet, leadership rarely invents cruelty; it simply magnifies it.

Sometimes, the bad leadership we complain about is simply a perfect reflection of who we are. National rebirth, therefore, cannot be legislated into existence, it must be practically lived. It requires a re-education of instinct, a deliberate refusal to profit from another person’s pain. True rebirth demands that relief be allowed to mean relief, not merely another opportunity to extract advantage.

Nigerians must acknowledge improvement when it occurs, however briefly, and let it manifest through news pages, markets and motor parks with the same speed as bad news. Good citizenship is not only about what we can take, but also what we are willing to restrain.

It’s about time we embraced a humane path to national rebirth: easing another person’s burden is not foolishness. It is survival in a shared space. Until this lesson is learned, fuel price cuts will remain symbolic gestures and governments will cycle endlessly through blame and disappointment.

Nigeria’s greatest enemy has never been external. It has always been internal: in the citizens’ eagerness to exploit one another and call it business.

Nigeria must stop feeding on itself, lest it becomes trapped in an exhausting loop, endlessly fighting its own reflection and wondering why it never wins.

December 18, 2025
Bago’s honesty

How many first-term state governors in Nigeria are focused on governing, and are undistracted by their ambition to secure a second term in office? There are 18 first-term governors currently in office.

This is a critical question. On December 12, during a mass swearing-in of 30 commissioners and 25 local government chairmen, Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago made remarks that highlighted a tension between governance and political survival.

It was a rare moment of political transparency. Bago said: “There are some steps I ought to have taken to move the state forward but I dare not because of fear that taking such decisions would affect my victory in 2027. For example, some people who failed examinations and should have been sanctioned one way or the other could not be punished because of second term ambition.”

Because of this internal conflict, Bago became a vocal advocate for a single-term limit for governors, arguing that it would allow a leader to be “more focused from the beginning to the end.”

“I am an advocate of a single term for governors,” he stated, adding, “Everything in Niger State is being politicised and because of this, more decisive actions cannot be taken. There are some people I want to sack but I cannot. As the governor, I am preoccupied with the search for a second term in office and as a result, governance is suffering and this is why one term is better to serve because you will be more focused from the beginning to the end of your one term tenure.”

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Based on Bago’s own logic—that the system itself forces distraction—the number of “undistracted” governors is likely very small. Whatever the first-term governors might achieve, how much more could they have done if they weren’t pursuing re-election?

Is a single term the solution? Interestingly, Bago didn’t elaborate on the specifics of his proposal, leaving the ideal tenure for such a single term undefined.

Analysts estimate that if governors weren’t pursuing re-election, they could be 30 to 40 percent more effective in their first term. The drive for a second term tends to skew decisions, appointments, and even the budget, they argue.

The ultimate casualties are the people; they are shortchanged because a first-term governor pursuing re-election is often forced to sacrifice the public interest at the altar of political survival.

Governor Bago’s honesty exposed the reality that second-term ambition may well be the single greatest distraction to effective governance in the country.

December 18, 2025