Author: The Nation

  • Assets forfeiture: Let’s stop the theft, not chase it

    Assets forfeiture: Let’s stop the theft, not chase it

    • By Obadiya John

    Sir: In the bustling courtrooms of Abuja, Lagos, and beyond, a familiar ritual plays out: high-profile asset forfeitures, multi-billion naira recoveries, and protracted legal battles against former public officials. To the average citizen, these headlines—often involving hundreds of duplexes, luxury vehicles, and billions in repatriated cash—feel like a victory.

    However, as the figures grow larger, a haunting question remains: Why is the tap of corruption still running so freely? While our anti-graft agencies, the EFCC and ICPC, deserve credit for clawing back stolen wealth, the sheer volume of these recoveries is not a badge of honour; it is a diagnostic report of a failing system. We are celebrating the return of the water while the house is still flooding.

    In recent years, the scale of asset recovery has reached historic levels. The figures are, by any objective measure, staggering. In 2024 alone, the federal government disclosed a combined recovery of over N277 billion and $105 million in cash and assets. By 2025, the ICPC realized N1.86 billion from the auction of 23 forfeited assets—the highest in its history.

    The EFCC has been even more aggressive. Between late 2023 and September 2025, the commission recovered over N566 billion, $411 million, and 1,502 properties. One of the most staggering examples remains the final forfeiture of 753 duplexes in Lokogoma, Abuja. While these figures enjoy strong political endorsement—including the president’s vow that “every stolen asset will be recovered”—they tell a story of massive theft that was allowed to happen in the first place. Forfeiture, in this context, is a damage-control exercise rather than a deterrent strategy.

    The irony of Nigeria’s corruption crisis is that we do not lack the legal tools to prevent looting. Our law books are filled with preventive measures designed to “stop the thief at the door.” The Public Procurement Act (2007) was established to ensure transparency and competition in government contracts; the Fiscal Responsibility Act (2007) aims to prevent reckless spending outside the budget; the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act requires public officers to declare assets to prevent “unjust enrichment”; and the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act (2022) provides a framework to stop illicit funds before they leave the country.

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    So, what happened? The answer lies in institutional capture and legal formalism. Nigeria has the “form” of the law but lacks the “spirit” of enforcement. Many of these preventive laws are treated as mere administrative hurdles. When internal oversight units, such as Anti-Corruption and Transparency Units (ACTUs), are underfunded or intimidated by their superiors, the law becomes a dead letter.

    There is a dangerous tendency to view asset recovery as a source of national pride. But we must ask: Is it “pride” to catch a man who has already spent years impoverishing a community?

    Recovery is a slow, expensive, and often inefficient process. Research suggests the efficiency rate for recovering traced proceeds can be as low as 45% due to long legal battles and the depreciation of seized assets like vehicles and buildings. More importantly, by the time money is recovered, the damage—unbuilt hospitals, broken schools, and lost lives—is already done.

    A pilot who prevents a crash is more successful than a search-and-rescue team that finds the black box after a tragedy. Nigeria is currently focusing on the black box.

    To move beyond being a nation that simply “reacts well to theft,” Nigeria must shift from a “policeman-chasing-thief” model to a “system-securing-vault” model. This requires three critical reforms: Automating government payments and procurement to remove the “human interface” where bribes and negotiations typically occur; Moving beyond a mere policy to a formal law that provides concrete protection and rewards for those who report looting before the funds are diverted; and ensuring that internal auditors and procurement officers have security of tenure so they cannot be fired or transferred by the same politicians they are meant to monitor.

    Forfeiture and recovery are necessary, but they are woefully insufficient as standalone strategies. We must recognize that when catching crooks becomes the sole goal, the system still fails; true victory lies not in the arrest, but in the impossibility of the theft. Celebrating recovery is not enough; we need prevention to ensure that public wealth remains where it belongs: in the service of the people.

    •Obadiya John,

    obadiyajohn@yahoo.com

  • Malami and yesterday’s men of power

    Malami and yesterday’s men of power

    • By Mike Kebonkwu

    Abubakar Malami, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) is a privileged person by all Nigeria’s standards.  He hails from Kebbi State, and not much is known about his family background to belong to aristocratic oligarchy of the North.  He belongs to the noble profession of lawyers; Not only that, he also belongs to the privileged class of lawyers with a swagger.  He is a member of the inner bar; crème la crème of the legal profession and the dream and envy of every lawyer.  He was a minister and Attorney-General of the Federation for eight solid years under late president, Muhammadu Buhari.  Before this time, he was relatively obscure in his small practice. 

    He was reputed to be part of the cabal in President Buhari’s government.  He was as perverse as he was obdurate.  His words almost became law and he used the Office of the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice typically “the Nigerian way”.

    The judiciary and Ministry of Justice has not recovered from his superintendence for the mockery of the rule of law and flagrant disobedience of court orders.  Under his watch, political power became synonymous with the interpretation of the rule of law.  He is not imbued with the aesthetics of the language of the law; almost bland and vacuous.    He justified the extra ordinary rendition and abduction of the fugitive separatist and IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) leader, Mazi Nnandu Kanu from Kenya.  He brought the scintillating career of Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen (GCON), the erstwhile Chief Justice of Nigeria to a ruinous  and  humiliating end unceremoniously in what was clear persecution and travesty of justice. Nobody saw anything wrong with it, and our “one-thousand-and-one” Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) rights activists, Civil Society Organizations (CSO) did not see it as a just fight to take up.  Nigerians did not protest the erosion of the rule of law and the budding tyranny of the regime at the time for both fear and pecuniary consideration.

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    Abubakar Malami did not see tomorrow!  He was reputed to have supervised the perfidious payment of $496 million to Global Steel Holdings Ltd (GSHL) as settlement for the termination of the Ajaokuta Steel concession years after the Indian company had waived all claims for compensation; there was no whimper.  He was also fingered in sale of assets worth billions of Naira forfeited to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) by politically exposed persons.  He was equally fingered in the $419 million judgment debt awarded to consultants who claimed to have facilitated the Paris Club refund to states. He was also reputed to be the mastermind in the strange agreement to pay Sunrise Power $200 million compensation in its dispute with the federal government over the Mambilla Power Project.  He was the anchor in the duplicated legal fees in the transfer of $321 million Abacha loot from Switzerland to Nigeria that was re-looted.  

    He packaged the controversial pardon of former governors of Plateau and Taraba states, Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame respectively convicted for corruption and abuse of office, thereby making mockery of the whole fight against corruption in Nigeria.  The trend has continued anyway; sanitize criminals and release them from prison.

    Now, the time of reckoning has come, like all the yesterday’s men of power, Malami is screaming political persecution. In any case, one is not too sure when he left his party, the All Progressive Congress (APC) if he has.  He should save us the refrain that the investigation and trial are politically motivated.  He should talk like a very experienced lawyer that he is, a senior one at that.  He should go and clear his name in court and the temple of justice. He should present facts, figures and evidence in defence of the charges. 

    Today, he is now a special guest of honour to the same Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) which himself deployed effectively to deal with perceived opponent, for money laundering and mindboggling heist with members of his family.  He it was that planted a young inexperienced minion to head the agency to suit his whims and intuition.  Now he has started singing like canary that his investigation is politically motivated. Abubakar Malami deserves justice, and Nigeria deserves justice.  It will sound foul in his mouth to talk about selective justice; every dog has his day.  It is the prerogative of the state who to investigate and brought to trial and when.  At the appropriate time, others who are still savouring immunity in the National Assembly will come and give account to Nigerians. Their dossiers are safe and secured in the strong room of the security agencies.  That will be the next stage of campaign to save Nigeria and to end impunity and massive looting of the treasury.

    It was reported that Malami’s son, Abubakar Abdulaziz Malami collapsed at the Kuje Correctional Centre and was rushed to the clinic at the facility.  Poor boy!  That is the prize of being born into affluence.  He is a very strong young man indeed to control the sort of wealth entrusted into his care at his age and he is still standing. 

    Our value system has changed; we celebrate thieves, crooks and criminals. We confer chieftaincy titles on billionaires without credible means of livelihood.  Communities organize reception for local tyrants that subvert the will of the people and convert entire state to their political structure.  They buy ballots to become honourables in both the state and national assemblies just to legitimize their ill-gotten wealth.  They have prayer warriors who intercede for them.  The Mullahs and Pastors fast and pray for them because they cannot stay without food and exotic drinks. 

    Malami’s anger may have been that if the revelations of the loot of other people are made known and open, his own may pale into insignificance.  At last, the same judiciary that he deployed recklessly and maliciously is the institution he is embracing for justice; what indeed goes around comes around, justice for Malami!

    •Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • State police and questions Nigeria can no longer avoid

    State police and questions Nigeria can no longer avoid

    • By Tosin Osasona

    Nigeria’s post-1999 democratic era has coincided with one of the gravest crises of state authority in the country’s history, with the state appearing weak and incapable of defending its authority. Fundamentalist Islamist groups, ethnic militants, gangs, secessionist movements, cult groups, organized criminal groups, and political thugs, among others, have relentlessly challenged the state to a duel of superiority, forcing the state into either spasms of retroactive violence or face-saving settlements. While this crisis of governance has interconnecting structural and operational drivers, political actors, particularly at the subnational level, have increasingly framed the decentralization of the Nigeria Police Force as one of the key solutions to this complex problem.

    Undoubtedly, the centrally controlled Nigeria Police Force and the uniform conceptualization of policing in Nigeria are problematic for the country’s diversity and complexity. In acknowledgement of this fact, every president since 1999 has initiated police reform of some sort. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration appears poised to advance the most far-reaching reform yet: the constitutional amendment required to permit state-controlled police services. While the political momentum behind this proposal is significant, the critical policy question remains unresolved: will the creation of state police meaningfully address Nigeria’s security crisis, or merely reproduce existing failures at a subnational scale?

    There is no empirical, contextual, or policy-based evidence that suggests constitutional authorization alone can deliver Nigeria’s much-needed security outcomes. Public policy effectiveness is largely determined by the political and institutional environment in which it operates. For a political system characterized by low levels of accountability, deep-seated ethnic and religious tensions, permanently simmering secessionist agitations, and politicization of policy processes, will the establishment of state police not create worse problems in the long term?

    What will stop these new policing outfits from being appropriated as personal enforcement gangs for state governors?

    While policing is less about institutional form and more about institutional character, Nigeria is oddly one of the few countries globally among multi-ethnic and multi-religious federal states that expressly prohibit subnational governments from exercising any policing authority. Therefore, the case for state police is compelling; however, the challenges lie less in principle than in the operational and institutional details. Given Nigeria’s political history, how then should the proposed police decentralization be structured to safeguard critical constitutional guarantees, enhance the capacity of subnational units to respond to local security concerns, and reduce the potential for abuse?

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    Across the world, all effective and efficient policing systems are built on three crosscutting pillars: legitimacy, accountability, and professional competence. Assessments based on multiple performance indicators suggest that the Nigeria Police Force performs poorly across all three dimensions. Creating state police will at best address the question of legitimacy, leaving unresolved the crisis of accountability and professional competence. The Nigeria Police Force is the ideological successor entity to the colonial Consular Guard of 1861, which was built on the mantra of using ‘strangers to police strangers’—an extractive policing system conceived to protect ruling power rather than local communities. State-created policing outfits will at least be resourced from local communities, would be enmeshed in local contexts, and would have cultural affinity with the communities they serve. This will to some extent address legitimacy concerns that bedevil the Police Force in Nigeria. Unless there is deliberate institutional design, state creation and control of policing authorities will not automatically translate to fairer and more respectful policing procedures, a more equitable distribution of policing outcomes, or strict adherence to law and human rights.

    Policing is an expensive enterprise, demanding sustained investment in personnel, training, infrastructure, intelligence systems, and operational logistics. Without these critical financial inputs, a decentralized system risks merely replicating the current inefficiencies at a subnational level. Currently, only nine out of the 36 states can meet their salary obligations without total dependence on federal funds, and only about 20 states are paying the current minimum wage. Where, therefore, will the funds to finance the proposed state policing outfits come from?

    The stark disparity in fiscal capacity of states creates a dangerous possibility, where poorly funded state police units could become bands of armed men, nominally in uniform but functionally abandoned to fend for themselves. This would incentivize extortion, predation on the very citizens they are meant to protect, and could see these units auctioning their coercive power to the highest bidder, deepening insecurity and corruption. Therefore, the transition to state police demands not just a constitutional amendment, but a fundamental revaluation of fiscal federalism to prevent the birth of 36 potentially uneven and, in some cases, dangerously unmoored police services.

    Beyond the hurdle of fiscal viability lies the more contentious question of operational and organizational independence. If state police services are to be more than just ‘State House Enforcers’ with broader jurisdictions, their leadership must be insulated from local politics. Lessons from abuses by the First Republic’s regional policing force teach that without clear institutional safeguards, state police risk becoming instruments of political patronage rather than instruments of public safety. Independence, among other things, will require legal frameworks that define the chain of accountability, establish professional standards, and create oversight mechanisms—possibly through independent policing commissions—ensuring that state police serve the people, not the political ambitions of individual governors. Knowing what we know, how many governors will commit to this in practice?

    Ultimately, Nigeria’s current policing system is in urgent need of reform. A realistic reform pathway lies in restructuring the existing centralized system to allow for hybrid control and a multi-tiered policing arrangement that accommodates both national and subnational policing platforms. Whatever choice is settled upon, any serious policy on police reform in Nigeria must be accompanied by a clear framework for sustainable funding, an oversight system, and accountability mechanisms to ensure that the creation of state police strengthens, rather than destabilizes, local security governance.

    State police may indeed be inevitable. Whether they become a solution or a new source of insecurity will depend less on constitutional amendments than on the political will to confront Nigeria’s deeper governance failures.

    •Osasona, a criminal justice professional is of Centre for Public Policy Alternatives, Lagos.

  • Beyond rituals: Inside China’s Africa-First diplomacy

    Beyond rituals: Inside China’s Africa-First diplomacy

    •  By Charles Onunaiju

    The tradition of choosing Africa first in China’s diplomatic work in which the foreign minister visits the region at the start of every year, in the past 36 years is neither a hollow ritual nor a safari. Facts have proven over the years that the consistent pattern of the diplomatic outreach which is rooted in the history of China-Africa cooperation has enabled one of the world’s most pragmatic and productive partnerships, in contemporary international relations.

    The tradition did not jump out of the magic box but is rooted in the shared history of anti-colonial struggles and the solidarity built from it. From December 14, 1964 to February 4, 1964, China’s affable Premier Zhou Enlai made the famous visit to 10 African countries –Egypt, then (United Arab Republic), Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana, Mali, Guinea, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia, spending a total of 55 days in Africa, the longest of any visiting foreign leader to the region in all her post-colonial history.

    Significantly, before his scheduled arrival to Accra, Ghana, an assassination attempt on the then Ghanaian leader, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, nearly marred the visit but the legendary premier insisted on the visit to demonstrate the unbreakable bond of friendship between China and Africa, for which even an unforeseen circumstance could not vitiate.

    Premier Zhou Enlai, went on, in Ghana to announce the historic Eight Principles of Assistance to Arab and African countries which among them is the iconic “self-reliance”, in which it was explicitly stated that “the purpose is to help recipient countries embark on the road to self-reliance and independent development, not to make them dependent on China”. The spirit of the Eight Principles has traversed the historic trajectories of China –Africa cooperation up to now with adaptations and modifications to the changing times. Beijing’s Africa first diplomatic outreach at the start of every year in the past 36 years is a bold affirmation and testament that no matter how China grows in influence, wealth and power or even however, the world changes, China  would remain trustworthy and reliable friend of Africa and true to her essential historic features.

    This important bit of history is necessary to disclaim any notion that contemporary China-Africa cooperation is transactional or opportunistic. While the course of the partnership as evident in the tradition of Chinese foreign minister first visit to Africa at the start of the year drew from history, it is not a mere tribute to historical memory. It is practical and aligns with strategic contributions to the core concerns of Africa including, support to narrow or even close the historical deficit in infrastructure connectivity, that for long hobbled the vision of the region’s integration and Pan-Africa unity.

    The Belt and Road Initiative, a framework for international cooperation has delivered and still delivering on the critical requirements of Africa that not only enables connectivity within Africa but with the rest of the world.

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    The significance of the BRI is best illustrated that Africa is the region of the world with the largest number of partner countries. From Nigeria’s first ever deep seaport; Lekki Deep sea port to Mombasa –Nairobi to standard gauge railway, Ethiopia- Djibouti’s first electrified railway and many others, the state of infrastructure connectivity is nearing the bold vision for African industrial and infrastructure integration outlined in the historic Lagos Plan of Action, decided in 1980 by African leaders meeting under auspicious special session of the organization of Africa Unity (OAU) held in Lagos, with prior consultations with organized labour movement and other popular non-governmental groups, including the intelligentsia and women. The pragmatism and tangible outcomes embedded in the follow-up process of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) which are further reinforced in the Africa first tradition of Chinese Foreign Minister’s visit to the region has helped established a predictable frame work of long term engagement.

    On the 70th anniversary of China’s diplomatic relations with Africa starting with Egypt’s Abdel Nasser’s outreach to the then young People’s Republic of China in 1956; Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Ethiopia, Somalia, Tanzania and Lesotho is significant, not only because it conforms to the continuity of a tradition already well known to the world but more importantly for the year under review. In the spirit of the traditional format of consultations and consensus, the Chinese and African leaders declared the 2026 as “China-Africa Year of People-to-People Exchanges”, a deliberate calibration to people-centric engagement because a historic partnership of China-Africa proportion is not only more secure in the intimate bosom of the people, but should better flourish at the people’s conscious ownership of its process.

    At Ethiopia during the visit of Foreign Minister Wang Yi and other high officials including the African Union chairperson, Mr. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, co-chair of FOCAC, Jean-Claude Gakosso who is also the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Congo, Ethiopian President, Taye Atske Salassie, the “China-Africa Year of People-to People Exchange” was launched with clarion calls for the two civilizations to deepen dialogue and play pivotal roles in the global dialogue among civilizations.

    President Xi Jinping in his congratulatory letter on the occasion expounded on the significance of mutual learning among civilizations in adding momentum to China-Africa modernization. He further outlined the direction and principles of people-to-people and cultural cooperation, which demonstrated deep reflections on human history and civilization and provided important guidance for building an all-weather China-Africa community with a sacred future for the era. He added that facts have buttressed that people-to-people exchanges form the most solid foundation of China-Africa friendship; even as mutual learnings stand as solid platform on which the cooperation would continue its upward trend.

    The “iron clad” nature of China-Africa cooperation is not built on a shared historical memory of solidarity in the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles alone but in the vision of building resilient economies and political stability with the social dividends of peace and improved living conditions for their respective peoples. In their respective national construction, China and African countries have outlined critical sphere of engagement; mutual learnings and experience sharing in governance, thereby expanding the value-chain of engagement, in addition to a solid and credible track record of cooperation in critical areas as trade and investment, industrial and production capacity cooperation, infrastructure cooperation which have already endeared a revolutionary landmark with impacts in across Africa.

    Furthermore, the international consensus on “One-China Principle”, an irreducible minimum of China’s international outlook underlining her sovereignty and territorial integrity, has enjoyed its most high profile affirmations in Africa, where the occasional tantrums of the “Taiwan independence” troublemakers and its few foreign collaborators are staunchly rebuked and reprimanded. At Addis Ababa, the AU headquarters, during Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s Visit, the regional body reaffirmed the “One-China Principle”; stressing unequivocally that there is but one China in the world, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory and that the government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government representing the whole of China and that the AU firmly supports all efforts by the Chinese government to achieve national unification.

    The Belt and Road Initiative despite been the world’s biggest public goods, represent for Africa a major turning point because it objectively aligns with the region’s historic requirement to open the path to sustainable and inclusive development. Throughout its nearly 13-year history, Africa has not only closely associated with it, but many countries in Africa have deliberately tailored their respective policy to engage with the Belt and Road Initiative. And in the current stage of high quality development, its reputation for sustainability and quality delivery on schedule continues align the urgency of closing the infrastructure connectivity gaps in Africa.

     In the world in which the U.S President Donald Trump has boasted that he is not restrained or constrained by international law or rules but by what he called his private morality, China and Africa should step up in more strategic engagement, accumulating more strategic aggregates for both resilience and credible deterrence, while playing constructive roles in building an international governance architecture that is both broad and inclusive, an effective antidote to any bully.

    The visit of Foreign Minister Wang Yi in honour of a 36-year-old tradition, where Africa is the first destination for any Chinese Foreign Minister, is not much a renewal but a vital new historic starting point, when Africa-China cooperation is no longer at a luxury that both sides can conveniently afford, but an imperative and clarion call to duty, because an increasingly desperate world surely need the certainty and sure-footedness in cooperation model that both sides exemplifies.

    •Onunaiju, Director, Centre for China Studies, (CCS) Abuja.

  • Kebbi govt reopens school, months after pupils’ abduction

    Kebbi govt reopens school, months after pupils’ abduction

    • From Ahmed Baba Ahmed, Birnin kebbi

    The Kebbi State government has reopened Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School (GGCSS), Maga, months after it was shut, following the abduction of 24 schoolgirls by bandits.

    Commissioner for Basic and Secondary Education, Dr. Halima Bande, made this known at a press conference shortly after a security meeting with principals and heads of schools in Birnin Kebbi yesterday.

    She said confidence had been restored among parents and students through counselling and deployment of security personnel in the school for the resumption of academic activities as the government had put in place security measures to guarantee the safety of students and workers.

    The school was shut after bandits abducted 24 students and killed the vice principal of the school in November, last year.

    Bande said Governor Nasir Idris had directed the conduct of security awareness programmes for principals and staff members to prevent a recurrence of the incident.

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    “Similar sessions had earlier been held in Zuru, Yauri, Jega, Bunza, and Argungu, with the final session conducted in Birnin Kebbi on Tuesday,” she added.

    She said the principals, vice-principals, staff members, and students have vital roles to play in maintaining school security.

    “We must not allow our collective psyche for peaceful living to be taken away by bandits,” she said.

    Bande urged schools to maintain good relationships with their host communities, describing them as critical stakeholders in the security architecture of their locations while principals must maintain regular contact with security agencies for professional guidance on security matters for proactive measures.

    She commended the governor for approving the deployment of security personnel to schools, noting that the move has strengthened the confidence of teachers and students to pursue their academic activities peacefully.

    She commended the police, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and Department of State Services (DSS) for educating school principals on security awareness and proactive safety measures.

  • Edo Police arrest 11 kidnap-suspects

    Edo Police arrest 11 kidnap-suspects

    Men of the Edo State Police Command have arrested 11 kidnap-suspects in Ekpoma.

     This is coming after a reorganisation of the Ekpoma Division.

    The Commissioner of Police, Monday Agbonika, who relocated to Ekpoma for the past five days, had approved the posting of Chief Superintendent of Police Tomofe Nwabueze to assume duty as the new Divisional Police Officer (DPO).

    Recall that protests had broken out in Ekpoma last weekend over kidnappings and killings.

    Edo Police spokesman, Eno Ikoedem, said the first breakthrough was the arrest of an 18-year-old girl, Obehi Odine, who kidnapped herself and demanded N10 million ransom.

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    She said the suspect was kidnapped on Monday on Old INEC Road, Ekpoma, and that the new DPO swung into action, deployed resources to track the caller.

    Ikoedem said a bush comb in Ubiaja showed a concealed forest enclave.

    She said their operatives stormed a suspected kidnapping and logistics base and arrested the 11 suspects believed to be members of a kidnap syndicate.

    Exhibits recovered, according to her, were 24 dane guns, 17 cutlasses, three battle axes, gun powder, torches, mobile phones, solar panels, charms, one Daylong motorcycle, and N209,700.

    She added that the CP warned against false kidnap reports, among others.

     noting that anyone caught engaged in such acts would be prosecuted.

  • NDLEA gets U.S. AFRICOM’s assurance for collaboration, support

    NDLEA gets U.S. AFRICOM’s assurance for collaboration, support

    • Marwa hosts delegation from Commission

    The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has received an assurance of enhanced collaboration from the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) in the fight against illicit drugs.

    The pledge came during the meeting between NDLEA and AFRICOM, according to the Director, Media and Advocacy, NDLEA Headquarters, Abuja, Femi Babafemi,  in a statement.

    He said the Leader of the delegation, Philip Esch, who is also the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration Liaison to AFRICOM, said the relationship between NDLEA and US-DEA is not only a partnership but highly important to the US government.

    He commended  NDLEA Chairman/Chief Executive Officer, Brig.-Gen Mohamed Buba Marwa (rtd) for providing good leadership and open to international partnerships.

    “We appreciate the support and leadership you provide. Obviously, you know that the relationship between NDLEA and DEA is of utmost importance, and we appreciate the excellent relationship across US law enforcement with you and the NDLEA. We want that to continue and we are very happy that your tenure was renewed for another five years. We really look forward to continued engagement,” Esch stated.

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    Also, another member of the delegation, James Elseth, expressed excitement about supporting NDLEA because of the agency’s tremendous work in Nigeria, which is equally contributing to the security of other countries.

    He thanked Marwa for having a regional and an international mindset, which has shown in his work. ‘’A lot of countries that we work with are only focused on their country. And just like DEA and FBI, we have an international mindset to try to stop organized crime from impacting our respective countries,’’ he added.

    He commended NDLEA for providing adequate maintenance of equipment and facilities earlier provided by the US government while assuring that two major projects were in the works to further support the agency in addition to training and others.

    Marwa expressed appreciation for the visit and commended ongoing support from U.S.-AFRICOM to NDLEA while congratulating Esch for his years of meritorious service to the U.S. government.

    “We appreciate very much the ongoing support from AFRICOM. I must also say that whatever we are achieving is due to this kind of support from you and our other international partners and more importantly due to the commitment and encouragement from the renewed hope of the administration of President Bola Tinubu,” he stated.

    He urged the team to continue to support NDLEA especially because of the nexus between illicit drugs and terrorism.

    He said the agency will appreciate more support on scanning equipment at the airports, digital forensic tools, portable drug detection equipment, forensic laboratory equipment and sniffer dogs, among others.

  • Jakande Estate residents seek Sanwo-Olu’s intervention over planned demolition

    Jakande Estate residents seek Sanwo-Olu’s intervention over planned demolition

    Residents of Jakande Estate, Ilesan in Lagos State yesterday protested an alleged planned demolition of their homes.

    They appealed to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to intervene pending the determination of a court case.

    Speaking during the protest at the state House of Assembly, the leader of the residents, Alhaji Abdulhameed Shuaib, accused some “so-called landlord leaders” of attempting to evict residents from the estate under the guise of government’s action.

    Shuaib said the dispute began last year when residents were informed that they would be driven out of the estate and offered compensation.

    Inscriptions on the placards include: ‘Demolition without adequate compensation is injustice,’ ‘No compensation, no demolition @ Jakande estate Ilesan,’ ‘Please stop forceful eviction’ among others.

    According to him, the initial offer of N6 million per three-bedroom flat was rejected as inadequate, noting that the flats were allocated by the government and signed by a former governor.

    “How can a three-bedroom flat be valued at N6 million when similar government-built houses were going for about N15 million at the time?” he asked.

    He said subsequent offers of N7 million and later N11 million were also rejected, especially as residents were allegedly asked to submit original property documents with a promise of payment three months later.

    “We refused because it is risky. Once demolition starts, nobody can stop the bulldozer,” Shuaib said.

    According to him, while residents were still arranging legal representation, about 50 buildings in the estate were demolished in March, last year.

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    He said the residents later obtained a court injunction restraining further demolition.

    Despite the injunction, Shuaib alleged that threats continued, with warnings that anyone who failed to accept the offer before demolition would lose the entitlements.

    He added that the court has since extended the injunction until February 4, this year.

    The residents further alleged that some tenants were recently offered ₦50,000 to vacate their homes, while heavy machinery was again sighted entering the estate.

    Shuaib claimed that two residents were arrested after confronting the demolition team with court papers and letters from the Ministry of Physical Planning, and are being held at a police facility in Oshodi.

    He expressed concern that the state government officials, including the governor and attorney-general, neither appeared in court nor sent representatives, despite being listed as parties in the suit.

    The protesters appealed to Sanwo-Olu to stop any demolition, respect the court injunction, and ensure a fair and transparent resolution of the matter.

    “Our request is simple. No demolition while the matter is in court, and if relocation is inevitable, compensation must reflect the true value of our homes,” Shuaib added.

  • Lagos mourns Chimamanda Adichie’s son, orders probe

    Lagos mourns Chimamanda Adichie’s son, orders probe

    The Lagos State government has expressed condolences to renowned Nigerian author, Ms. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, over the death of her son, Nkanu, following a reported medical incident at a private hospital in Lagos on January 6.

    In a statement, the Special Adviser to the Governor on Health, Dr. Kemi Ogunyemi, reaffirmed the state’s commitment to safeguarding the health, safety and rights of residents, while strengthening oversight of medical practice to prevent a recurrence of such tragic incidents.

    The state government commiserated with Ms. Adichie and her family over what it described as a painful and irreparable loss. It noted that the death of a child is a tragedy, adding that its thoughts and prayers are with the family at this difficult time.

    The government reiterated that it places the highest value on lives and maintains zero tolerance for medical negligence or unprofessional conduct in any health facility operating within the state.

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    According to the statement, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, has directed the Health Facility Monitoring and Accreditation Agency (HEFAMAA) to start an investigation into the incident, to determine the causes of the death.

    In line with the directive, HEFAMAA has begun investigations and has visited the facility involved as part of the ongoing inquiry. The agency is expected to conduct a comprehensive review of all allegations and reports relating to the incident.

    The statement explained that HEFAMAA, which is mandated to regulate, monitor and accredit public and private health facilities in Lagos, routinely investigates cases of alleged medical negligence and unethical practices in order to uphold patient safety, professional standards and the quality of healthcare delivery across the state.

    It added that the agency would work with the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria (MDCN) and other  regulatory bodies to ensure a review of the case.

    According to the government, the investigation will examine issues such as compliance with established clinical protocols, professional conduct, patient safety standards, as well as the roles and responsibilities of all parties involved. The findings, it said, would be made public at the conclusion of the process in the interest of transparency and public accountability.

    The state government assured residents that any individual or institution found culpable of negligence, professional misconduct or regulatory violations would face the law.

    While urging the public to remain calm and avoid speculation, the government stressed that due process was being followed to ensure fairness, justice and credible outcomes.

  • Ondo community, Deji of Akure clash over ‘disputed land’ boundary

    Ondo community, Deji of Akure clash over ‘disputed land’ boundary

    Scores of residents of communities in Idanre Local Government Area of Ondo State have protested over an alleged encroachment and sale of their ancestral land by the Deji of Akure kingdom, Oba Aladetoyinbo Ogunlade Aladelusi.

    The residents, who are mostly farmers and community leaders, lamented that the encroachment has continued to disrupt their farming, threaten livelihoods, and heighten security in the ancient communities in Idanre.

    But, Oba Aladelusi dismissed claims that the disputed land belongs to Idanre, describing the allegation as false, misleading, and an attempt at blackmail.

    The monarch’s Chief Press Secretary, Mr Michael Adeyeye, said the land is part of Akure Kingdom.

    According to him, the issue has been settled by the Supreme Court, which listed lands belonging to Akure, including Aponmu and Olokuta communities.

    “It is a total falsehood and an unwarranted allegation against the Deji of Akure, Oba Aladelusi. The said land belongs to Akure and not Idanre community.

    “There is a Supreme Court judgment, and in that judgment, all the lands belonging to Akure were clearly stated and listed, including Aponmu and Olokuta. The court clearly ruled that Idanre or anyone else should no longer trespass on those lands,” he added.

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    The Akure monarch explained that the same individuals making the claims had previously taken the matter to court and lost, noting that none of the judgments delivered against them had been appealed.

    But angered by the development, the aggrieved residents staged a protest to call the attention of the state government led by Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa to the disputed land.

    They decried the alleged land grabbing, saying some “powerful individuals” in the government were also being used to acquire the land.

    Speaking on behalf of the aggrieved residents, the Olu of Onipanu, Claudius Ademetoye, alleged that the disputed land is not under the authority of the Akure monarch.

    Ademetoye said Aiyedatiwa should intervene and protect the Idanre territory from what he termed “Akure’s expansionist,” noting that similar concerns have also been raised by other neighbouring communities of Owena and Olokuta.

    According to him, the continued encroachment of their land is threatening the peace and economic stability of the host communities.

    “This land is not Akure land. It is outside Deji’s jurisdiction. We are the rightful owners and we have valid Certificates of Occupancy to prove our ownership yet attempts are being made to sell what does not belong to Akure,” he said.

    The Olu of Aponmu, Adeyemi Bajulaye, said they inherited the land from their ancestors.

    He warned that failure of the government to act could lead to serious conflict as the communities are determined to defend their ancestral economic lifeline.

    “These lands were bequeathed to us by our ancestors. They are our heritage, our identity, and our means of survival. No authority can legitimately take what our forefathers handed down to us,” he said.

     Aladelusi stated that some of the individuals laying claim to the land were granted temporary permission by Akure to farm there.

    “They were allowed to use the land temporarily for farming. That does not translate to ownership. You cannot come to another man’s land and begin to claim it as yours,” he said.

    The Akure monarch said the land is being acquired for development, adding that the people of Akure are committed to compensating those whose crops may be affected.

    “Kabiyesi (monarch) is a humane and peace-loving ruler. Compensation will be paid to those whose crops are affected during the acquisition process,” he assured.

    He, however, warned against actions capable of causing unnecessary tension, stressing that Akure had shown maturity by setting up a committee to address boundary issues, with the state government also clarifying its position on the matter.

    “We are peace-loving people and ready to accommodate our neighbours, but we will not tolerate cheap blackmail or deliberate provocation,” he added.