Author: The Nation

  • Japa doctors: avoiding rash solutions

    Japa doctors: avoiding rash solutions

    The disruptive effects of Nigerian doctors and health workers migrating to greener pastures may lead the government to consider radical but perhaps counterproductive measures to stem the outflow. The temptation to seek extralegal and unconstitutional solutions should be resisted, notwithstanding the magnitude of the problem. So far, for instance, and by some estimates, over 12,000 Nigerian doctors are believed to have been licenced to practice in the United Kingdom. The figures were not always dire. From a low estimate of about two or three hundred doctors migrating abroad yearly, the estimate has soared to some 2,000 annually. It has led to disruptions on surgical waiting lists, closure of wards due to lack of personnel, unbearable pressures on health workers who stayed behind, and retardation of progress in healthcare delivery.

    As part of the solutions, there are indications that medical training institutions may be encouraged to expand admission quotas. But given the surging demand for healthcare workers in parts of the world, it is unlikely that Nigeria, with its rather retrogressive approach to sustaining and retaining doctors and nurses in its hospitals, will benefit from that expansion. There have also been some attempts to legislate the retention of healthcare workers by bonding them during training to include mandatory three or five years of service before being eligible for migration. This measure would be shortsighted, unconstitutional and discriminatory. Apart from worsening the migration of health workers by its insular economic and social policies, the Muahammadu Buhari presidency also attempted retrogressive and divisive measures to stem the flow of doctors and nurses abroad.

    Nigeria cannot wish the crisis away. So far, the Bola Tinubu administration has not attempted to directly grapple with the worsening crisis. It met a broken economy and to all intents and purposes, an empty and debt-ridden treasury. Its objective is to mend the economy, restore sanity to the country’s finances, and sensibly prioritise the problems. Ranking the crisis low is understandable. Yet, the problem cannot wait; and the longer the disease is left unattended, the greater the danger of it metastasizing. In some forms, the current administration must without delay attempt to restore order in the healthcare sector. But in finding a solution, or solutions, it must avoid the mistakes of its predecessors who either foolishly ignored the problem preferring it to resolve itself, which it didn’t because it couldn’t, or worsened it by administering conceited and heavy-handed measures such as splitting the unions in the healthcare sector.

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    The new administration must understand that the problem is not foreign countries poaching Nigeria’s health workers. Doctors and nurses cannot be singled out for discrimination when they seek greener pastures. And as desirable as expanding the training of healthcare workers is, this will make only a little dent on the crisis, and certainly not in the short run. If the administration is really as bothered as the rest of the country is, it must look for the low hanging fruits of enhanced pay and allowances, which it has been reluctant to pay on account of the distressed economy, while it must staff and equip the hospitals to a reasonable degree. This will mean declaring an emergency in the sector. Retaining the current regimen is nothing but an invitation to disaster. The administration should, therefore, urgently set up a committee to look at the problem with a view to suggesting realistic and manageable solutions. The short-term solutions will stretch the system a little beyond what the administration expects, but it really has no choice. The problem cannot wait.

    However, it is not only health workers that are migrating in droves, university teachers are also migrating with such intensity and severity that it qualifies for a veritable brain drain approximating a tragedy. The past administration mismanaged the university crisis that engulfed the nation in the closing months of 2022. The new administration has made some token concessions to the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) by offering to pay four months withheld salaries out of eight months impounded by the Buhari administration. The offer was condescending. If the Tinubu administration understands the problem as comprehensively as its election manifesto pretends, paying all the withheld salaries, maybe in tranches, is non-negotiable. More, the payment should be included in a package of panaceas to revivify tertiary education, stamp out strikes, and institute innovative ways of funding higher education and research and development. Government spokespersons have not given any indication that the administration has a grasp of the fundamentals and scope of the problem, let alone the far-reaching solutions the crisis calls for. The past administration broke up the unions, believing that hurting them and depriving them of unity would quench the desire for strikes. Balkanising the unions is meaningless when the issues predisposing the unions to strike have been left unattended.

    Neither the healthcare crisis nor the tertiary education imbroglio can wait for order to be restored in the country’s finances. The Tinubu administration must take meaningful and steady steps to address the crises and forge understanding and build confidence among stakeholders. The crises can no longer be ignored or left in abeyance. The time to act is now, and the action must be sensible, restrained, comprehensive and impactful.

  • Army’s error drone strike

    Army’s error drone strike

    The challenge before the Bola Tinubu administration in respect of the error drone strikes in Kaduna last Sunday is how to strike a balance between pacifying angry victims and their families and sustaining the morale and fighting spirit of Nigeria’s overstretched military in the war against bandits and terrorists. The Nigerian Army accepted responsibility for the drone attacks on Tudun Biri village in Igabi local government area of Kaduna State which left 86 people dead and 75 injured. It has instituted a probe and pledged to re-appraise its rules of engagement and improve on them. The federal government is also rightly instituting a probe. Neither probe is likely, ultimately, to recommend prosecution as some commentators have advocated and despite initial promise to punish erring soldiers. Investigations, not rhetoric, should determine what should be done.

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    In their preliminary assessment, the Army indicated where it thought the error came from: inaccurate intelligence. It has promised to improve significantly on its war tactics. But whether the country likes it or not, this mishap will probably make the military more cautious than it has been. Whether that caution would prove harmful or not to the anti-terror war remains to be seen. The error strike and the massive backlash it elicited will, however, unfortunately slow the hands of the military and strengthen the hands of terrorists in wreaking havoc. But if the anti-terror war is not to flag, the federal and state governments must intensify efforts to enable accurate intelligence gathering, especially in terrains like Igabi LGA where bandits had tended to roam fairly freely. It is not an easy task. But that balance must be found.

    The military will undoubtedly review its operations, which may lead to some reshuffling and movements in the ranks, and the federal government will deal with the issues of compensation and community rebuilding. The Igabi bombing is of course not the first time mistakes will be made, and despite hoping it will be the last, there is no guarantee it will be the last. The unsavoury and troubling fact is that no military in the world has yet found the formula to make collateral damage nonexistent.   

  • The Behemoth Stalled: Reimagining and repositioning university education in Nigeria

    The Behemoth Stalled: Reimagining and repositioning university education in Nigeria

    As a life-long subscriber to the ancient philosophy of the Stoics, I have never believed in self-gratification or self-commemoration. Whatever comes my way I take and whatever does not, I ignore.

      Individuals may strive for excellence but what builds great societies and nations are collective excellence and national distinctions. This is why societies peopled by wild and untamed egos always come a sad cropper when in competition with more disciplined and self-regulating communities. The greatest capacity of genius is the capacity to mask genius. 

    Nevertheless, there is curious convergence of national destiny and individual trajectory about the events that have brought me standing before you this morning that is a tad short of the miraculous and which cannot be ignored. There is a seamless symmetry and a perfect synchrony about the way the events unfolded that is absolutely confounding and which points at the possibility of humanity itself being nothing but mere pawns at the mercy of some Higher Order.

      Let me put it this way. Death has not been kind to many of my teachers in this great institution. Many of the great mentors who shaped the destiny of this illustrious institution with their academic sophistication and cutting edge intellect across various disciplines have since joined their maker. So many of my friends, acolytes and colleagues have disappeared, never to be seen again. Had this been a less brutal and more caring society, a few of them might have been here with us this morning.

      I begin this convocation lecture by paying tributes to these avatars whose contributions to the development of learning and culture in this nation will be better appreciated by future generations. I do not intend to bore you. I have been told that there is always a correlation between the decline of a society and the decline of attention span. So let us cut quickly to the chase.

      The Stalled Behemoth

    From the title of this convocation lecture, we can isolate three contending imageries that capture the current circumstances of the university system in Nigeria. A stalled behemoth evokes the images of a massive sea mammal trapped by adverse developments in the depth of the ocean, probing and thrashing in different directions but still unable to move forward or break through the labyrinth of oceanic adversities.

       But we must remember that this mammoth creature is not dead and is still very much alive. If it does not do something foolish or foolhardy, there is every possibility that it will be seaworthy again once it is able to figure out what has overwhelmed and trapped it in the icy shackles of the deep sea.

      The other two images, re-imagining and repositioning, are redemptive tropes and images of regeneration which speak to how the university system can refashion itself once it is able to free itself from the multi-dimensional debris which is at once cultural, colonial and epistemological.

      The fauna of failure can sometimes be located in the seeds of success. This is the paradox of human development. Even the great universities in other parts of the world that we sometimes look up to in awe and admiration did not crash on the global stage fully rehearsed. There was a lot of false dawns, stumbling, false cues and aborted dreams.

     Consequent upon this evaluation, no history of this great university can proceed without first paying tributes to its visionary builders. The founders of this university were great dreamers, visionary architects who dared nature and human possibility. Hewn out of the same pristine forest from where Oduduwa was said to have first gathered his disparate people together in a federal enterprise, the university was intended to make a statement about the developmental possibilities of the Black race.

       And it did. All over the world, this university is justly celebrated for its stunning landscape, its impressive architecture and majestic presence. It is what the Yoruba themselves call “a ri ma le lo” or something that arrests your attention on sighting. It is a pity that the sundry coalition of Yoruba talents which put all this together in the first progressive coalition of Yoruba people after the civil wars of the nineteenth century could not be sustained. That was perhaps inevitable.

      There were three things the great pioneers of this university put in place which set it on the path of becoming a world class institution. First, they adopted a policy of admitting only the best and the brightest irrespective of ethnic origin, religion or region. And they stuck to their guns no matter whose ox was gored. This was at a time others took to ethnic sourcing and religious recruitment.

      This policy was to provide a platform for elite bonding which would have served Nigeria well as post-independence contradictions and the fissiparous tendencies of a multi-ethnic nation took a firm grip of the polity. Decades later, the fruits of this nationalistic visionary policy became visible. There is no national institution, organization, multinational corporations both at home and abroad where you will not find an Ife product. Speaking the same language at that level makes social interaction much easier.

     The second policy pertains to the development of human capital. The Ife visionary pioneers put in place the best staff development programme that money could buy. All newly recruited members of staff were encouraged to go for the highest educational attainment possible in their fields. Internships were arranged abroad for those who needed international exposure in their various disciplines. I was a beneficiary of this scheme, having been sent to Sheffield and Buffalo for further training.

      It was not a question of free lunch or paid holiday abroad. The scheme was subjected to rigorous and exhaustive monitoring and constant evaluation at the highest level. A friend of mine who had made the highest grade in his class and had applied to be trained in bookshop management got the surprise of his life when he was ushered to the austere presence of the then Vice Chancellor, Professor H.A Oluwasanmi and  bluntly told to forget it.

      He would be going to one of the best universities in the world in his field of specialization instead. He later became one of the celebrated professors in the English Language Department until he relocated abroad.

     In their effort to secure the best teaching staff for the university, Oluwasanmi and his team sourced far and wide and scoured different corners of the globe. They were willing to make generous concessions to the exceptionally talented and no sacrifice was considered too great to bring the greatest brains to Ife.

    This great human scaffolding and capacity building at the highest level of human endeavour laid the foundation for this great university and was to continue after Oluwasanmi left the scene and as Aboyade, the recently departed Cyril Onwumechili and  Wande Abimbola took charge. They did not disappoint in terms of relentless capacity building. Ife is arguably the first Nigerian university consciously built to provide intellectual and cultural leadership for the Black race.

      The liberal and humane ethos of its founding leadership made it a natural Mecca for adventurous scholars from abroad who found its pristine setting and sizzling intellectual ferment quite an alluring combination. Ife also became a destination of choice for distressed international students fleeing from chaos abroad.

       At a point, Ife had students from India, Pakistan, Punjab, Eritrea, Somalia, Ethiopia, Namibia, Burundi, Rwanda, Zimbabwe and South Africa. This was in addition to many victims of internal persecution from the Nigerian university system who found solace and succour and a welcoming embrace from the university.

       The world began to take note. Something truly new was coming out of Africa at last. A cultural and intellectual renaissance was well under way in Nigeria. Powered by a massive influx of petrol dollars and a prudent management of the economy which saw Nigeria through a crippling civil war without the country borrowing a dime, the country was on its way to fulfilling its manifest destiny as the first black superpower.

       The glorious revival of a nation climaxed between the late seventies and the early eighties. As it usually happens in history, it was the moment that Nigeria reached the zenith of its glory that national contradictions that have been simmering under the surface began manifesting. The unresolved National Question began haunting the country again. The civil war turned out to be nothing but a battle for possession and occupation of the country among gun-toting military buccaneers.

      As corruption buried its fangs deep into the entrails of the country, the military stepped in once again ostensibly to curb the monster. But the disease and its pathologies seemed to have grown worse. The university system succumbed to a deep decline from its high noon of excellence to become a hotbed of revolt and insurrection.

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     From the 1978 “Ali Must Go” students’ protest, Nigerian universities witnessed periodic bloodbaths which turned higher institutions into a theatre of mayhem and maiming. The audit of death and destruction is sobering and shaming. In the north where the social anomalies manifested in sharper and more graphic relief, the toll was quite prohibitive.

      The reasons for these calamitous unrests in our higher institutions now appear in bold and damning relief.  As unregulated growth and the absence of scientific population control impacted on the demographics of the country, dwindling resources as a result of corruption and mismanagement of national patrimony became the lot of the university system.

       Unregulated growth and sharp increases in student population also became the norm in our university system as population explosion reflecting directly in an exponential increase in the number of students seeking university admission put pressure to bear on the university system.

    Unfortunately and unaccustomed to dealing with this novel development, university authorities are unable to think out of the box of the famous feeding bottle paradigm with reliance on federal hand-outs thwarting innovative funding and new modes of fund-sourcing. Even the so called strategic intervention funds are not targeted at addressing infrastructural deficits but preoccupied with white elephant projects.

      As the parlous economic condition bit harder and the university sank deeper into a cesspool of decay and detritus , the military authorities bared their fangs relying on the only method of control which they know very well. They had famously described themselves as professional managers of violence and the full weight of savage force was brought to bear on the university community.

      As the students’ populace came under the military hammer, it was perhaps inevitable that their teachers and professors would also find themselves within the optics of the telescopic rifle. The stage for confrontation was set when a high-ranking government official accused university lecturers of teaching what they were not paid to teach. Not long after this, massive retrenchments, mass sackings, summary dismissals and the odd deportation followed.

      This was straight out of some medieval script of authoritarian tyranny. It is unthinkable in a modern society. But it was a reflection of the hegemonic culture in the nation. In America, Noam Chomsky, the crusty old contrarian, continues to spew his anti-establishment expletives from his M.I.T redoubt with nobody disturbing his peace. When Charles de Gaulle was asked to put Jean Paul Sartre away for being an intellectual nuisance, the great man retorted that Sartre was also France.

       Consequently, as a result of the severe economic downturn, lack of job satisfaction and the culture of intolerance, university teachers began deserting their beat in droves. Today, it will be an understatement to say that the intellectual workforce of the university system is badly depleted. Morale is low. The system is in a bad shape.

    But it has managed to stay afloat. This is quite a remarkable achievement in the face of overwhelming adversity. We must single out for commendation the current set of youthful and energetic administrators who are keeping the old Ife can-do spirit alive.

    How then do we begin to slog our way back to universal reckoning and to the old civilization where the Nigerian university system was held in high esteem and where this iconic university was regarded as a citadel of higher learning and pedagogic excellence?

    The picture we have painted so far is of unrelieved gloom; a catastrophic systemic collapse with mutually reinforcing factors. In nautical terms it is known as a perfect storm where and when everything combines and conspires to take a system or an organization down. In a remarkable irony, not even the much lionized and universally rhapsodized Ife franchise escaped some fraying at the edges.

    There were allegations of a hegemonic sub-ethnic formation dominating every aspects of life in the university. Professor Ojetunji Aboyade was later to be accused of surrounding himself with a cabal of partridge-hunting cronies, an allegation which brought out the full umbrage of the old literary lion WS in a piece titled  “Of the Aparo Mafia”. (Aparo is the Yoruba word for partridge).

       As a result of its origins in war and numerous hostilities, the Yoruba faction of the Nigerian elite formation has always been less cohesive more brittle than its Igbo and Hausa/Fulani competitors. This fundamental handicap was also to play out in the politics of Ife. It is the way of all human groups in competition for increasingly scarce resources.

      In charting the way forward, let us remember that it has not been a tale of unremitting doom and gloom. Despite everything, let us recall with William Shakespeare that there is still some architecture in the ruins. There are many of our friends who insist that there can be no question of re-imagining and repositioning the university system until Nigeria itself is re-imagined and repositioned.

    Others maintain that until the Colonial Question is resolved, a situation in which our entire epistemological criteria particularly knowledge of our own history and our own culture are trapped within the discursive formation of the imperialist masters, there can no question of anything being reimagined not to talk of being repositioned.

       According to this school of thought, the Chinese, Indians and Japanese had a head start on us despite being equally subjugated because they refused to surrender their culture and civilization, particularly their religion, belief system and its fundamental worldview. The result is that these sturdy Orientals deal with the west with aplomb and superior flair, knowing fully well that civilizational advance is a revolving door and not the exclusive preserve of a particular people.

    To reimagine and reposition our university system

    First, there must be a wholesale revaluation and revalidation of our entire university curricular system to give it a cutting edge in an increasingly competitive and knowledge driven world. All colonial courses must give way to newer realities. Such newer realities suggest that emergent master-cultures and languages such as Chinese, Japanese, Javanese and modern Arabic should be incorporated into the curriculum for the purpose serious engagement.

        Second, universities must encourage the multi-disciplinary perspective, a situation in which several fields and their unusual insights converge on a single issue making it more amenable to greater understanding. The current narrow disciplines and the equally narrow specialism they foster can only yield fragmented and isolated insights which cannot be building blocks for any honest and holistic inquiry into the plight of the continent.

    These narrow subjects which are the offshoots of the constricted thought-process bequeathed to us by colonial masters and their facile philosophy of Empiricism do not allow the mind to exercise its full sovereignty over contending issues. Consequently, centres for multidisciplinary studies which are a rarity on our campuses must now be encouraged to flourish as a booster station for individual departments and for cutting edge research in global developments.

      Finally, scientific developments and technological innovations always require new disciplinary perspectives. For example, the development of drone technology and Artificial Intelligence both for offensive and agricultural purposes requires novel engineering directives from our various faculties of technology. If we need to recall, Computer Science as we know it today is a direct offshoot of military experimentation on the battle field.

    It is heart-warming to report that barely three years after one lamented the dearth of the deployment of Artificial Intelligence in current university experimentation in a convocation lecture at FUNNAB, the situation has improved considerably with several universities, including this one, latching on to the new frontiers of human civilization. It cannot be a perfect start, given the critical lack of resources and in the absence of the cross-fertilization of ideas that comes with global exposure. 

      With that, we now come to the contentious issue of adequate funding for the university system. Given the epic waste and mismanagement that has gone on, it should now be obvious to even the most starry-eyed idealists that we cannot return to the El Dorado of the past when the university was awash in cash and virtually everything was free including meal and tuition. In retrospect, it can now be seen that this was an unsustainable mirage based on the illusion of wealth.

      The reality has turned out to be more dismal and distressing for the nation. Given the parlous state of the country, this era is unlikely to return for the foreseeable future. But it is the bounden duty of every responsible state to guarantee maximum education for all its citizens while ameliorating the crushing financial burden particularly for the underprivileged.

      The question of adequate funding for the university has created an ethical conundrum for many older Nigerian citizens. There are many who bear the moral anguish of having to tell contemporary undergraduates to bear with the government and their straitened circumstances when they themselves passed through the same system a generation or two earlier with virtually all their needs provided for by the government.

      Yet there are others who could not be bothered by this moral quandary even where silence means complicity with the failure of the postcolonial state and the abdication of civic responsibility. But the impasse has to be resolved. While government must be nudged in the right direction to avoid ostentation and fiscal malfeasance, the university administration must recognize the fact that it is time to think out of the box and come up with a new paradigm of university funding. I will now enumerate a few of the steps that could be taken.

    ·               A means-tested loan scheme catering for the most indigent and the distressed middle class deportees must be immediately put in place. These loans must be backed by philanthropic organizations, churches, schools and even international bodies. Repayment must kick in immediately after graduation pending a period of humanitarian grace.

    ·               University authorities must revamp and expand the current consultancy units into a proper bureau of wealth creation. The mandate of this bureau which should be headed by a top university administrator is to aggressively create wealth for the institution through large scale farming, fishing, low-level industries and the manufacturing of modern agricultural implements, etc. The university can also act as a commodity purchasing board for local farmers.

    ·               Donations, funds, grants, international loans and subventions must be actively sought. The era of university administrators as salesmen is upon us. In this regard, the university must put its best foot forward. In America, the most decorated and garlanded professors are often recruited by their universities for this purpose. Paul de Man, the great Yale literary critic, once wrote of how he fell asleep on a sofa in a giant New York corporation while waiting to see the chairman as part of a university team.

    ·               The issue of Diaspora donations cannot be taken lightly. There are so many concerned alumni in the Diaspora who are willing to give something back to their beloved alma mater provided there is accountability and transparency. If each of these eager donors is made to pledge a thousand dollars each, that will be a cool one billion from a thousand of them. It may well be time for our university system to create a department of Diaspora Affairs. Fortuitously, the Chairman of the diaspora commission is an old student of this university and a proud alumnus at that.

    Mr chairman, distinguished audience and our graduands, I am happy to report that most of these measures are already in place in many of our universities. But they need to be deepened and intensified. The ebullience and resilience of the Nigerian spirit are such that it can survive any adversity and surmount any obstacle. It is with this redemptive trope of national durability that I sign off this morning. I thank you all.

  • ‘Kalokalo’ managers?

    ‘Kalokalo’ managers?

    National Lottery Trust fund earned billions, spent all, despite  being fully funded by government

    Fuji legend, the late Sikiru Ayinde Barrister it was who sang years back when he was literally drenched in ‘naira rain’ that Nigeria has a surfeit wealthy men! ‘Olowo nbe ni Nigeria yi’, he shouted at the top of his voice like someone whose finger was just trapped in the home-made door of a Danfo bus. ‘Barry Wonder’, as he was then called, was right. But it is not only that Nigeria is blessed with many wealthy people; the country itself is rich.

    Just that there are too many leakages. Euphemism for corruption? May be.

    Something happened last week that reinforced my belief that something has to be done to reduce the weight that the Federal Government is carrying. The government is unwieldy and there is more than enough evidence to support this assertion. I watched on television, last week, how the  Executive Secretary/Chief Executive Officer of the National Lottery Trust Fund, Bello Maigari, responded to questions on what has happened to the billions that the fund generated in the past few years. That was when he appeared before the House of Representatives Committee on Finance on Monday, during the  2024-2026 Medium Term Expenditure Framework and Fiscal Strategy Paper Interactive Session with Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs).

    Maigari’s response to enquiries on the fund’s activities was such a bundle of disappointment that the committee had to place the fund on status enquiry for spending all its internally generated revenue (IGR). Maigari said the N2.5bn it has so far generated from statutory remittances from licenses and permit holders in 2023, as well as the N6.8bn it generated last year, had all been spent on various critical sectoral interventions, including education, sports development, social services, public welfare and disaster management, across the country. Not only is the fund’s purse empty, it also had a deficit of about N255m in 2022 because they had a carryover of liabilities in 2021!

    Equally shocking to the committee was Maigari’s statement that the fund was expected to pay emoluments, allowances, and benefits of members of its board, as well as salaries and allowances of its members of staff! This is shocking because the fund is fully funded by the Federal Government and, as is usual with such agencies, they are expected to remit 100 per cent of their revenue to the  government.

    An apparently annoyed chairman of the committee, James Faleke, retorted: “, “It’s like the government opened this agency for you and your family. That is what you are saying. That is the meaning. You generated almost N2.5 billion and you spent the N2.5 billion on the last kobo…

    ”We are going to carry out a status enquiry on the Nigerian Lottery Trust Fund. Status enquiry means we are going to bring in an external auditor to audit your accounts, your books, all your income, and expenses from day one to date. We would send our report to the plenary and if you are found guilty, you will be made to refund all expenditure and any other punishment thereof,” he added.

     Let no one be deceived that the lottery fund is alone in this. There are countless other agencies doing the same thing. The fact of the matter is that there are too many Federal Government agencies such that keeping tabs of their activities is difficult, if not absolutely impossible. That is why so many of them don’t get audited for years when, in actual fact, they should be audited annually. Even for those that are audited, it is difficult to follow the process through unless something snaps somewhere and some of these lapses suddenly rear their ugly heads.

    Yet, it is taking eternity for the Federal Government to prune the number of these agencies. Yet, the government keeps complaining about its huge overhead costs. Yet, the government keeps borrowing to sustain the country when we can get virtually all we need if we are able to harness our resources properly. 

    Even in countries where public officials do things with the best of intentions, it is wrong for different agencies of government to embark on projects with their IGR or even the left-over of their annual budget. Where they must, it should be projects for the use of the respective agencies and these must be scrutinised by the appropriate agencies to ensure that the tax payer is not short-changed, not intervention programmes like the one Maigari talked about.

     If this can be permitted in saner climes, it is a different kettle of fish in our kind of country where corruption is endemic. Such a system does not give room for effective coordination of projects. Some sectors that are not particularly essential could be given priority attention for all kinds of reasons, including awarding the contracts to cronies of those managing the agencies that are awarding the contracts, for pecuniary gains. We may thus have situations of over-concentration of projects in some sectors at the expense of some other sectors.

    By the way, I used to think that an age-long practice in the MDAs; that is that of the ministries and agencies spending whatever was left of their allocation anyhow at the end of the year to enable them get a bigger allocation in the next budget, was over. But it seems the practice is still very much with us.

    What happens is that towards the end of the year, MDAs submit their requirements for capturing in the next budget. Money is then allocated based on those submissions. Somehow, despite the corruption and all in the system, some MDAs would still have some money left in their accounts.  Then the managers of such MDAs would start awarding all manner of frivolous contracts around early December so they could have zero balance. Suppliers would be asked to supply (and remove) things that they did not actually need. This was all that was required to raise their allocation in the next budget. Zero balance. This meant the previous allocation was not enough! Nobody bothered to check how the previous allocation was spent, or asked questions why millions or even billions that was not spent from January to November suddenly vamoosed in December.

    I heard the practice is still rife, despite theTreasury Single Account (TSA). This is because in Nigeria, public money is seen in the light of a mad man’s leg that everybody can just go to cut his or her piece from without anyone asking questions.

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    The fact of the matter is that many MDAs are viable; just that we did not know because we never bothered to find out. For so long, we had carried on as a nation where money is not the problem but how to spend it.

     Until Prof Ishaq Oloyede assumed office as the registrar and chief executive officer of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), not many knew the board was a cash cow in its own little way. As a matter of fact, one would have thought those posted there before him were sent to ‘Siberia’ to go and labour. But Oloyede came and changed the narrative. JAMB now remits billions to the Federal Government’s coffers every year. Oloyede has set a record which his successors must be ready to sustain if not improve on. As a matter of fact, I won’t be surprised if some people reject appointment as JAMB registrar after his tenure because taking it means work and self denial. Not many people in Nigeria look forward to such appointments. Oloyede has proved that appointment as JAMB’s registrar could be juicy, but many Nigerians prefer juicier appointments! Like the lottery fund thing.

    True, JAMB too is now encouraged to embark on intervention projects, but they are related to its sphere of responsibility. And it is only a fraction of its IGR that goes into such projects; not the entire amount.

    It would be interesting to see details of the intervention projects that Maigari’s lottery fund spent its entire earnings on and even incurred debt for the government in the course of undertaking those obviously self-appointed assignments.

     I hope by the time we have the breakdown of the expenditure, it won’t remind one of one of Baba Sala’s plays when he was asked what he did with a hefty sum of money that he collected. He replied that he bought popcorn, groundnut as well as a cart! ‘Mo ra guguru, mo r’epa, mo ra omolanke ninu e’.

    If the situation does not remind one exactly of the Baba Sala play, then it would remind  us of our military governors in those days who met their state treasuries empty and left them empty! Or a father who impregnates his daughter and tells people who want to know why he did that they have no locus: after all, ‘ na me born am, na me give am belle’! Or, is Maigari merely telling the Federal Government that it should not expect to reap where it has not sown? Meaning if he made the money, he should be free to spend it as he likes?

    Whatever it is, I can bet my life on it, even before the lottery fund probe reports are out: Baba Ijebu, with all his imperfections, would have managed the National Lottery Trust Fund better.

    All said, the fund’s case is another eye-opener; another wake-up call on the government to look critically inwards for money instead of overburdening Nigerians with the task of vomiting the billions and trillions that they only hear about being spent.

    As a Yoruba saying goes: ‘ai rin jina, lai r’abuke okere; ta ba wo’le daadaa, a ri eera to ya’ro’. Meaning literally, it is when we don’t go far that we don’t see a squirrel with hunchback; if we look well to the ground, we will see ants that are lame.

    Let the government sniff out similar MDAs like the lottery trust fund and recover our monies from their managers. Where necessary, send to jail those of them who have dipped their hands illegally into our common purse. The lottery trust fund is only a tip of the iceberg. It is set to be  only one of those little drops of water that make up the mighty ocean of corruption in Nigeria.

  • Is global opinion shifting against Israel?

    Is global opinion shifting against Israel?

    • By Leila Nezirevic 

    The initial sympathy for Israel in the immediate wake of the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks is diminishing as Tel Aviv’s response is widely viewed as disproportionate.

    Nearly 17,200 Palestinians have been killed in the Gaza Strip, with an estimated 70% being women and children.

    After Oct. 7, ruling elites, government officials, establishment media and mainstream intellectuals were solidly pro-Israel, but there seems to be a shift as many scholars are now suggesting that Benjamin Netanyahu’s government is using the attacks as a pretext to commit genocide against Palestinian people.

    A group of UN experts last month also called on the international community to “prevent genocide against the Palestinian people,” warning that violations committed by Israel “point to a genocide in the making.”

    Government officials in the West are still very pro-Israel, but “now they have to respond to outraged public opinion,” Nader Hashemi, associate professor of Middle East and Islamic Politics at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, told Anadolu.

    That is forcing them “to make statements that attempt to acknowledge the Palestinian dimension of this crisis, the suffering in Gaza, the need for a Palestinian state,” he said.

    Western nations have historically looked at the issue through the prism of historic antisemitism in the West, culminating in the horrors of the Holocaust and the need to support the creation of a Jewish state, said Hashemi, who is also the director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies.

    When you have a “big catastrophe, like what we saw on Oct. 7” people initially “retrenched to those positions,” he explained.

    Western governments and intellectuals viewed what has happened as largely a story that focuses on Israel, while “the Palestinian side of the equation is, at best, just an appendage, a somewhat afterthought to this horror story,” he said.

    In other words, the grievances of the Palestinians and the need for the Palestinians to have equal rights to Israelis are “not given the same type of consideration by Western ruling elites, as they should,” Hashemi added.

    According to him, historical differences separate the West from the Global South and other states that are more sympathetic toward Palestinians, as those countries tend to view the conflict through the prism of the history of colonialism and imperialism.

    Limited to rhetoric

    Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak warned last month that Tel Aviv has only weeks to eliminate Hamas, as public opinion is rapidly swinging against its attacks on Gaza.

    Barak, the former prime minister and military chief who led the country between 1999 and 2001, said the rhetoric of US officials had shifted and sympathy toward Israel was diminishing, particularly because of the staggering civilian death toll in Gaza and fears of a regional spillover.

    “You can see the window is closing. It’s clear we are heading towards friction with the Americans about the offensive. America cannot dictate to Israel what to do. But we cannot ignore them,” he told the news outlet Politico.

    According to Anwar Mhajne, assistant professor of political science at Stonehill College, Israel “knew from the beginning that they have a limited time to respond” before the world starts raising questions.

    While the rhetoric has changed, it is yet unclear if the policy has shifted, with many suggesting that the shift in the Biden administration is simply due to domestic considerations for next year’s elections.

    Muslim voters are already threatening not to vote for President Joe Biden and Democrats are slowly changing their tune, said Mhajne.

    Young voters who usually lean toward Democrats are also not satisfied with his administration’s handling of the crisis, she said.

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    According to Mhajne, the US providing military aid, vetoing resolutions and allowing Tel Aviv to respond in whatever way it deems appropriate is the reason why people are turning against the government.

    “With the human cost so high, it’s becoming really hard to justify that Hamas is still intact, and people are questioning the strategy and also the goals of this,” she said.

    Hashemi emphasized that “it’s mostly rhetoric … not policy.”

    Washington has a lot of leverage that it could use to force Israel to comply with international humanitarian law and push for a serious peace process, he argued.

    However, “up until now, the US has been very reluctant to even contemplate that idea,” he said.

    In Hashemi’s opinion, the US should send a clear message to Israel that its support will be put in doubt unless it stops human rights violations against the Palestinians and enters a serious peace process.

    But, unfortunately, he does not see the US “doing what … is needed.”

    Hashemi said Washington’s unwillingness to withdraw its support is largely to do with its influence in the Middle East, but also domestic reasons related to the influence of Israeli lobby groups.

    Divided Europe

    While Israel has so far dismissed US pressure about minimizing civilian casualties, former Premier Barak said the country would not be able to ignore Washington and the EU for much longer.

    Israel is “losing public opinion” and will “start to lose governments in Europe,” while “friction with the Americans will emerge to the surface,” he told Politico.

    However, according to Hashemi, Europe remains divided on the issue.

    Major countries such as the UK, France and Germany are very pro-Israel, particularly in segments of the ruling elite, establishment voices and establishment media, but we see the most pro-Palestinian sentiment in Spain and Ireland, he said.

    In terms of public opinion and from what we have seen from large protests in Europe, “people are more critical of their governments” and their position on Israel, said Hashemi.

    The EU, which tries to act with one voice on the issue, is “still very much in Israel’s camp,” with some dissenting voices such as Spain and Ireland, and maybe Portugal to a certain extent, he added.

    US losing influence

    In the Global South, in the Islamic world, in parts of Africa and large parts of Asia, there is outrage at the US and Europe for demonstrating a “total abandonment of the principles that the West articulated were foundational to the world order” after Russia began its “special military operation” in Ukraine, according to Hashemi.

    These Western nations said “we had to abide by international law, that we had to oppose the occupation, we had to oppose annexation, we had to support the criminal prosecution of those people who are guilty of war crimes,” he said.

    These principles announced in the context of Ukraine “have completely been abandoned” when it comes to Palestine, Hashemi asserted, adding that the Global South has taken notice and “it’s very difficult to take the West seriously anymore on these questions.”

    Hashemi believes there is no going back to the world that existed before the current Gaza crisis, where the US and the West could claim some sort of moral leadership.

    The biggest beneficiaries are China and Russia, who will capitalize on the “hypocrisy” and “double standards” of the West to send a message to the Global South to ally and support them in their attempt to rewrite the rules of the international order, he said.

    ·               This article was first published in www.aa.com.tr

  • Terrorists chase residents out of Kaduna village for failing to pay tax 

    Terrorists chase residents out of Kaduna village for failing to pay tax 

    Residents of Kidandan community in Giwa Local Government area of Kaduna State were chased out of their ancestral homes in their hundreds over the weekend for failing to pay tax to bandits.

    The bandits had raided their community for hours, shooting indiscriminately, resulting in the killing of many residents and abduction of many others.

    Some survivors told reporters that the bandits, who had previously terrorized the community, increased their aggression after some farmers failed to pay the levies imposed on them.

    The Kaduna State Police Command did not respond to the inquiries made about the incident, as the Command’s spokesman, ASP Mansur Hassan, promised to call our correspondent back but had not done so at press time.

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    A resident, who preferred anonymity, said: “For the past six days, bandits have been frequenting Kidandan. But this attack was particularly devastating. They instilled terror, stole belongings, and abducted our people.

    “Every resident of Kidandan lives in extreme fear. Our women and children are leaving in large numbers. The sudden and unplanned exodus is striking. They seek safety, heading to Zaria and other seemingly secured areas to stay with friends and relatives.”

    It was alleged that instead of a permanent security presence, patrols were the only form of occasional security in the community.

    This, it was alleged, allowed the bandits to strike whenever they sensed the absence of security operatives.

  • Rivers celebrity photographer Wildshot dies day to birthday

    Rivers celebrity photographer Wildshot dies day to birthday

    A Popular celebrity photographer based in Port Harcourt, Rivers State and known as Wildshot, has died in a lone car accident at the Wimpe area of Obio-Akpor Local Government Area, Rivers State.

    The photographer was said to have rammed into a building while trying to overtake a trailer at about 9pm on Friday.

    The deceased was reportedly at a popular gymnastic centre in Port Harcourt when his mother at Rumuola area called him to complain that some suspected cultists were shooting around her residence.

    The photographer and only child of her mother was said to have abandoned his activities at the gym, hopped into his car and rushed to the area in a bid to save his mother.

    But it was learnt that the victim, who was on speed, tried to overtake a trailer but lost control of his car, rammed into a building and sustained serious injuries.

    The two hospitals he was rushed to were said to have rejected him while the third one confirmed him dead on arrival.

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    A source, who was at the gym with Wildshot, said: “We were together with him when he rushed out of the gym after receiving a call.

    “He said his mother called him and complained that some people were shooting around her residence. He told us he was going to relocate his mother from the troubled zone.

    “But a few minutes after, we got information that he had an accident. People tried to save him by taking him to three hospitals. By the time they got to the third hospital, he was confirmed dead.”

    A coach at the gym, Wisdom, described his death as sudden and shocking, saying people at the gym mourned his death.

    Wildshot died a day to his birthday.

  • Jatau regains freedom after 18 months in detention

    Jatau regains freedom after 18 months in detention

    Following outcry from the Christian community in Nigeria over the continued detention of Rhoda Jatau in Bauchi Prison, the mother of five, who had been imprisoned for 18 months for condemning the alleged killing of Samuel Deborah in Sokoto State, has regained her freedom.

    Sources indicate that her release, which occurred last Friday, was facilitated by influential entities including the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC), and the Christian Solidarity Worldwide Nigeria (CSWN).

    Jatau had been held since May 2022 on blasphemy charges for sharing a video condemning the brutal lynching of Deborah, a 200-level student at Shehu Shagari College of Education in Sokoto.

    Although her bail conditions were not disclosed, it was gathered that the Inter-Religious Council played a vital role in securing Jatau’s release.

    However, it was gathered that the healthcare worker was only temporarily released on bail, and is scheduled to appear in court on November 19 to continue her trial on blasphemy charges filed by the Bauchi State Government.

    Read Also: Kaduna bombing mistake: Defence chief begs Nigerians

    The Nation recalls that the case gained global attention from Christian solidarity groups last month when the judge denied her bail.

    The bail request followed an argument by her defence, asserting that Mrs. Jatau was exercising her right to free speech when she expressed outrage over the murder of Deborah Samuel by Islamic extremists at Shehu Shagari College in Sokoto.

    Samuel was accused of making derogatory comments on a WhatsApp group for students.

    But the State government contends that Mrs. Jatau’s actions amount to blasphemy, a serious offence with potential jail sentences in Bauchi and other northern Nigerian regions.

  • Three dead, 11 injured as mining pit collapses in Zamfara

    Three dead, 11 injured as mining pit collapses in Zamfara

    No fewer than three artisanal miners have died while 11 others were injured when a mining pit collapsed in Dan Kamfani, Anka Local Government Area of Zamfara State.

    According to a witness, who also works around the area, the incident occurred at about 4 pm on Thursday.

    The eyewitness, who pleaded anonymity for security reasons, told Channels Television on Saturday that three artisanal miners were confirmed dead while 11 others were critically injured.

    He said the injured were receiving treatment at Anka General Hospital

    “The mining pit collapsed a few minutes to 4 pm on Thursday. We don’t know the exact number of people inside the pit, but three bodies were recovered while 11 other people were seriously injured.

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    “The three people that died hailed from Yar Tsabaya District in Anka Local Government Area. Up till now, we don’t have the actual figure of the people inside, and we cannot confirm the number of people because the mining pit is about 275 metres deep,” he stated.

    Zamfara is rich in solid minerals which include gold, iron ore, limestone and granite, among others.

    The Federal Government and the state government had banned any form of mining activity and ordered security agencies to enforce the ban.

    Most of the artisanal miners operating in the state are operating without licences and permissions to explore minerals.

  • Restructuring as poisoned chalice

    Restructuring as poisoned chalice

    Barely five months after President Bola Tinubu assumed office, pressure groups began mounting pressure on him to lead efforts to restructure Nigeria. The groups are mostly Southern and Middle Belt socio-political organisations. The call will become more strident as he nears the end of his first term. Whether he will heed the call totally, respond to it piecemeal, or adopt a tokenistic approach to the controversial subject remains to be seen. Former president Goodluck Jonathan gestured in that direction close to the end of his first term, but his national conference effort, initially lost in a maze of nomenclatures, miscarried. Ex-president Olsuegun Obasanjo also dithered until the closing months of his presidency before kick-starting wide-ranging constitutional amendment that self-destructed on the altar of his third term ambition. For obvious reasons, former president Muhammadu Buhari was completely apathetic. If President Tinubu will heed the call, he will first agonise over its timing before occupying himself with the more salient issues of how to define restructuring and the even more difficult question of what shape it should take.

    Ultimately, restructuring is a subject that cannot be avoided for long. President Tinubu has demonstrated rare courage in grappling with needed and urgent economic reforms. He met a broken and empty treasury, and has begun clawing the administration’s way back to solvency. That has not been easy, for even presidential candidates in the last election, not to talk of the ordinary Nigerian, suffer from a gross lack of understanding of how the economy works, how badly broken President Buhari left it, and how long remediation will take in the face of a restive and impoverished public inured to logic and reasoning. Embarking on restructuring will not only require much more courage, it will also demand high-level perceptiveness and vision on a scale the country has never witnessed, no, not even during the constitutional conferences that predated independence.

    President Tinubu will be extremely lucky to start the restructuring journey in the middle or towards the end of his first term as campaigners want. Both he and his aides suggest that Nigeria’s economic crisis is being resolved and is projected to be stabilised in a year or two. The country shares their optimism; but it is doubtful whether the crisis can be as responsive as they romanticise, especially given a rentier state preyed upon by powerful, remorseless and entrenched forces who for decades had so dug themselves in that it would take cutting off their hands to rid the system of their predation. Without stabilising the economy and repositioning it on the path of growth, it is difficult to see any bold and courageous leader tinkering with the constitution, let alone restructuring the system. Nigeria’s controversial presidential system vests enormous and tantalising amount of power in the hands of the president. A stabilised economy and imperial presidency reinforce each other and inevitably promote complacency. Once growth begins to occur, the country may need to measure the integrity of the commitment of the president to restructuring. Entrenched interests are loth to give up the perks and perquisites of power, as President Tinubu himself opined during the campaigns.

    Assuming the president commits himself to restructuring in line with his longstanding worldview and can get his timing right, he will face the next hurdle of definitional differences bisecting regional and ethnic lines. Restructuring means different things to different people. British colonialists faced a herculean effort cobbling together a tentative parliamentary system that demanded from Nigerian political leaders discipline and know-how available only in very modest quantities. Four republics down the line and two bastardised presidential constitutions later, those differences have neither been bridged nor erased. While it is axiomatic that political elites with the wrong or inappropriate attitudes would fare badly with even the best constitutions, it is increasingly evident that both the parliamentary and presidential systems imposed on or borrowed from elsewhere and sewn onto a variegated and perhaps ossified cultural and political systems that predated independence have proved treacherously difficult to operate.

    It was perhaps the difficulty Nigerians encountered in operating borrowed systems that led Chief Obasanjo to advocate Afro-democracy, a nebulous and indeterminate system which even he could not fathom. His insincerity and leadership incompetence doomed his suggestions. Worse, by calling for an indigenous democratic model, he failed to appreciate the deep and stratified differences in civilisational experiences of Nigeria’s major ethnic groups. It seemed it would even be far easier and less complicated to borrow and engraft a borrowed system than to devise an original one. Should President Tinubu master those differences, he will next have to contend with how to inspire in a generally immiscible people a new and workable system, whether a menagerie of borrowed constitutions or a wholly in digenous system. The problem is who or which team will conceptualise it, and to what extent it could harmonise political differences over which Nigerians have hardened themselves and gone to war during decades of ethnic, regional and religious strife?

    The parliamentary system was midwifed by the British whose worldview is alien to Nigeria. The Nigerian presidential system was the most cursory and inexpert borrowing ever undertaken by any nation. To produce a workable model, as this column reflected on in this place two weeks ago, would require astute and competent leaders who possess intuitive understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of Nigeria’s native systems. Those leaders must not only have the ability to gaze far and deep into the future, they must also have an infinite and robust grasp of the country’s origins, where history and chemistry of races and indigenous empires and kingdoms cohere. Neither Chief Obasanjo in his first and second coming, nor Dr Jonathan, nor yet ex-president Buhari possesses such a grasp. President Tinubu is a dealmaker par excellence, his aides boast; but he will have to prove that in inspiring and envisioning a new constitution, he can be as quintessential as France’s Charles de Gaulle, the United States of America’s Gen. Douglas MacArthur, or German leaders who assembled 61 men and four women who drafted the still regnant German Basic Law of 1949, a constitution that anticipated and transcended Germany’s reunification in 1990.

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    At the moment, there are indications that a powerful section of the Nigerian political elite, hoping to strike a middle course between the indifference of the core North and the activism and feistiness of the South and Middle Belt, prefer to tinker with the constitution, perhaps to make it more federal as they imagine. It is not clear whether the patchwork will make sense, for Nigeria has since 1979 continued to tinker with its political system without achieving any of the balances they dreamt about. The fundamental and radical changes needed to shoot Nigeria into a higher and more stable trajectory have been avoided like a plague. Indeed, it is feared that the barriers of tribe, religion and other differences will make deep changes almost impossible, especially in the absence of a great motivator. Past leaders have been too fearful of calling the country to those changes, but became wiser either shortly before leaving office or shortly after.

    If the Tinubu administration has a vision for the future, far beyond the challenges of today and tomorrow, far beyond superhighways and bridges and schools, if it has a vision of the great and unassailable future the country needs, it must return to the basics by repairing the foundations. It must resist the temptation to engage superficial changes, the uncontroversial, safe and soft things of the moment, and must engineer a fateful leap to that esoteric and subliminal level where presidents are not just kings but also philosophers, combining the gift of the alchemist with the transcendence of the mystic. There are building blocks to national greatness, but those blocks can only emanate from hard and often unpopular decisions. If the president does not already have a vision for that future, he must find it, for he cannot give what he does not have; nor should he dare to leave the parliament, with their disparate interests, to conceive a vision for him and the country. Let him get scholars to distill the histories of great constitutions for him to reacquaint and inspire himself to dream great and big, to help him understand why empires rise and fall, and to determine that in his time, Nigeria must rise and expand to greatness.

    Restructuring should not be the poisoned chalice it has been made out to be. If President Tinubu gets the timing right, and also gets the theoretical direction and philosophy of the new constitution right, he should find the ingenuity to assemble the few men and women who will inspire a document for the ages. That document should be citable in the decades to come, and apart from forming the rubric of a new and powerful nation, will inspire generations to come. There are a thousand and one reasons for the president to be cautious, indecisive, and conservative even in his progressivism. If he is as hungry for greatness as he has given the impression, if he is determined to learn from history, he will resist the temptation to ‘manage’ Nigeria and pass it on to the next leader as a nuisance, having satisfied himself like his predecessor that he had at least risen to the presidency at a point in the nation’s history. He will be wise to resist being stampeded or to allow the initiative be taken away from him, but he will be much wiser not to leave the country the way he met it, even if a tad more prosperous.