The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Insecurity and northern elites

    Insecurity and northern elites

    • By Kola Amzat

    Sir: Quite a number of well-meaning Nigerians, respected diplomats, as well as religious leaders have passionately appealed to President Bola Tinubu to replicate across Nigeria, the same decisiveness and spirit of urgency he deployed to abort recent coup in Republic of Benin, to tackle the challenges of insurgence, banditry and general unending insecurity across the country.

    With no shadow of doubt, the ruthlessness and breath-taking fashion of Nigerian troops in routing out Benin Republic coup plotters underscores what Nigeria armed forces are capable of doing…internally and externally, if the circumstances are right.

    For emphasis, Nigeria troops significantly contributed to the final collapse of apartheid in South Africa.   Nigerian troops were the military backbone of the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) from 2003-2018, assisting to ultimately restore security and orderliness into the country that had been ravaged by brutal civil war.

    Militarily, Nigeria troops were towering and indomitable in peacekeeping efforts in Congo, Chad, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Darfur, as well as providing military assistance to Gambia and Tanzania. 

    How come it’s taking the same armed forces decades to neutralize the internal banditry, insurgency and criminality?

    How come there are discordant tunes amongst the military in the North, West, South and East of Nigeria, a challenge alien to the armed forces of that glorious time?

    For the avoidance of doubt, the problem of militating against this government is an internal challenge, rooted in the entrenched interest of the Northern group of elites.  

    In the North-west, North-east and North-central where there are preponderance of bandits, insurgents and criminals, the political leaders and traditional rulers have over decades paid little or no attention to the very powerful and stupendously wealthy men, as well as financiers of terrorists, who together hold the country by the jugular.

    Until the men in authority and power that be, in the northern regions collaborate and resolve to work in conjunction with the Tinubu government in its efforts to deal and completely neutralize the key figures and the so-called untouchables in the north who now control the bands of criminals and militias in the region, the criminals would continue to hold the nation to ransom.

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    Instructively, the identities of these men, funding terrorism were disclosed in 2017 when UAE authority arrested, prosecuted and convicted six Nigerians alongside other foreign terrorism sponsors.

    For the president and federal government to make significant headway in combating criminality, banditry and insurgency, northern authority must collaborate with the government in order to draw curtains on the activity of these agents of darkness.   

    It’s also important to emphasize the high level of frustration in the densely populated north, challenge necessitated by wide-scale poverty, low-level of education amongst the generality of citizenry, very poor health schemes, and generally non-exposure of millions of northern youths.

    With the diverse challenges highlighted above, the continually hungry teeming youths, with little or no care, coupled with scourge of illiteracy, are easily attracted and recruited into criminality and banditry.

    It’s indeed unfortunate that quite a number of northern stakeholders have continually been making reckless pronouncements drawing comparison between insurgents in the North and militants in the Niger Delta region, a deliberate attempt aimed at subjecting the government to pressure to adopt the same treatment for the two separate groups.

    The two groups are never the same. They don’t fight for the same cause! They’re obviously not driven by the same agenda!

    For Nigeria therefore to triumph in the battle against banditry and insurgency, the northern elites must arise and work in concert with the government.

    The north must dutifully accept that the region contributed to the unrest and general climate of insecurity in their region, and by extension, all over Nigeria.

    They must accept that the wide-scale insecurity in the north is what has overflown to other regions, causing breaking down of law and order.

    •Kola Amzat (FCA, FCIB),

    Lagos.

  • Still on indigenous languages as mode of instruction in schools

    Still on indigenous languages as mode of instruction in schools

    • By Chiedu Uche Okoye

    Sir: A man, who cannot speak his native language, is a cultural alien; and as such, he cannot be socialized into his people’s culture. Language, we know, belongs to the non-material aspect of culture. So, idioms and proverbs, which are inherent in a language, help to mould the personalities of young people within the cultural setting where the language is spoken.

    So, a man who cannot speak his native language is not moored to his people’s culture. He is an outsider in his own cultural milieu.

    A young person’s mastery of his native tongue will enhance his cognitive ability and his understanding of his immediate natural environment. Studies carried out by scholars show the advantages of teaching school children in their mother tongues during their formative years.

    Those studies show that when school children are taught in their native languages, they will understand complex concepts and phenomena, easily. And the experiments carried out in Yorubaland by scholars in the area of education psychology have proved that kids taught in Yoruba language in the southwest performed exceedingly well. The results of those studies have fuelled the agitation for the adoption of the educational policy that stipulates that school children should be taught in their native tongues.

    But that policy- which is teaching school children in their native languages-has its disadvantages, too. Although it is being romanticized by advocates of the use of indigenous languages as mode of instruction in our schools, it has numerous downsides, which demand dispassionate evaluation and dissection.

    Are all Nigerian languages so developed that they have words for terms used in all specialized areas of learning? And do dialects in a language, such as Igbo, have a common orthography? The answers to these questions are categorical no.

    Therefore, imparting knowledge to school children, who speak different dialects of a language, will be a difficult task for a teacher, as the children will find the teacher’s teaching unintelligible. For example, some Igbo people cannot understand Igbo language dialects but their own dialect. So it can be seen that most of our native languages are inadequate as modes of transmission of knowledge to school children.

    Again, a public or private primary school located in a cosmopolitan city will have a population of pupils that is composed of pupils from diverse ethnic backgrounds. Such a school can be called a mini-Nigeria because most of our ethnic groups are represented there. Making a choice regarding the language that will be used to teach the school children in the school will pose an insurmountable problem to the school administrators.

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    More so, the school teachers require training in the indigenous languages to enhance their proficiency in the use of those languages for pedagogy. Giving them the fundamental training in native languages will cost our government a stupendous amount of money.

    So when the pros and cons of using indigenous languages as languages of instruction in our schools are juxtaposed side by side, it will be discovered that the disadvantages of that proposed educational policy far outweigh its advantages.

    Our clamour for the adoption of indigenous languages is predicated on the fear that the non-use of local languages in our schools will make them become extinct. But such fears are unfounded and baseless. Nigerians who live outside their ethnic groups speak their respective native languages. And surprisingly, some Nigerian youths who were born in foreign countries speak their native languages, fluently. Can a language that is used daily by its owners become extinct?

    Let us not sacrifice English language, our official language, on the altar of linguistic moonshine, which is canonized as the promotion of native tongues. From Australia to America, and from Ghana to London, English language is spoken by a great number of earth’s inhabitants. It is the language of diplomacy, the language of commerce, the language of law, the language of laity, and the language of science.

    To jettison English language as the language of instruction in our schools will impede the growth we are making in the area of education. We should not forget that education is the bedrock of national development. So it behoves us to board the vehicle that will take us to our destination in no time.

    •Chiedu Uche Okoye,

    Uruowulu-Obosi, Anambra State.

  • Schools closure and the disease of rhotacism

    Schools closure and the disease of rhotacism

    • By Charles Dickson

    The inability to pronounce the letter r is called rhotacism—a quiet irony in speech pathology, where sufferers lack the tongue to name their condition. Nigeria today appears afflicted by a similar policy disorder: incapacity to articulate the real threats to learning, safety, and development, while endlessly announcing their symptoms. The reflexive closure of schools across states, often with the federal government’s blessing, is not merely a security response; it is a linguistic failure of governance. We cannot pronounce the problem, so we silence the classroom.

    At surface level, school closures masquerade as prudence. No leader wants abducted children, grieving parents, viral outrage. But development practice teaches us to distrust surface logic. If classrooms are unsafe, what calculus deems campuses secure? If primary schools are closed in the name of vulnerability, why do lecture halls hum, convocation grounds fill, churches and mosques swell, markets bustle, and political rallies roar? The policy geometry is incoherent. Risk does not dissolve with age brackets or academic levels; it migrates along opportunity lines. Violence, like water, flows where barriers are weakest—not where regulations are loudest.

    The headline figures tell a damning story. Over 42,000 schools categorized as vulnerable. A $30 million Safe School Initiative announced, lauded, and then largely evaporated into PowerPoint memory. What exactly has closure achieved in this arithmetic? If risk prompted closure, closure must prompt mitigation. Yet what we witness is substitution, not solution. Strategy is replaced by symbolism. Doors are shut to demonstrate action while the engines of threat, the logistics, financing, intelligence gaps, and ungoverned spaces remain scandalously intact.

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    The first ethical question is not poetic distrust; it is arithmetic ethics. How many days of learning are lost per closure? How many children drift permanently out of school into child labour, early marriage, recruitment pipelines, or migration traps? Empirical evidence across fragile contexts, from the Sahel to Northeast Nigeria, shows that prolonged closures fracture educational trajectories irreversibly. A classroom shut today becomes a livelihood foreclosed tomorrow. When education systems stall, insecurity does not retreat; it recruits.

    Development is not administered by press statements. It is built through boring, relentless infrastructure—data infrastructure, trust infrastructure, and response infrastructure.

    Consider Community Early Warning Systems (CEWS). Where they exist and function, attacks are anticipated, routes mapped, and escalation interrupted. Where they are absent, closure becomes the blunt instrument of last resort.

    Yet how many states have meaningfully integrated CEWS into school security architecture? How many have empowered bodies to convene multi-actor protection coalitions that include women, youth, traditional leaders, transport unions, and faith networks? The chalk does not hold risk; the cheque does. And the cheque has been shamefully mute.

     Security is not the absence of pupils; it is the presence of intelligence. Closing schools without opening data is policy rhotacism. We cannot pronounce “threat mapping,” so we mouth “shutdown.” We cannot say “transport node vulnerability,” so we say “holiday.” We cannot articulate “perimeter hardening and community interception routes,” so we declare “postponement.” The oxygen of risk—enrolment points, travel corridors, marketplaces abutting school fences requires monitoring in real time. If threat mapping did not intensify the moment schools closed, then the threat merely changed address, not behaviour.

    The contradiction deepens when worship spaces remain open. Christian Association of Nigeria congregations gather. Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs convenes faithful. If the doctrine is crowd risk, the exemptions are indefensible. If the doctrine is youth vulnerability, then universities must not be exempt. If the doctrine is intelligence deficit, then closure is an admission of systemic failure. You cannot claim safety by relocating learning into chaos. Faith spaces recognize a truth policy forgets: protection flows from relationship density. The congregation knows its strangers. Does the school gate?

    Globally, contexts plagued by school-related violence have moved in the opposite direction—not toward retreat, but toward smart hardening. Drone reconnaissance over school corridors. AI-assisted risk scoring that fuses incident data, weather, market days, and movement patterns. Platforms to defuse land, grazing, and community disputes before they metastasize into school-adjacent violence. Psychosocial resilience units embedded in schools. Community rangers trained, insured, and supervised, not as vigilantes but as guardians accountable to law. Transparent pilots with public dashboards. Sanctions for local leaders who ignore warning signals. None of this is theoretical.

    Because closure is administratively convenient. It transfers responsibility from execution to explanation. Once schools are shut, failure becomes abstract. Metrics blur. When exactly did the risk reduce? Who measures it? At what threshold does reopening occur? Without benchmarks, closure becomes the chief KPI of insecurity governance. That is not security architecture; it is security bureaucracy—forms without force, memos without muscle.

    Local Government Areas on volatile frontiers—whether in Niger State or Kogi are living laboratories of conciliation culture. Traditional dispute resolution, faith mediation, women-led early warning, youth intelligence networks; these are not weaknesses to be ignored until Abuja’s biro approves boots on the ground. They are strengths to be funded, trained, and supervised. Development practice demands co-design. Are LGA leaders co-authoring protection protocols, or passively awaiting circulars? Centralization kills time; time kills children’s futures.

    The opportunity costs of closure are staggering and gendered. Girls pay first and longest. Distance learning fantasies collapse where electricity, devices, and safety at home are uneven. Boys drift into non-state labour or armed networks promising income and belonging. Teachers disengage. Trust between communities and state frays further. When schools finally reopen—if they do—the damage is cumulative. Closure does not pause risk; it compounds it.

    There is also a moral hazard. Normalizing closure teaches adversaries what works. Disrupt learning to extract concessions. Threaten the symbol to paralyze the system. Deterrence requires resilience. A state that keeps schools open while hardening them sends a different signal: intimidation will not erase futures.

    To be clear, this is not romantic defiance. There are moments when temporary closure is warranted. But temporary requires temporality: timelines, triggers, alternatives. Closure without an accompanying surge in intelligence, infrastructure, and accountability is futility dressed as care. It is rhotacism—the inability to name and thus cure the disease.

    So the unperfumed questions must persist. What exactly is being done differently today that was not urgent yesterday? Where are the transparent pilots funded by the Safe School Initiative? Who owns the dashboards? Which perimeters were hardened, which routes monitored, which sanctions enforced? Who measures risk reduction, and when is bureaucracy upgraded into architecture?

    Shutting schools may shelter minds briefly. But without strategy that attacks the root—financing of violence, data blindness, local exclusion, and accountability gaps—it only shelters the conscience of policy. Until answers arrive with evidence of execution, Nigeria’s schools are not closed for safety. They are closed for convenience. And convenience, like rhotacism, leaves us unable to pronounce the truth.

    •Prince Dickson, PhD, is a development & media practitioner.

  • Benin’s failed coup: Three factors behind the takeover attempt

    Benin’s failed coup: Three factors behind the takeover attempt

    • By John Joseph Chin

    Military elements attempted to topple Benin’s government in early December 2025. However, unlike other coups across the Sahel and West Africa since 2020, this bid triggered a military response from Benin’s neighbours.

    Benin is a West African state of 14.8 million people bordered by Togo, Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria.

    Responding to two requests for assistance from the government of President Patrice Talon, Nigeria deployed fighter jets and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deployed elements of its standby force to target and dislodge the pro-coup forces.

    ECOWAS intervention likely played an important role in undermining the coup’s momentum and restoring order. The dozen or so putschists scored early tactical successes. They captured and broadcast from the national television station, occupied a military camp, and even took the two senior-most army officers hostage. But once ECOWAS intervened militarily, any fence-sitters concluded that loyalists would prevail. Rather than a broad-based uprising, only 14 were arrested with a few plotters still at large.

    I’m a scholar who maintains the Colpus dataset of coups and I have documented the history of post-second world war coups. As part of this work, I have sought to document the complex causes and effects of Africa’s post-2020 “epidemic of coups”, now entering its fifth year.

    Though details remain scant on the motives of the coup plotters led by Lt. Col. Pascal Tigri, three structural factors likely contributed to the latest coup attempt:

    Growing autocracy under Talon since 2016

    Rising jihadist violence in Benin’s north that is spilling over from Sahel neighbours

    Deepening coup contagion as Africa’s coup belt now threatens the West African region.

    From democratic backsliding to democratic U-turn?

    Benin does not have a history of recent coups. It had not suffered a bona fide coup attempt since January 1975.

    In the first 15 years after independence from France in 1960, Dahomey (as the country was then called) experienced nine coup attempts, making it one of the most coup-prone countries in sub-Saharan Africa during the early Cold War period.

    However, political instability through the early 1970s gave way to the stable and durable personalist regime of Mathieu Kérékou (1972-1990). This was followed by electoral democracy after the Cold War.

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    Until recently, Benin had been heralded as one of Africa’s “democratic outliers” and success cases of democratic survival despite challenging conditions. Though poor, Benin has seen decades of improving average living standards. Economic growth in 2025 was 7.5%; the latest unrest cannot be blamed on poverty or an economic crisis.

    However, data on three key dimensions of democracy shows that although electoral contestation and participation have endured, constraints on the executive (and thus liberal democracy overall) have declined in Benin since Talon’s election as president in 2016.

    According to autocratic regime data from US political scientists Barbara Geddes, Joe Wright and Erica Frantz as well as the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project (which surveys experts about democracy worldwide), Benin slipped back into an electoral autocracy in 2019. That is when opposition candidates were prevented from competing in parliamentary elections. The polls were marred by repression of mass protests and an internet shutdown.

    In 2021, an electoral boycott led to Talon’s easy re-election.

    V-Dem data show a very partial and incomplete democratic rebound since 2022. The opposition was allowed to compete in the January 2023 parliamentary elections. And earlier this year Talon confirmed that he would not seek an unconstitutional third term.

    The potential for a coup, however, was foreshadowed last fall when the regime alleged that it had uncovered a coup plot involving a presidential hopeful in 2026. Last month, parliament’s vote to create a Senate was condemned by the opposition as allowing Talon a means to influence affairs after he steps down.

    With the main opposition party barred from running in next year’s presidential election, Talon is expected to hand off power to his ally and finance minister, Romuald Wadagni.

    Though the political leanings of Tigri and coup plotters remain unclear, Tigri claimed to seek to “free the people from dictatorship”.

    The coup makers also presumably sought to block the upcoming 2026 parliamentary and presidential elections.

    A growing jihadist threat

    Among the coup leaders’ key complaints was Talon’s mismanagement of the country. In particular, they cited “continuing deterioration of the security situation in northern Benin and “the ignorance and neglect of the situation of our brothers in arms who have fallen at the front” due to worsening jihadist violence.

    A number of coups in nearby countries since 2020 have been preceded by rising levels of political violence and deepening insecurity born of jihadist insurgencies. That was certainly the case in Mali, Burkina Faso and to a lesser extent Niger.

    Since last year, it has been clear that the jihadist violence was spilling over from Sahel neighbours such as Burkina Faso and Niger into the borderlands of West Africa. This included Benin’s north. ACLED data show a major increase in political violence events since 2022. And a spike in political fatalities in 2024.

    Much of this increased violence is attributable to the advance of operations by the al-Qaida affiliated group Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM). The group also managed to launch its first fatal attack in Nigeria at the end of October.

    Russia has become the primary security partner for the Sahel Alliance. The defence pact was signed in 2023 by post-coup juntas of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to defeat jihadists and maintain power.

    Nevertheless, Benin has continued to rely on western security partners to aid its counter-insurgency efforts and bolster border security. Notably, Benin continues to welcome military cooperation with France. Since 2022 Paris has pledged greater military aid to combat terrorism.

    In September, US Africa Command commander General Dagvin Anderson visited Benin to underscore cooperation to oppose terrorism.

    During the coup attempt, Tigri reportedly warned against French intervention and railed against “imperialism”. The speech reportedly ended with the phrase “The Republic or Death”, which echoes the new motto of Burkina Faso’s junta.

    This suggests that the coup makers may have been inspired by others in the Sahel.

    Risk of the coup belt expanding

    The Benin events mark the third coup attempt and first failed coup this year in the Sahel region. There have been 17 coup attempts in Africa since 2020, including 11 successful coups. This makes the African coup belt stretching across the Sahel and West Africa the global epicentre of coups.

    West Africa’s latest “copycat” coup attempt was condemned by the African Union, European Union and ECOWAS. Yet it was praised by pro-Russian social media accounts, reflecting a growing cleavage between the Russia-aligned juntas of the Sahel Alliance and the remaining ECOWAS -aligned civilian regimes of West Africa.

    Although Nigeria-led ECOWAS threatened military intervention after the coup in Niger in July 2023, the regional body only actually militarily intervened to defeat the coup attempt in Benin. Nigeria, it appears, has drawn a line in the sand to retain a buffer from further instability – including JNIM operations. On the same day of the coup attempt in Benin, it was reported that Nigeria was seeking greater aid from France to combat insecurity.

    •Chin is assistant teaching professor of strategy and technology, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, United States. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. https://theconversation.com/benins-failed-coup-three-factors-behind-the-takeover-attempt-271540”

  • Microbial resistance: How farms, clinics, and markets are driving crisis

    Microbial resistance: How farms, clinics, and markets are driving crisis

    • By Emeka Umezurike

    Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) which is the ability of bacteria, viruses, fungi, and parasites to survive and multiply despite being treated with medicines and agents designed to kill them is no longer a distant threat in Nigeria. This silent crisis is becoming increasingly urgent. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), more than 60,000 Nigerians die every year as a result of AMR. 

    The concept of One Health is a concept which recognizes that the human well-being is deeply connected to the health of animals and the environment. In the context of AMR, that means the misuse of antibiotics in livestock, the spread of resistant microbes through markets and waste, and overuse in clinics are not separate problems but they are tightly interwoven.

    On Nigeria’s poultry farms, antibiotic use is rampant, sometimes not to treat illness but to accelerate growth. A recent study of 25 poultry farms in Oyo State found alarmingly high rates of resistance: about 48% of Salmonella isolates, and more than half of E. coli samples, carried genes that make them resistant to critical antibiotics. These resistant bacteria pose a risk not just to the animals themselves but to people who eat, handle, or live near them. Meanwhile, antibiotic misuse in human medicine continues unabated. In many communities, Nigerians purchase antibiotics over the counter, often without prescriptions, and doctors sometimes prescribe them “blindly” because diagnostics are lacking. This means more opportunities for bacteria to develop resistance especially when antibiotics are used inappropriately or stopped too soon.

    On the environmental front, Nigeria is grappling with its own challenges. Research shows that resistant bacteria are common in water sources, soil, and effluents, especially where sanitation is poor or drug waste seeps into the environment. The Second National Action Plan on AMR (2024–2028) explicitly acknowledges these environmental drivers.

    The toll of AMR in Nigeria is staggering. Reecent WHO estimates that approximately 50,500 deaths were directly attributable to resistant infections, with as many as 227,000 deaths associated with AMR more broadly. Beyond the loss of life, the economic burden is immense resistant infections drive up healthcare costs, extend hospital stays, and strain a fragile health system. Some of the most common resistance genes detected in Nigerian bacteria include bla_CTX-M, bla_SHV, and bla_NDM, which undermine the effectiveness of many frontline antibiotics.

    Policy gaps and what must be done

    Nigeria has made progress: it launched its Second National Action Plan on AMR (2024–2028) to strengthen surveillance, stewardship, and cross-sector coordination. Yet implementation remains a serious challenge. Experts point out major gaps: over-the-counter antibiotic access, weak veterinary oversight, and limited data sharing across health, agriculture, and environmental agencies. A recent study involving human and animal health professionals ranked “ease of access to antimicrobials without prescription” and “lack of awareness of AMR” as the top challenges. Laboratory capacity is improving but remains unevenly distributed. The WHO recently supported Nigeria to conduct a survey in six geopolitical zones, strengthening labs in key hospitals to better track resistance and institutionalize antimicrobial stewardship programs.

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    Why Nigeria’s approach needs to be truly “One Health”

    To effectively curb antimicrobial resistance (AMR), policies and interventions must reflect the interconnected nature of its drivers across human, animal, and environmental sectors. In the agricultural sector, stricter regulation is required through the prohibition or tight control of antibiotic classes that are critically important for human medicine when used in livestock production. Within healthcare settings, antimicrobial stewardship programs should be strengthened by expanding access to diagnostic testing to ensure that prescriptions are evidence-based and appropriately targeted. Surveillance systems must also be broadened to integrate data from human health, veterinary, and environmental sources to enable comprehensive monitoring of resistance trends. In addition, sustained awareness campaigns are essential to educate farmers, pharmacists, healthcare workers, and the wider public on the risks of AMR and the importance of responsible antimicrobial use. Finally, environmental protection measures, including proper waste-management strategies for agricultural run-off and pharmaceutical disposal, are necessary to reduce the environmental dissemination of antimicrobial-resistant organisms.

    A critical moment and global spotlight

    Nigeria is not just responding it is stepping into a global leadership role. In 2026, the country will host the 5th Global High-Level Ministerial Conference on AMR, bringing together experts, policymakers, and One Health stakeholders to chart the way forward.  During this year’s World AMR Awareness Week, Nigeria’s coordinated messaging backed by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), the Ministries of Health, Agriculture, and Environment underscores how deeply AMR is embedded across sectors.

    Conclusion

    Antimicrobial resistance in Nigeria is not confined to clinics or hospitals; it is being shaped on farms, in markets, and within the very soils and waters that connect us. Tackling it requires more than medical intervention; it demands a One Health approach that aligns policies, strengthens surveillance, and shifts behaviors across sectors. If Nigeria fails to act holistically, the country risks undermining decades of medical progress. But with coordinated effort, robust regulation, and public awareness, there is a real opportunity to turn the tide protecting both human lives and the effectiveness of antibiotics for future generations.

    •Umezurike sent this piece via <umezurikee@yahoo.com>

  • Why Masoyinbo matters

    Why Masoyinbo matters

    I did not expect a game show to tug at something deep in me. Yet the first time I watched Masoyinbo on YouTube, I felt a small stirring. It came from the sound of Yoruba spoken without hesitation, spoken with a confidence I had not heard in years. The programme created by Olalekan Fabilola, a graduate of Computer Science, has a way of reaching into the recesses of memory, brushing away the dust on words we once knew and urging us to speak them again with pride.

    I see it as more than a televised challenge. I see it as a cultural gift. Each episode is a small ceremony in which the beauty of Yoruba is unveiled again and again, each question an invitation and each answer, whether perfect or flawed, an affirmation that the language still lives in us.

    Masoyinbo does not approach Yoruba as a sentimental relic, but as a living vessel of knowledge that deserves to be spoken with competence and pride. Masoyinbo lands in the cultural square with a bold insistence. Speak Yoruba. Speak it well. Speak it without apology.

    On the surface, it is only a quiz show, yet it carries the weight of a cultural awakening. The rules are simple. Ten questions. Yoruba only. No English. Not even a stray syllable. I remember leaning forward as the first contestant spoke, waiting to see if he would slip. He did, of course, as most of us would. The habit of code mixing has become second nature. Yoruba often shares the stage with English, a dance that feels natural until someone insists on separation. Masoyinbo reveals how far we have drifted from a language that once shaped our earliest thoughts.

    What strikes me most about the show is not the struggle of the contestants but the quiet assurance of its host. Fabilola does not scold. He encourages. He coaxes. He smiles when a contestant stumbles and seems to say, without saying it aloud, that the journey back to fluency is a shared one. I always find myself nodding any time he guides a contestant towards words that hover just out of reach. At such moment, he reminds me of an elder helping a child recall a proverb: patient, warm, never weary.

    There is something poetic about the simplicity of Masoyinbo. The questions come one after another, each one a doorway into the vastness of Yoruba expression. Some contestants enter those doorways with ease. Others linger, searching for the right word. I often sit before the screen answering the questions myself, only to discover that English stands stubbornly on my tongue. It is then that I understand the brilliance of the show. It is entertainment, yet it is also a mirror, reflecting the quiet erosion of our linguistic confidence.

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    Any time I watch the show, I feel the presence of generations who carry Yoruba with dignity. The cadence of our elders’ voices drift back to me. Their stories, their prayers, their gentle admonitions all lived in Yoruba. They carried a rhythm that made the language feel like music. Masoyinbo taps into that rhythm. It reminds us that Yoruba is not merely functional. It is lyrical, textured, full of imagery that English cannot replicate. When contestants reach for a proverb or a metaphor, the language glows with new life.

    Fabilola’s genius lies in presenting this revival without ceremony. There is no lecturing about cultural preservation, no heavy-handed appeal to nostalgia. He simply invites us to enjoy our language again. He has turned the act of speaking Yoruba into something competitive, humorous and emotionally resonant. Each time I watch him lead contestants through the maze of their own vocabulary, I see someone who loves the language deeply enough to make it fun.

    It is easy to forget that millions of Yoruba speakers are scattered across continents, building lives far from home. Masoyinbo travels to them through screens and becomes a kind of anchor. I have seen parents abroad who play the show for their children. They giggle, they guess answers, and they celebrate tiny victories when they get a phrase right. For families like these, the show becomes a bridge to a heritage they do not want to lose. It is astonishing to think that a programme recorded in Lagos now helps maintain Yoruba identities in cities oceans away.

    What moves me most, however, is the way the show challenges assumptions. Many people have grown used to thinking that indigenous languages belong to informal spaces while English belongs to serious discourse. Yet Masoyinbo elevates Yoruba by using it precisely in moments that demand clarity and precision. Watching contestants search for exact words reminds me that Yoruba is capable of bearing intellectual weight. It is not a lesser tongue. It is a complete world of thought, ready to expand as far as we allow it.

    Fabilola may not describe himself as an activist, yet his work carries the spirit of one. He is reshaping habits without confrontation. He is restoring dignity to a language by letting it shine in ordinary homes. He is proving that culture can be strengthened not only through festivals and formal teachings, but through laughter and curiosity.

    Fabilola’s project is a form of cultural activism disguised as entertainment. He is influencing hearts and habits by encouraging fluency where it has been slipping away. He is sparking conversations about language preservation and inspiring content creators to consider the power of local languages. He is proving that an indigenous language can thrive in digital spaces if given the opportunity and the right platform. His work is not framed in ideological terms, yet it plays a role in shaping cultural confidence.

    As contestants listen to his instructions and as viewers lean closer to their screens, he is building a quieter revolution. It is a revolution rooted in sound. The sound of Yoruba spoken with intention.

    When I think about the impact of Masoyinbo, I think about the faces of contestants who walk off the set smiling even after losing money. They smile because they have discovered something surprising about themselves. They smile because they have remembered old words and learned new ones. They smile because Fabilola has created a space where failure becomes discovery. In that discovery lies the beginning of change.

    Fabilola understands that people learn best when they are relaxed and amused. He uses entertainment to smuggle back a level of fluency many did not realise they had lost.

    The show also makes me think about my own relationship with Yoruba. The show has made me more mindful. I find myself reaching for Yoruba words in conversations where I would normally slip into English. I hear myself saying simple phrases with a little more deliberateness, especially when speaking with my daughter, Opemipo. There is pleasure in the effort. There is pleasure in the recovery of something intimate. Language is not just a tool. It is a vessel of memory and identity. Masoyinbo has reminded me of that truth.

    Through Masoyinbo, I feel something inside me settle. I feel connected to a lineage that stretches back through time. I feel gratitude for a simple idea executed with sincerity. Most of all, I feel hope. If a quiz show can spark such a shift, perhaps the language has a chance to thrive in ways we have not yet imagined.

    This is crucial in Nigeria, where a person who speaks good English is often treated as better educated or more refined, yet Yoruba, like many local languages, carries centuries of wisdom, humour, metaphor and memory. It sits at the heart of stories, proverbs and songs that shape identity.

    I can’t conclude this intervention without thanking Ali Baba, whose support has helped Fabilola attain success with the show.

    My final take: Masoyinbo has shown that a cultural revival need not arrive with fanfare. It can arrive gently, through a programme that laughs with us, challenges us and reminds us of who we are. And at the heart of it is Fabilola, holding up a lantern so that we may see our mother tongue clearly once again.

  • APC’s strategic effort to reclaim Osun

    APC’s strategic effort to reclaim Osun

    Barring any untoward development, Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji is expected to become the All Progressives Congress (APC) flag bearer in Saturday’s primary in Osogbo, Osun State, after several candidates were disqualified. However, the race remains unpredictable as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) revises its strategy and Governor Ademola  Adeleke’s  latest move. Deputy Political Editor RAYMOND MORDI reports.

    Calculated risks and shifting alliances now define Osun State’s political landscape. With the All Progressives Congress (APC) primary narrowed to Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji and Mulikat Abiola Jimoh, a once crowded contest has taken an unexpected turn.

    While the APC has reduced internal disputes, the broader political environment remains unsettled. The ADC is adjusting its approach under Rauf Aregbesola, political blocs are realigning, and Governor Ademola Adeleke is delaying his decision. These developments set the stage for a highly competitive 2026 race with implications beyond the primary.

    APC primary

    The APC shocked many last week when its seven-member screening committee, led by Chief Obinna Uzoh, disqualified seven out of nine aspirants previously cleared to compete. Only Oyebamiji and Jimoh survived the committee’s scrutiny. Heavyweights like Senator Iyiola Omisore, Benedict Olugboyega Alabi, and Babajide Omoworare were removed because they lacked sufficient backing from financially up-to-date party members across local government areas.

    This decision immediately turned a potentially contentious primary into a two-person contest. For party strategists concerned about post-primary disputes, especially after Osun’s tense 2022 experience, the screening outcome appears to be a strategic effort at damage control.

    A senior party figure put it succinctly: “Osun doesn’t reward division. The last thing we need is another primary that tears the party apart before we even begin campaigning.”

    However, unity achieved through exclusion carries risks. Supporters of disqualified aspirants may view the process as deliberate marginalisation. If grievances persist, this could lead to defections, litigation, or internal sabotage, all of which have previously undermined the party’s success in Osun.

    The disqualifications raise questions about party discipline, internal democracy, and whether the APC is strengthening or concealing deeper divisions. The outcome will determine if the party enters the 2026 governorship election with momentum or unresolved discontent.

    Oyebamiji’s edge

    Among the remaining aspirants, Oyebamiji distinguishes himself through both his qualifications and preparation. From Ikire in Irewole Local Government Area, he has a strong background in finance and administration, developed in banking and at the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA). Supporters highlight his financial discipline, organisational skills, and calm, technocratic approach.

    Over the past year, he has translated ambition into action by resigning from his federal position, touring Osun, building alliances, developing policy plans, and securing key endorsements. His AMBO Movement, with coordinators in all 332 wards, has mobilised grassroots support ahead of other aspirants.

    This disciplined, detailed organisation gives him a distinct advantage. In Osun, where local presence outweighs media visibility, such groundwork can be decisive. Supporters describe the movement as a political “insurance policy” designed to safeguard his candidacy.

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    He has also positioned himself as the candidate of fiscal discipline and administrative competence. At a rally in Ijesa North, he accused the Adeleke administration of squandering opportunity: “Osun has been enjoying a rainfall of over 300 per cent more revenue under Adeleke in the last 30 months — yet there is nothing to show for it.” It’s a message calibrated to resonate with voters frustrated by perceived stagnation.

    However, his path remains challenging. The disqualification of prominent figures such as Senator Iyiola Omisore and former Deputy Governor Gboyega Alabi may cause resentment, affecting turnout or party unity. Osun’s political history shows that federal experience does not always lead to local success. The APC’s 2022 loss, despite holding state and federal power, highlights that Osun voters value authenticity and local ties.

    For Oyebamiji, success depends on emotional resonance as much as technical competence. He must demonstrate compassion, communicate policy in relatable terms, and court factions of dissenting parties. Organisation can create momentum — but only a unifying message can transform that momentum into victory.

    Quiet contender with limited reach

    Mulikat Abiola Jimoh, though less prominent statewide, brings legislative experience from representing the Ifelodun State Constituency from 2018 to 2023. Her candidacy highlights the APC’s effort to promote diversity and broaden its internal field.

    However, her political network, endorsements, and influence are limited compared to Oyebamiji’s campaign. Her main challenge is expanding her reach. In a primary where established structures often determine outcomes, her limited statewide presence is a significant obstacle.

    Nonetheless, the narrowed contest increases her visibility. While she may not be the frontrunner, she is no longer overshadowed by more prominent candidates. Her candidacy offers the party a symbolic demonstration of inclusiveness during its internal transition.

    ADC and the Aregbesola calculation

    Outside the APC, the ADC is becoming a significant factor, particularly with former Governor Rauf Aregbesola returning to prominence as the party’s interim national secretary after leaving the APC earlier this year.

    For Aregbesola, the ADC is more than a new platform; it is an effort to regain influence. His impact in Osun, established during his tenure as governor, remains significant despite some divisions. The Omoluabi Progressives, though reduced in size, still command strong loyalty in certain areas.

    Recent divisions within the party highlight the fragility of its coalition. The departure of former Secretary to the State Government, Moshood Adeoti, previously a close ally of Aregbesola, revealed internal contradictions. His exit followed reports that the 2026 governorship ticket may go to former Speaker Najeem Salaam.

    If the ADC can stabilise, choose a unifying candidate, and speak directly to voters disillusioned with both the APC and the current administration, it could evolve into a formidable third force. Many Osun residents still recall the Aregbesola era with nostalgia, citing a sense of purpose and an ambitious infrastructure agenda.

    However, unity remains the ADC’s primary challenge. Without a cohesive structure, its influence may diminish.

    Adeleke holds the wild card

    Governor Ademola Adeleke, a key figure in Osun’s 2026 political landscape, finally joined the Accord Party on Tuesday, after resigning from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) on December 2. This move marks a decisive shift, breaking a period of indecision during which multiple parties courted him for their governorship ticket.

    With the PDP weakened by prolonged disputes, Adeleke had been approached by several parties. According to reports, he had negotiated with Aregbesola’s ADC, but they could not reach an agreement.

    Insiders maintain that Adeleke’s initial delay was strategic. “He waited for the right moment — for maximum leverage and clarity,” one senior politician said. “He chose the platform that gives him the cleanest path.”

    As the incumbent, he has visibility, statewide networks, and access to resources. Yet, the actual test will be whether the Accord Party can provide a well-organised and functional platform to translate these assets into a successful campaign.

    While his switch to the Accord Party sets the stage for next year’s off-cycle election in Osun, the ultimate impact of this new political alignment remains uncertain. Should Adeleke face internal challenges or miscalculate, his bid could be more precarious than anticipated.

    The coming months will reveal whether Adeleke’s gamble on the Accord Party would strengthen his position or expose unexpected vulnerabilities as the 2026 governorship contest approaches.

    Narrowed path with sharp edges

    For the APC, a streamlined primary offers both relief and risk. The party can project unity, discipline, and clarity, but must also address the dissatisfaction of excluded aspirants and their supporters.

    The APC’s emerging narrative focuses on competence, fiscal discipline, and alignment with the federal government. But Osun’s political history warns against overconfidence. The state votes with its own logic, often favouring relatable candidates over elaborate structures.

    The APC candidate must rebuild relationships, restore trust in overlooked communities, and deliver a message that appeals beyond party loyalists.

    The coming months will reveal whether the APC’s strategy is a strength or a liability. The ADC’s ability to unify will determine if it is a spoiler or a contender. Adeleke’s decision will influence whether the race is a direct contest or a fragmented three-way competition.

    Currently, the APC is on a narrower but manageable path. However, the broader political environment remains unsettled, with both uncertainty and opportunity present.

    Elections in Osun are historically unpredictable. While recent developments have narrowed the APC’s field, the outcome of the 2026 race remains uncertain and may still hold surprises.

    Deepening fault lines

    Despite the APC’s streamlined two-person race, complex internal dynamics persist. While the public narrative highlights order and unity, insiders note that the disqualification of key figures has revived longstanding rivalries within the party.

    Some of these tensions originate from the 2022 conflict between the camps of former governor Gboyega Oyetola and Rauf Aregbesola, a rift that remains unresolved. Although Aregbesola has joined the ADC, his former supporters’ sentiments persist within the APC. The screening outcome has raised new questions about the party’s internal balance, including which interests are prioritised and who feels marginalised.

    Several ward-level stakeholders privately described the new primary structure as “too neat to be natural.” They believe the abrupt narrowing raises concerns about behind-the-scenes negotiations and an intent to pre-select a candidate who can unite the Oyetola bloc and attract undecided factions.

    This perception, regardless of its accuracy, is significant. Politics in Osun relies on local trust networks, and any sense of elite imposition can trigger backlash, shift alliances, or prompt protest votes.

    The APC’s path ahead

    Despite internal pressures, the APC remains the best-positioned party organisationally. The streamlined primary provides clarity at a crucial time, but stakeholders should not be mistaken for certainty.

    The party must undertake three urgent tasks: Reconcile with sidelined factions. Without sincere bridge building, the party risks internal sabotage. Craft a message that resonates with the broader public. Voters want practical governance, not just political positioning.

    The APC should also prepare for a multi-front contest. An Adeleke-led ticket, combined with a resurgent ADC, could result in the most competitive race the party has faced in a decade.

    In summary, the party’s internal unity is both its greatest asset and its most vulnerable point.

    With the APC’s primary now a simplified contest and the broader political landscape evolving, Osun’s 2026 election is set to be highly unpredictable. The disqualification of seven aspirants has given Oyebamiji a more straightforward path, but has also increased expectations and scrutiny. Meanwhile, the ADC faces a pivotal moment: it could become influential if united or irrelevant if divided. Governor Adeleke’s latest move remains a key factor that could alter the political landscape.

    Osun is not approaching a quiet election season. Instead, the state is entering a high-stakes contest in which discipline, timing, messaging, and coalition-building will determine the outcome.

    For the APC, this is a bold strategy. Whether it proves successful or not will become clear in the coming months.

  • Challenges to peace-building

    Challenges to peace-building

    Preamble

    The words of elders are words of wisdom. If they do not materialise in the morning they will surely materialize in the evening”.

    The above quotation is a Yoruba axiom that can only be faulted at one’s own peril. Now that reasoning seems to be finding its way back to Nigeria’s base of power especially in respect of insecurity problem and its possible solution, it becomes necessary to take a realistic recourse to that adage.

    The news that former President Goodluck Jonathan belatedly met with former President Olusegun Obasanjo in Abuja sometime to discuss the way out of the Boko Haram insurgency problem is a confirmation of that adage. Hitherto, sheer ego and whim of power had prevented that meeting even when sensible advice and suggestions were offered to the government by well-meaning Nigerians. Among such advice was that of His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar the Sultan of Sokoto.

    Voice of reason

    As far back as October 3, 2011, the Sultan of Sokoto and President-General, Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), had delivered a lecture entitled ‘Islam and Peace Building in West Africa’ at Harvard University. When the lecture was published in this column thereafter, it was re-entitled ‘A Voice from Harvard’. In the 33 page lecture, His Eminence enumerated the causes and effects of violent crises in the West African sub region with particular reference to Nigeria. He blamed such crises on three major issues: (1) political struggle for supremacy between the elite and the poor masses (2) bad governance on the part of the ruling class and (3) primordial ethno-religious sentiments. The most prominent of these three issues is bad governance which engenders corruption, joblessness, poverty, exploitation, suspicion and general bitterness in the land. Three years after that lecture, Nigeria is still in rigmarole searching for a possible oasis in a self-inflicted wild desert.

    For the benefit of those who did not read it at that time the lecture is being brought here again because of its relevance and the possible solution it may proffer to the multifaceted problems confronting Nigeria. An excerpt from the lecture is as follows:

    Impression

    “….Many people (outside our country) consider Nigeria as a theatre of absurd conflicts and interminable crises.  They may be justified in holding this view; with the Jos crises festering for years, with post-election violence and suicide-bombings, it is difficult  to think otherwise.  When we consider Nigeria’s population of more than 150 million, half the population of West Africa, its over 250 ethnic and language groups, its regional and geo-political configurations, its landmass and its diversity in religion and culture, we may be constrained to reach different conclusions. Nigeria may, after all, be a paragon of stability which, as God Almighty has willed, shall undergo all the trials allotted it early enough in its national history.

    But in all fairness, systemic ethno-political and religious crises, like the ones we witnessed in recent years or are witnessing currently, do not have a long history in Nigeria.  They all began in the late 1980s, following the intense competition for power and influence especially among the western educated elite; the Kafanchan crisis of 1987, in Southern Kaduna, was quickly followed by the Zangon Kataf and other crises; all in the same vicinity.  The democratic dispensation, which began in 1999 also came with its own set of problems, the most visible being the Shari’ah crisis and the first Jos crisis which led to the declaration of state of emergency in Plateau State.

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    Primacy of politics

    But these crises, varied as they were, reveal the multi-dimensional nature of Nigeria as a political entity. We witness the primacy of politics in almost all these conflicts.  In the struggle for power and political supremacy as politicians exercise no restraint in aggravating the socio-religious and ethnic cleavages, which characterise the geo-politics of the Nigerian state.  It should not be forgotten that the second Jos crisis of November 2008 was also ignited by a botched Chairmanship election in Jos North Local Government.

    The second dimension to these crises, especially in Kaduna and Plateau States, is the indigene/settler dichotomy, which is yet to be addressed properly by the Nigerian state.  Many ethnic groups in these conflict areas see the other ethnic groups as foreigners who should not enjoy the full rights of bona fide residents.  Most of these disenfranchised Nigerians also happen to be Muslims.  However, those who oppose this dichotomy argue that these so-called settlers had spent more than two hundred years in the areas they reside.  Moreover, as Nigerian citizens, they have the full right to reside wherever they wish and pursue their legitimate business without let or hindrance.

    Afterall, they cannot be settlers in their own country.

    The third dimension of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises is their potential to become a systematic national crisis.  When a person is killed in any of the areas of conflict, his co-religionists, especially in the cities react violently and begin to kill anyone they think is related to the killer(s).  This often triggers further reprisals from other parts of the country where victims come from.  It took a lot of effort by the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC) which I co-chair, and other state authorities, to treat each crisis independently and reduce the risk of systemic reprisals.

    The fourth dimension of Nigeria’s crises is poor leadership and the bad governance usually associated with its management.  Many of those charged with authority in the states where these conflicts occur are also parties to the crises.  They make feeble efforts to control the violence and do so only when much of the damage has been done…

    “….The issue of poor leadership and bad governance also explains how the Boko Haram movement has been able to transform itself from a small Hijrah group in Yobe State, escaping from the uncertainties and contradictions of the Nigerian state, to a militant movement able to wreak havoc and destruction once provoked.  Those in authority were prepared to court the leaders of this group when it suited them and to trample on them like flies when they were no longer useful…However, the recent bombing of the United Nations Office in Abuja has introduced an international dimension to terrorist’s activities, a development, which is hitherto entirely new to Nigeria.

    The promise of dialogue

    “….When I became the Sultan of Sokoto in November 2006, some of the major problems I found on ground were the after-effects of the riots, especially in Kaduna, Jos and some parts of the North East as well as a disturbing atmosphere of mistrust, fear and hostility, especially between the leaderships of Nigeria’s two major religions: Islam and Christianity.

     To resolve these knotty issues, we chose the path of positive engagement, which we thought would engender meaningful discourse, improve communication and understanding and change the dynamics of our operating environment to that of trust and confidence…

    Role of NIREC

    “….The Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC) provided the right platform for this engagement. The Council, a product of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises, was composed of 25 members each from the two religions and co-chaired by myself, in my capacity as the President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, and the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). The approach of NIREC was simple and practical. Firstly, we affirmed the sanctity of human life, Muslim and Christian, and insisted that anybody who takes the law into his hands, regardless of the circumstances, must bear the full legal consequences of his action.

    You cannot believe it, but despite the frequency of these disturbances, only a few people have ever been punished for perpetrating any act of violence. The masterminds go scot-free.

    Secondly, while appreciating the fact that we are required to look after the interest of our co-religionists, we must pay attention to the other dimensions of our conflicts. As many were preparing to declare a religious war in Jos, for example, we laboured hard to draw attention to the other dimensions of the crisis. It was a conflict between Muslims and Christians quite alright, but it was not a conflict between Islam and Christianity. When Nigeria’s President called for a parley among stakeholders, we made bold to declare the Jos crisis a political crisis. Thirdly, we adopted a tactical approach to conflict resolution. Whenever, there is a breakout of violence, we work together to restore law and order and ask the quarrelsome questions later. We take this approach to minimise loss of life and to ensure that the crisis is contained in the primary area it occurred.

    Also, we devised a quarterly meeting schedule that took us to all parts of the country. It was heartening to many to see us working together and preaching peaceful co-existence and religious harmony even in areas, which never registered an ethno-religious conflict.

    Recommendation

    I must point out that it was also our view that inter-faith action should transcend conflict resolution. For it to be effective, it must affect the life of the common man. NIREC floated the Nigeria Inter-Faith Action Association (NIFAA) to take up this challenge and NIFAA has been very active in the control of the dreaded tropical disease: Malaria. We also find that we must act together to address issues related to electoral reform, good governance and anti-corruption. I am also glad to state that the goodwill and understanding which these activities were able to generate, have given impetus to the development of inter-faith dialogue to a new level. I always remember, with happiness, the seminar organised by the CAN in April 2010, on ‘Knowing Your Muslim Neighbour’, where I presented a paper on the topic. The Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) gracefully reciprocated by inviting CAN members to its formal meeting in Kaduna, where the CAN representative gave a lecture on Islam in the eyes of a Christian and both Muslim and Christian scholars, gave inspiring responses on the scriptural basis of mutual co-existence. Despite serious setbacks in recent months, many of us remain committed to this positive engagement and to the promise that dialogue offers the resolution to Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises.

    Looking ahead

    ‘’…Understanding the multifarious nature of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises should strengthen our resolve and determination to deploy all the energies and resources at our disposal to see to their resolution.  Our inability and reluctance to take meaningful action go to challenge not only our common humanity but also our self-worth.  It is therefore important for us to appreciate, first and foremost, the importance of consensus building within the polity, with a view to ameliorating the current state of political polarization in it.  The Nigerian political class must be able to speak and understand one another as well as to develop a minimum national agenda to chart the way forward.  The political class must also be able to open dialogue on a variety of national issues, including the perennial problem of power rotation and willingly enter into agreements that they can honour with dignity….

    Governance

    “….Also, governance at all levels must translate into tangible benefits for all Nigerians regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliation.  Nigeria has the resources to make life more pleasant for its people.  It is equally imperative to address the poverty problem as well as the needs of the youth population both in all the geo-political areas of the country.  In a situation where over 50 per cent of our population is jobless at less than 19 years of age, we are definitely sitting on a time bomb much deadlier than that of Boko Haram unless we take urgent action to defuse it….

    “….Furthermore, there should be renewed determination to address both the Jos and Boko Haram sectarian crises.  The Federal Government must take seriously its security responsibilities and effectively contain these crises.  But beyond that, a genuine dialogue must be initiated, to begin healing festering wounds and to bring genuine understanding and reconciliation amongst the entire people of Plateau State and beyond.  The social dimension of the Boko Haram cannot also be resolved by the mere use of force.  This is the reason why I have consistently suggested dialogue and education to counteract its message, especially those aspects dealing with modern education.

    Millions of Muslim pupils are already outside the school system.

    Millions more will definitely follow if urgent intervention is not undertaken to enlighten the younger generations.  And the question I have always asked is What kind of society can we build in the 21st century when our youth turn their back on science and technology and are unable to produce the next generation of doctors, engineers and other specialisations necessary for sustaining the socio-economic development of the society?….”

    Conclusion

    “….Finally, we should not neglect the impact of the international environment on Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises.  Happenings in the United States, Iraq, Afghanistan, Norway, Netherlands, the United Kingdom, France, Palestine, Ukraine, Gaza, Russia and Sudan are as current and relevant as events in Jos, Maiduguri and Abuja. We must preach international tolerance and moderation. The fight against extremist groups should never be perverted to become a fight against Islam and its doctrines.  We should all remember that in the final analysis, it is not what the perpetrators of violence do that really counts.  It is the actions we take, individually and collectively, that would (eventually) shape the fate of humanity….”

    Now, with this new development, the hope of redeeming Nigeria from impending disintegration may be rekindled if the motive is not political especially with the 2027 elections becoming fast-approaching.

  • Jama’at-ul Islamiyya okays Tinubu’s tax policy

    Jama’at-ul Islamiyya okays Tinubu’s tax policy

    The President of Jama’at-ul Islamiyya of Nigeria, Alhaji Hashim Oyekan, has described the federal government’s proposed tax reforms as a welcome development.

    He made this known during a seminar organised by organization in Magodo, Lagos.

    Alhaji Oyekan, an engineer, stressed that Nigeria must move away from its sole reliance on volatile oil revenues.

    There is no fear about the new tax law, but there are rumours spread by people that all our accounts will be frozen, our children will not enjoy. That is why we decided to enlighten our people. To me, the proposed tax policy is a welcome development in the sense that governance is collective; it is not just for one sector, it is for everyone in the society.”

    Alhaji Oyekan argued that citizens must contribute financially to the society to reasonably expect the government to provide essential services, security and infrastructure.

    He highlighted the policy’s progressive nature, noting that low-income earners are often exempted, ensuring the burden is spread equitably.

    “If it is spread, the burden will not be too much on one group,” he affirmed.

    He also pointed out investment incentives, such as relief on start-up capital and pension arrangements, designed to encourage business registration and compliance.

    An Associate Professor of Law at the University of Ilorin, Dr. Dauda Ariyoosu, asserted that the payment of tax is as old as the government and recognised in both Islam and Christianity.

    “In Islam, Zakat is compulsory on certain amounts of income while in Christendom, tithe is as well compulsory,” he said.

    He reminded the audience of the Islamic injunction to obey Allah, His messenger and those in authority, which, he clarified, refers to the government.

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    He cited developed countries where tax collection serves as the primary revenue source, advising Nigerians to embrace the reforms for the numerous ensuing benefits.

    He, however, cautioned against witch-hunting by tax authorities and urged government parastatals to intensify efforts to educate the public on the mechanics of tax payment.

    A Past President of the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN), Prince Rasak Kunle Qadri, reinforced the moral and divine obligation to pay taxes, warning that tax evasion is unacceptable and will inevitably be met with sanctions.

    He maintained that taxation remains the most sustainable way for a government to fund its operations and fulfil its mandate.

    “We should not see tax as a punishment because it’s something that you do in order for you to be able to ask questions. If you are a member of a community and you don’t pay subscription, you cannot talk. But once you start paying subscription, you can ask questions,” he said.

    He criticised what he called the Nigerian populace’s tendency to be too lazy and too dumb to actively monitor and question government spending, even after paying their dues.

    He appealed to the press to become a stronger voice for the unenlightened, consistently demanding proof of service delivery be it schools, hospitals or roads from the government.

  • Regular walk ll’ reduce healthcare costs, says don

    Regular walk ll’ reduce healthcare costs, says don

    A senior lecturer at the Department of Actuarial Science and Insurance, University of Lagos, Prof. Tajudeen Yusuf, has called on the Federal government to legislate mandatory walking for Nigerians, noting that it could significantly reduce the nation’s healthcare expenditure.

    He made the call on during the 2025 Walk for Life, Peace and Unity, an annual health awareness event organised by the Human Concern Foundation International (HCFI), aimed at promoting physical and mental well-being, unity, and peaceful coexistence.

    Prof. Yusuf described walking as a simple, yet powerful habit that boosts physical health, reduces economic strain, and contributes to national well-being.

    “If the Nigerian government can legislate mandatory walking for citizens, I assure you it will drastically cut down our budget on curative medicine. Prevention is better than cure. Walking helps prevent all kinds of illnesses,” Prof. Yusuf said.

    According to him, “Walking helps prevent avoidable diseases and cuts down on healthcare spending. Personally, walking is my lifestyle. I can’t remember the last time I visited a hospital or even used paracetamol.”

    The Don also highlighted its spiritual value of walking and regular exercise, explaining that it is embedded in Islamic acts of worship.

    The Convener and Executive Director of HCFI, Prof. Ibrahim Oreagba, called for harmony and national cohesion in Nigeria.

    “At this point in time in our country, we need peace and unity. We’ve come a long way as a nation, and we believe we all have a lot to benefit from one another when we work together in a peaceful environment,” he said.

    Prof. Oreagba noted that beyond the symbolic call for unity, the walk also aimed to raise public awareness about the health benefits of walking, which many people still overlook.

    “We use this event to sensitise the public on the significance of walking as a form of exercise. Walking for at least 30 minutes daily helps reduce the risk of cardiovascular diseases such as hypertension, diabetes, and stroke. It also supports mental wellness and can even reduce cancer risk,” he added.

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    The Muslim Congress Secretary General, Alhaji Taiwo Adesina, urged Nigerians to adopt walking as a consistent lifestyle practice.

    He said regular walking requires intentionality, especially for those who own vehicles and are accustomed to minimal physical activity.

    Alhaji Adesina noted that walking naturally boosts endorphin levels, promoting a sense of well-being that some seek through unhealthy means like substance abuse.

    He added that trekking also supports physical and even sensual strength, referencing its alignment with exercises like Kegels.

    Executive Secretary, Muslim Public Affairs Centre (MPAC) Nigeria, Kazeem Akindunbi extolled HCFI for organising the walk, describing it as a meaningful exercise that benefits every participant in powerful ways.

    Akindunbi said the walk was a timely push for many to restore their energy and reconnect with others.

    He said walking is one of the simplest habits with enormous health benefits, including reducing the risk of hypertension, diabetes, heart disease, stroke, obesity, and depression.

    “It strengthens the body, calms the mind, and creates space for reflection, helping build healthier and more balanced individuals ready to contribute positively to society,” he noted.