Author: The Nation

  • Security operatives close in on abductors of Niger pupils

    Security operatives close in on abductors of Niger pupils

    • They would soon be out, President assures parents

    • NSA Ribadu holds talks with bishop, teachers in Kotangora

    The move for the rescue of the abducted pupils of St. Mary’s Catholic School, Papiri, Niger State, has been upscaled by security agencies.

    A clear evidence of this is yesterday’s visit to the proprietor of the school in Kotangora by National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu, Director-General of the Directorate of State Service (DSS) Tosin Ajayi; Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, Dr. Bernard Doro, and Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Northern Nigeria, Rev. Joseph Hayab.

    The high-powered team met with Catholic Bishop of Kontangora Diocese, Most Rev. Bulus Dauwa Yohanna, and parents of the pupil.

    The meeting took place at the St. Michael’s Catholic Cathedral in Kotangora.

    They are going to come back, I give you the assurance,” Ribadu said, raising the hope that security operatives are close to concluding the rescue mission.”

    He added: “The children are where they are and will come back safely. God is with them and God is with us. Evil will never win.

    “This is a very solemn and difficult moment for us, especially after hearing from some of the parents and all of you. However, we take responsibility because it is our duty to protect you.

    “This is a directive from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, that we must come and visit you. Mr. President is in pain. He is in sorrow just like all of us. He stopped everything he was doing and he was supposed to travel, but he suspended his journey.

    “Enough is enough. We will not relent in our efforts. We are all under attack. Let us not allow bad people to divide us. Let us not allow evil to get into us.”

    The NSA further explained: “Many good people from all over the world are coming to support us, including the United States of America. We appreciate everyone, especially the European countries like France, the United Kingdom and a couple of others. The whole world is coming together to stop and defeat this evil, which has been going on in Nigeria for two decades.

    “Mr. President said I should thank you, Bishop Yohanna, for your understanding and patience, for giving us the right information and for standing by for us. We are one.”

    “You will see our reactions and responses now. One thing I know is that evil people will always be around, but this thing they have done is what will change Nigeria for good.”

    The NSA urged the parents not to despair, saying that efforts are in top gear to get the children back while security has been beefed around the school.

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    He said to defeat the common enemy wreaking havoc on the country, Nigerians should be united.

    No fewer than 250 pupils are still being held by the bandits, following the attack on the school two weeks ago which elicited widespread condemnation.

    Bishop Yohanna thanked President Tinubu and the NSA for giving hope to the families of the abducted children and teachers.

    The Principal of the school, Rev. Sister Felicia Gyang, and a representative of the parents, Mr. Luka Iliya, spoke on how the incident happened and their frustrations.

  • EFCC opens month-long probe into Malami’s assets

    EFCC opens month-long probe into Malami’s assets

    • Ex-AGF opens up on $322.5m Abacha loot

    • Operatives begin month-long grilling

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) yesterday began a month-long interrogation of a immediate past Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mr. Abubakar Malami (SAN).

    The probe centres on the disbursement of the loot recovered from a former Head of State, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, suspected money laundering and the ex-minister’s assets, it was learnt.

    His international passport remained in the custody of the EFCC.

    A confident Malami insisted that the Abacha loot in question was not $400million but $322.5million.

    He said there was no abuse of office or money laundering in relation to the $322.5million.

    A top source in the EFCC said apart from the Abacha loot, the anti-graft commission was going to probe “acquisition of choice assets by Malami and investigate him for money laundering.”

    The source said: “In line with the mandate in Section 7 of the EFCC Act, we are going to look at some of the assets acquired by Malami. Some of these choice assets have been issues in the public domain.

    “All he needs to do is to explain how he came about these assets. Once there are reasonable grounds for acquiring them, we have no reason to seize such.

    “Already we are profiling the relationship between Malami and some accounts for money laundering.”

    “Section 7 of the EFCC Act 2004 is about Special powers of the Commission.

    It says: “(1) The Commission has power to – Special powers of the

    (a) cause investigations to be conducted as to whether any person, corporate commission, body or organization has committed any offence under this Act or other law relating to economic and financial crimes

    (b) cause investigations to be conducted into the properties of any person if it appears to the commission that the person’s lifestyle and extent of the properties are not justified by his source of income;

    “(2) The Commission is charged with the responsibility of enforcing the provisions of –

    (a) the Money Laundering Act 2004; 2003 No.7 1995 N0. 13

    (b) the Advance Fee Fraud and Other Fraud Related Offences Act 1995;

    “(c) the Failed Banks (Recovery of Debts) and Financial Malpractices in Banks Act 1994, as amended;

    (d) The Banks and other Financial Institutions Act 1991, as amended; and

    (e) Miscellaneous Offences Act

    “(f) Any other law or regulations relating to economic and financial crimes, including the Criminal code or penal code.”

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    In a statement on X through his Special Assistant on Media, Mohammed Bello Doka, the former Minister of Justice only explained what transpired between him and the EFCC on Abacha loot.

    He said he was confident that “… truth, law and reason will ultimately prevail.”

    The statement said: “I have assured my friends, associates and political allies that I will formally brief them on issues arising from my invitation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on the 28th of November 2025.

    “The EFCC informed me that its inquiry relates to an alleged duplication in the recovery of the $310 million Abacha loot, which by accrual of interest rose to about $322.5million as at the time I eventually succeeded in recovering the funds for the federal Government and, flowing from that assumption, two allegations were majorly raised, namely:

    ● Abuse of office, and

    ● Money laundering.

    “My response is clear and unequivocal: these allegations are baseless, illogical and wholly devoid of substance.

    “The EFCC’s position, as conveyed to me, is that upon my assumption of office as Attorney-General of the Federation in 2015, the recovery of the said funds had allegedly already been completed by a Swiss lawyer, Mr. Enrico Monfrini.

    “On that basis, it is alleged that I merely duplicated an already concluded recovery process in order to introduce other lawyers who would, in turn, give me kickbacks.

    “This allegation collapses immediately when subjected to facts and elementary logic. The facts, mostly documented, were referred to in my response to the interrogatories raised by the commission.

    “It is trite to state from the onset that recovery of illicit funds can legally be said to have been completed upon the actual lodgement of recovered funds into the Federation Account.

    “As at 2016, when the Buhari administration initiated the process relating to the said $310 million (later $322.5 million with interest), there was no lodgement of any such funds into the Federation Account. There was therefore no completed recovery in existence, and nothing whatsoever to duplicate.

    “More instructive and revealing is the undisputed fact that in December 2016, several lawyers applied to be engaged for the recovery of these same funds — Mr. Monfrini himself included. It is entirely illogical for a lawyer to apply in December 2016 to be engaged to recover funds he purportedly recovered two years earlier. That singular fact exposes the internal contradiction and absurdity of the EFCC’s narrative.

    “In his application, Mr. Monfrini demanded for upfront on account deposit of $5 million and a success fee of 40 per cent of the recovered sum, which reconsideration was unilaterally reduced to 20% upon realizing the impossibility of the 40% demand flying.

    “These terms were rightly rejected in line with the clear policy of the Buhari administration that no “on account” deposits would be paid to recovery agents and that success fees must not exceed 5 percent of recovered assets.

    “Consequently, a Nigerian Law firm was engaged on a transparent, all-inclusive 5 percent success fee basis, with no advance on account deposit. By this decision, Nigeria was saved at least 15 percent of the recovered assets when compared to Mr. Monfrini’s 20 percent demand, and as much as 35 per cent when placed against his earlier proposals. Nigeria was also saved the upfront and unjustifiable $5 million deposit demanded by Mr. Monfrini.

    “At an average exchange rate of N1,600 to the dollar, a 15 percent saving on $320 million amounts to approximately N76.8 billion, while a 35 percent saving translates to about N179.2 billion. These are concrete, measurable benefits to the Nigerian state.

    “Accordingly, any claim or investigation suggesting abuse of office or money laundering in relation to the $322.5million is not rooted in any reasonable ground for suspicion. It is neither supported by facts nor by logic.

    “The constitutional discretion of the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation in matters of recovery of illicit funds is exercised strictly in the public interest and in the interest of justice.

    “In the circumstances of this case, that discretion was exercised transparently and responsibly, saving Nigeria between 15 percent and 35 percent of the recovered assets and avoiding unlawful or unaccounted expenditures.

    “For avoidance of doubt, there were distinct tranches of Abacha loot recovered by Malami as Attorney General of the federation, namely:

       ●The $322.5 million repatriated from Switzerland in 2017–2018 was deployed through the National Social Investment Programme, specifically Conditional Cash Transfers to the poorest Nigerians, which deployment was monitored by the world bank and civil society organizations out of commitment of the Buhari’s Government to entrench transparency and accountability

       ● Malami was again instrumental to the recovery of another tranche of about $321 million repatriated in 2020 from the Island of Jersey, with United States and Swiss involvement, that was earmarked for major infrastructure projects including the Lagos–Ibadan Expressway, Abuja–Kano Road and the Second Niger Bridge, under project-based monitoring arrangements.

    “Any attempt to conflate these distinct recoveries or to portray a lawful, cost-saving recovery process as duplication is misleading.

    “I sincerely thank my friends, family members, political associates and followers across the country for their unwavering support, encouragement and confidence.

    “ I assure you that together we shall continue to stand firm, and together we shall triumph against every form of political witch-hunt and intimidation.

    “In conclusion, the allegations of money laundering and abuse of office concerning the $322.5 million Abacha loot remain baseless, illogical and entirely devoid of substance.

    “I remain confident that truth, law and reason will ultimately prevail.”

  • Defence Minister Badaru resigns

    Defence Minister Badaru resigns

    • Tinubu hosts ex-CDS Musa

    After 27 months in office, Defence Minister Mohammed Abubakar Badaru yesterday resigned from the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

    He tendered his quit letter, which takes immediate effect to the President, who promptly accepted it and wished him well.

    Badaru, 63, said he left government on health ground.

    Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, broke the news of the minister’s resignation in a statement last night.

    According to him, a replacement for Badaru might be forwarded for confirmation by the Senate at the end of this week.

    Onanuga said Badaru’s resignation came at a time of heightened security challenges and ongoing reforms within the defence establishment.

    As part of the Defence reorganization, the President in October changed the Service chiefs and the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).

    Badaru served as governor of Jigawa State for two terms from 2015 to 2023 before his appointment as Defence Minister on August 21, 2023.

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    Tinubu hosts ex-CDS Musa

    The President yesterday held talks with the immediate past Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Christopher Musa at the State House, Abuja.

    Gen. Musa, who arrived at the Villa at exactly 7:03 pm, was ushered into the President’s Office wing by a senior security personnel.

    The former Defence chief was making his first public appearance at the Villa since his retirement on October 24.

    The mission of the former CDS at the State House was not disclosed. Neither Gen. Musa, nor State House officials spoke to journalists afterwards.

  • From margins to mainstream: Women lawyers push to break barriers

    From margins to mainstream: Women lawyers push to break barriers

    For decades, African women have pushed against entrenched cultural, legal, and structural barriers that limit their full participation in society. Voices from across the continent continue to interrogate the systems that keep women at the margins of justice, leadership, and development. How to dismantle them was in focus at the African Women Lawyers Association (AWLA) International Conference 2025, reports ANNE AGBI.

    Across African courtrooms, another trial is unfolding, one not recorded in cause lists or filings.

    It is the silent trial of women against the very system designed to protect them.

    From family courts to appellate benches, stories abound of women dismissed, doubted, patronised, interrupted, or unseen.

    In these courtrooms, justice is meant to be blind. Yet for many women, the blindfold slips the moment they walk in.

    Their cases are filtered through cultural bias, their credibility questioned, their voices interrupted, their trauma minimised, and their rights negotiated against traditions never designed to protect them.

    This uneasy truth echoed forcefully at the African Women Lawyers Association (AWLA) International Conference 2025, where lawyers, scholars, diplomats, judges, and activists delivered papers united by a common thread: exposing the bias beneath Africa’s judicial and governance systems.

    The conference had the theme: “From Margins to Mainstream: The African Woman in Unfettered Sustainable Development.”

    It was held in Cotonou, the Benin Republic, from November 18 to 22.

    Legal luminaries, policymakers, youth leaders, academics, and gender experts from across Africa and the diaspora gathered to confront a shared challenge: how can African legal systems empower women and youth, not as spectators, but as drivers of reform and transformation?

    Discussions traversed justice sector reform, gender-sensitive jurisprudence, political participation, emerging fields of law, youth empowerment, mental health, and the ethical complexities of surrogacy and reproductive technology.

    What emerged was a clear narrative: Africa’s legal institutions must reflect the diversity, talent, and aspirations of the populations they serve.

    Senior legal scholars and practitioners, including AWLA President Amanda Demechi-Asagba, AWLA Founder Hon. Betty Iddrisu, Prof. Idiat Akande, Prof. Kemi Pinheiro (SAN) (represented by Ronke Fapohunda), and former Ghanaian Minister of Justice Marietta Appiah-Oppong (represented by Effiba Amahire), called for deliberate strategies to expand opportunities for women in both traditional and non-traditional sectors such as maritime law, aviation, energy, diplomacy, taxation, and the creative economy.

    Speakers also underscored the importance of engaging men and boys as allies in advancing gender equality, strengthening mental health support for survivors of gender-based violence, and improving trauma-informed services for women and children.

    Stronger legal protection needed

    AWLA called for stronger legal protections, greater political representation, and increased investment in the empowerment of women and girls across Africa.

    Speakers highlighted that African women remain significantly underrepresented in governance and high-level decision-making, despite constituting a major share of the continent’s population.

    Persistent socio-cultural norms, discriminatory laws, gender-based violence, and unequal access to education, healthcare and economic opportunity continue to stifle progress.

    Delivering the keynote address, United Nations Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed praised AWLA’s sustained advocacy and its contribution to strengthening legislation protecting women and girls.

    She emphasised the need for collaboration with the UN, AU, ECOWAS, and national governments to ensure that gender equality becomes a cornerstone of African legal and governance systems.

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    Mohammed referenced the global momentum generated by 99 gender-positive legal reforms adopted between 2019 and 2024, stressing that AWLA’s expertise is crucial to translating policy commitments into measurable results.

    Mohammed warned, however, that progress remains fragile.

    “Pushback on women’s rights threatens to dismantle hard-won legal protections.

    ”Yet governments, women’s movements, and legal professionals must stand together, defending these gains and pushing forward,” she said.

    She noted that reforms are already accelerating in East and Southern Africa, and highlighted the need for African institutions like AWLA to ensure that pledges become practical outcomes.

    Representing AWLA Benin Republic, Falilatou Bedie stressed that structural reforms and societal change must work together.

    “Moving women from the margins to the center requires recognising their economic role, strengthening leadership opportunities, transforming social norms, accelerating digital inclusion, and integrating women into peace, security, and environmental decision-making,” she said.

    Bedie emphasised quotas, mentorship, funding, and gender-responsive policy frameworks as key mechanisms for women’s agency and leadership.

    The bench of bias

    Retired Judge of the UN Dispute Tribunal, Justice Nkemdilim Izuakor, reflected on Africa’s paradox.

    “Africa is rich in culture, resources, and human capital.Yet the African woman – the farmer, innovator, policymaker, entrepreneur, mother, and community anchor – often operates from the margins,” she noted.

    She added that African women have lived for generations in the tension between visibility and invisibility: present in labour and culture, yet absent in power.

    “Today, we gather not as marginal voices but as architects of the continent’s future.

    “African women are no longer asking for seats at the table; we are building the table.”

    Justice Izuakor argued that a biased bench is not merely a judicial problem, but is a developmental roadblock.

    “When half the population cannot access fair justice, sustainable development becomes a mirage.”

    She illustrated how bias manifests:

    • Women challenging property rights are told, “This is not how we do things in our culture.”

    • Survivors of violence are asked, “Why didn’t you leave earlier?”

    • Sexual harassment is dismissed as misunderstanding.

    • Female lawyers are treated as less authoritative or less competent.

    “Justice is meant to be impartial. Yet judges and lawyers are human, shaped by history and prejudice.

    “When bias enters the courtroom, justice is distorted,” she said.

    She stressed that sustainable development collapses when justice is gendered.

    Justice Izuakor said: “A woman who cannot enforce her rights cannot grow economically.

    ”A girl who sees injustice normalised cannot participate politically. A nation where justice is gendered cannot be sustainable…

    ”A new Africa is emerging, one where justice and equity prevail, and the bench of bias is eradicated.”

    Men as catalysts for equality

    Pinheiro delivered a powerful message: “Humanity advances when men and women are aligned, not when one is diminished.”

    He cited Rwanda’s 63.8 per cent female representation in parliament as proof that inclusion requires deliberate design, not hope.

    The listed practical steps men can take:

    •Support women’s representation in leadership and governance,

    •Champion gender-balanced recruitment,

    • Provide mentorship and advocacy,

    • Ensure gender-responsive budgeting.

    Pinheiro added: When men stand with women, Africa rises.

    “When institutions embrace equity and inclusion, justice becomes reality and Africa rises.”

    Surrogacy: Need for stronger laws

    Administrator of AWLA Ghana, Marian Darlington, called for clear legal and ethical frameworks for surrogacy across Africa.

    She noted that while the practice is rising globally, Africa’s regulatory landscape remains inconsistent.

    South Africa has a clear, court-supervised model; Kenya is developing one. Nigeria operates in a grey zone, exposing families to legal and ethical risks, she said.

    “Surrogacy is not just a medical issue; it is a human rights issue,” she emphasised.

    Darlington advocated:

    • Parental rights protections,

    • Regulated compensation,

    • Counselling requirements,

    • Parental orders, and

    • Continental harmonisation.

    ’Women lawyers essential to progress’

    Director-General of the International College for Diplomatic Affairs, Dr. Tasie Daniel, declared: “No society can achieve lasting development without women in law.”

    He argued that women lawyers bring balance, judgment, and empathy, and are often the fiercest advocates for vulnerable groups.

    Referring to cases of mass abduction and gender-based violence, he said: “The only people who truly understand the pain and trauma of these girls are female lawyers.”

    Daniel urged African governments to expand the pipeline of women in law and accelerate inclusion in leadership.

    Measuring gender justice

    Executive Directors of Global 50-50, represented by Govindi Deerasinghe, highlighted global disparities in leadership.

    “Thirty years after the Beijing Declaration, gender-equal leadership remains far from achieved,” she said.

    Of almost 6,000 leaders globally analysed, only 15 per cent are African.

    She stressed that measuring progress requires not only representation, but also examining institutional culture, inclusion policies, and accountability.

    Resolutions

    At the close of deliberations, AWLA issued 20 core resolutions including:

    • Reforming discriminatory laws and strengthening gender-responsive legal systems;

    • Increasing women judges and judicial gender-sensitivity training;

    • 50/50 political representation in elective and appointive offices;

    •Expanding women’s economic empowerment, financial inclusion and entrepreneurship;

    • Regulating surrogacy and reproductive technology;

    • Strengthening women’s participation in diplomacy and governance;

    • Providing safe spaces, psychosocial support, and shelters for survivors of violence.

    AWLA Founder Betty Iddrisu reflected on the realities that inspired the movement: discriminatory customs, denial of property rights, forced marriage, and legal exclusion.

    “We dared to dream and we dared to act. We created legal frameworks to ensure women could inherit property, access courts, and claim their rights.

    ”These are not mere victories; they are lifelines.”

    From Uganda to Ghana, Cameroon to Nigeria, African women lawyers have organised and rebuilt legal systems to protect women and girls.

    Continental call to action

    AWLA urged governments, civil society, and international partners to dismantle systemic barriers and build inclusive institutions.

    The association called for a justice system blind to gender in practice, not just theory – and policies that prioritise fairness, equity, and accountability.

  • NERC’s leadership void puts power sector on edge

    NERC’s leadership void puts power sector on edge

    A dangerous leadership vacuum has engulfed the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), where the tenure of the Vice Chairman and several Commissioners expires today, compounding a crisis that began in June when the Chairmanship fell vacant. With the Electricity Act 2023 offering no provision for an Acting Chairman, the Commission now risks operating without a legally recognised head—an unprecedented situation stakeholders warn could plunge the already fragile power sector into a full regulatory shutdown, reports Assistant Editor MUYIWA LUCAS.

    A leadership vacuum now grips the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) as the tenure of the Vice Chairman and several Commissioners expired yesterday, deepening an institutional crisis that began in June when the Chairmanship position fell vacant. The Electricity Act 2023 does not provide for an Acting Chairman once an incumbent’s tenure lapses, meaning the Commission may, in strict legal terms, operate without a head—an outcome stakeholders warn could trigger a “full regulatory shutdown” in a sector already fraught with instability.

    To avert this, President Bola Tinubu had, in August, nominated Abdullahi Garba Ramat—an engineer and former Local Government Chairman—as substantive Chairman, alongside two Commissioner nominees: Abubakar Yusuf for Consumer Affairs and Dr. Fouad Olayinka Animashun for Finance and Management Services. But the confirmation process has stalled in the Senate. Last month, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs Chairman, Senator Yemi Adaramodu, disclosed that the upper chamber halted Ramat’s confirmation due to what he described as a “baggage of public and private complaints” surrounding his nomination. According to him, the Senate was “statutorily bound” to step down any nominee under intense public scrutiny, noting that several appointees before now had withdrawn in similar circumstances. He insisted that the National Assembly could not be “dragged into public opprobrium” through allegations—however unproven—such as the widely circulated but unsubstantiated claim of a $10 million bribery scandal linked to the process.

    Despite this, pressure continues to mount. On November 11, protesters comprising civil society groups, human rights activists, and supporters of Ramat marched to the National Assembly, demanding the Senate fast-track his confirmation. They expressed frustration that although Ramat had already undergone screening by the Senate Committee on Power, led by Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe, he has yet to be cleared for the role—leaving NERC’s leadership uncertainty unresolved.

    Appointment on merit

    Checks revealed that 39-year-old Abdullahi Garba Ramat may possess credentials that suggest potential for modernisation. He holds a Doctoral degree (PhD) in Strategic Management and has earned recognition for introducing blockchain-driven revenue systems and energy-efficiency initiatives during his tenure as Chairman of Ungogo Local Government Area, Kano State. Yet, despite these achievements, many stakeholders insist that his lack of direct power-sector experience stands as a significant drawback—one that could undermine his ability to lead Nigeria’s most sensitive regulatory institution.

    The Chief Executive Officer of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Dr. Muda Yusuf, expressed deep concern over the growing leadership vacuum in NERC. According to him, the electricity sector is already grappling with liquidity crises, widespread metering deficits and persistent operational inefficiencies. In such a fragile environment, a leadership void at the apex regulatory level could stall critical decisions, delay ongoing reforms and further erode investor confidence in a sector in desperate need of stability.

    For Yusuf, the position of NERC Chairman cannot be treated casually or politicised. It requires an individual with deep knowledge of the sector, someone who has acquired technical understanding through years of engagement with electricity market dynamics. This, he stressed, must guide appointments at all levels—government, leadership, management and operations. “The sector has gone through a major transition which needs to be managed strategically and competently by operatives who understand the electricity sector,” he warned. “This is not a sector where the quality of personnel or the quality of governance can be compromised. We need to prioritise prompt appointments to fill vacant positions and build a sustainable succession pipeline within the Commission. These are essential for sound regulatory governance.”

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    Yusuf further emphasised that the electricity industry plays a strategic role in Nigeria’s quest to mobilise private-sector capital, both locally and internationally. Attracting such investments, he noted, demands a regulatory environment that inspires confidence. The calibre of leadership and staff at NERC, therefore, is central to building that trust. He urged the Presidency to critically evaluate all issues surrounding appointments, succession and leadership in the sector. “Nigeria is not short of competent people from every region who can serve effectively. What we must avoid is creating capacity or governance gaps in NERC. This matter requires urgent attention,” he added.

    While political debates continue at the National Assembly over NERC’s nominations, experts argue that the real crisis lies in the failure to appoint a substantive Chairman based strictly on merit. According to a critical stakeholder in the electricity space who requested anonymity, “The uproar in the Senate is a distraction. The real problem is the refusal to elevate people within the system who understand the regulatory environment and have the competence required for the job.”

    Indeed, since NERC’s creation 20 years ago, the Commission has repeatedly appointed individuals with little or no grounding in the electricity sector as chairmen. In most cases, these appointees have had to rely heavily on long-serving technocrats within the Commission to navigate its complex regulatory and market frameworks. This, industry watchers say, undermines regulatory efficiency and slows down reform implementation. This is why many experts insist that promoting seasoned professionals who have grown through the ranks at NERC would provide greater stability, continuity and technical competence. Over the years, however, appointments into NERC’s leadership have tilted more towards political considerations than technical merit—a pattern analysts warn is dangerous for a sector central to Nigeria’s economic survival.

    Even with the comprehensive reforms embedded in the Electricity Act 2023, several economists argue that NERC’s persistent leadership deficiencies remain a key reason for the electricity sector’s recurring failures. Without strong regulatory leadership, they insist, the Act’s intended benefits will remain largely unrealised. The Executive Director of PowerUp Nigeria, a consumer-rights and power-sector advocacy organisation, Adetayo Adegbemle, also expressed worry over the prolonged delay in confirming the Chairman-nominee. According to him, since August—when the President submitted the nominee’s name—the Senate has confirmed several other appointees, yet the NERC nomination remains suspended. “This is a dangerous precedent in a very critical sector,” he warned. “We still do not know whether the nominee will be confirmed or rejected. This uncertainty does not bode well for the health of the power sector.”

    Adegbemle stressed that the indecisive approach of government institutions toward such a sensitive regulatory appointment sends the wrong message to investors. In a sector where confidence and predictability are essential, he said, prolonged political delays can discourage investment and stall development. “This is not the time to play politics,” he cautioned. “We have not made significant progress in the sector, and leadership uncertainty only makes matters worse.”

    Past occupants and status of current Commissioners

    Complicating the ongoing leadership crisis at the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) is the sensitive issue of geopolitical balance. A review of historical appointments into the chairmanship shows clear disparities, with several geopolitical zones yet to produce a NERC Chairman in the Commission’s two-decade existence. The North-West has produced Sanusi Garba, who retired in June 2025 after serving as Chairman. The current nominee, Abdullahi Ramat Garba, also hails from the North-West (Kano State), though his confirmation remains stalled in the Senate.

    The South-South has produced two past chairmen — Prof. James Momoh from Edo State and Ransom Owan from Cross River State. The South-East has produced Dr. Sam Amadi from Imo State. However, the South-West, North-Central, and North-East have never produced a chairman. This imbalance has fuelled renewed calls for future leadership selections to reflect federal character and ensure a more equitable distribution of strategic national positions. Beyond the chairmanship vacuum, stakeholders are expressing alarm over emerging patterns of tenure violations among commissioners. Section 36 of the Electricity Act 2023 stipulates that the Chairman shall serve a single five-year term, while Commissioners serve four-year terms, with eligibility for reappointment where applicable. Yet, some commissioners appear to have exceeded these statutory limits — a development that could invalidate regulatory decisions taken during the extended period, should any operator legally challenge them.

    Among those whose tenure expired on December 1 is Dr. Musiliu Oseni (South-West), the Vice Chairman and Commissioner for Market, Competition & Rates, who bowed out after completing a full 10 years in office across two terms. Also leaving the Commission is Hajiya Aisha Mahmud (North-West), the Commissioner for Consumer Affairs, who has now concluded her first term. But the exits are far from over. A fresh wave of tenure expirations looms between now and early 2026, threatening to further thin out the Commission’s leadership bench. Those nearing the end of their terms include: Nathan Rogers Shatti (North-East), Commissioner for Finance & Management, now in his second and final term; Dafe Akpeneye (South-South), Commissioner for Legal, Licensing & Compliance, also rounding off his second and final term; Dr. Yusuf Ali (North-Central), Commissioner for Planning, Research & Strategy, completing his first term; and Engr. Chidi Ike (South-East), Commissioner for Engineering, Performance & Monitoring, likewise finishing his first term.

    The clustering of these expiration dates has amplified fears that the Commission may soon struggle to form a statutory quorum — a legal minimum required to make decisions, issue regulations, approve tariffs, process licences, and carry out other critical regulatory functions. Without timely replacements, stakeholders warn, NERC could be pushed into a state of operational paralysis at a time when the electricity sector can least afford it.

    System threatened?

    As multiple commissioners depart without new appointees confirmed to replace them, experts warn that Nigeria risks breaching the Electricity Act 2023. Crucially, the Act does not allow for acting appointments for these high-level positions, meaning that once vacated, the seats remain empty until fully appointed and confirmed replacements are in place. “This trend can lead to a regulatory shutdown, endangering electricity market operations, tariff reviews, licensing, consumer protection and market settlement,” a stakeholder cautioned.

    Their concerns are grounded in the law. Section 35(1) of the Electricity Act mandates a full board of seven commissioners, appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, to constitute the Commission. Section 226 empowers these commissioners collectively to issue regulations and perform all statutory functions. Without the required number of commissioners, regulatory decisions — including crucial processes such as tariff adjustments, dispute resolution, market monitoring, and licensing — risk stalling. Section 33(3) strengthens the Commission’s mandate: “The Commission shall be the apex regulator of the NESI and shall be an independent body in the performance of its functions and exercise of its powers under this Act.” This independence is pivotal to investor confidence, sector governance, and market stability.

    Established under the Electric Power Sector Reform Act of 2005 — now replaced by the Electricity Act 2023 — NERC has long played a central role in Nigeria’s electricity sector. Its responsibilities span licensing participants across the value chain, developing technical standards and operating codes, defining consumer rights and obligations, and setting cost-reflective tariffs under frameworks such as the Multi-Year Tariff Order (MYTO). Over two decades, the Commission has contributed significantly to sector growth by expanding generation and network capacity through licensing, developing market rules, and driving reforms aimed at efficiency and transparency. These achievements have been anchored on rule-based governance and robust stakeholder engagement.

    However, experts warn that the current leadership gaps threaten to erode these gains. Without prompt, merit-based appointments and adherence to tenure provisions, NERC’s institutional progress — built painstakingly over 20 years — could collapse rapidly. The consensus among stakeholders is clear: restoring stability at NERC is not just an administrative necessity but an urgent national priority.

  • The fragmented regulation of outdoor advertising in Nigeria

    The fragmented regulation of outdoor advertising in Nigeria

    By Farid Giwa

    Being an analysis after case of Massilia Motors Limited Vs Aircon in the shadow of conflicting Federal High Court decisions

    The regulatory framework governing outdoor advertising in Nigeria has entered a period of acute constitutional and institutional instability. This uncertainty has been triggered by two recent but diametrically opposed decisions of the Federal High Court. On  November 12, 2025, the Federal High Court sitting in Lokoja, per Isa Dashen J., upheld the constitutionality of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria Act 2022 (“ARCON Act”) and affirmed the statutory authority of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON) to regulate outdoor advertising and signage nationwide.  In dismissing the suit filed by Godec Power Nigeria Ltd, the Court validated the centralised regulatory vision embedded in the ARCON Act and pronounced ARCON’s powers as consistent with the 1999 Constitution.

    This conclusion stands in direct contrast with the judgment delivered five days earlier in Massilia Motors Ltd v ARCON (FHC/L/CS/1044/2025) by Aluko J. of the Federal High Court in Lagos. At the core of the dispute was a fundamental constitutional question: does ARCON possess legal authority to regulate outdoor advertising media, or does such power reside exclusively with Local Government Councils under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended)? In resolving this question, the Court invalidated several substantive provisions of the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria Act 2022 (hereinafter “the ARCON Act”), specifically sections 8(a), 9(f), (p), (q), 43, and 54 on the ground that they unconstitutionally encroached upon an area reserved for Local Governments under paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution.

    These conflicting judicial pronouncements reopen long-standing controversies surrounding the governance of outdoor advertising, which is not only a means of communication but a revenue source for federal, state, and local authorities especially in urban areas. More significantly, because both judgments emanate from courts of coordinate jurisdiction, neither binds the other, leaving litigants, regulators, and industry players in a precarious position. Until an appellate court intervenes, the legal status of ARCON’s authority over outdoor media structures remains uncertain, and stakeholders may feel emboldened to selectively rely on whichever decision favours their institutional or commercial interest.

    This article does not attempt to determine which of the two conflicting judgments is “correct.” Instead, it focuses on the broader legal implications arising specifically from the Massilia Motors decision, whose reasoning, if valid, raises several consequential questions about the surviving scope of ARCON’s mandate under the ARCON Act.

    Sections 1(1)(d) and 2(1)(a) of the Act purport to vest ARCON with wide regulatory authority over advertising and marketing communications throughout Nigeria. If the Court’s invalidation of provisions concerning outdoor media structure is constitutionally sound, what then becomes of ARCON’s general regulatory powers in relation to outdoor advertising services? Are other provisions such as section 8(d), (f) and (m), which empower ARCON to determine who qualifies as an advertising practitioner, similarly limited or rendered inapplicable to practitioners whose work involves outdoor media?

    Further complications arise from section 26 of the ARCON Act, which purports to empower ARCON to “set the standards for regulation by all government agencies whether Federal, State or Local Government involved with advertising control.” If Local Governments constitutionally possess exclusive authority over outdoor advertising structures, can ARCON validly issue binding standards or guidelines to Local Government Councils? Similarly, does section 26(6), which mandates compensation for premature removal of outdoor advertisements, survive constitutional scrutiny given that it directly governs the same domain said to be reserved exclusively for Local Governments?

    The uncertainty deepens when the Massilia Motors decision is read alongside Digi Bay Ltd (Trading as Betway Nigeria) v AGF & ARCON (FHC/L/CS/1262/2024) , a judgment delivered last year by the same judge, Aluko J., where the Court affirmed ARCON’s authority over all advertising content irrespective of medium of dissemination. This juxtaposition raises a critical question: is there an internal inconsistency in the jurisprudence of the same Court? Did Massilia Motors implicitly narrow the wide regulatory competence recognised in Digi Bay, or do both decisions operate within distinct regulatory spheres, content on one hand, physical advertising media on the other?

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    This article explores these complexities, highlighting the constitutional, statutory, and institutional tensions that continue to shape the legal terrain of outdoor advertising regulation in Nigeria.

    Massilia Motors Limited v Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (ARCON): Facts and the Court’s Decision

    Massilia Motors Limited (“the Plaintiff”) operated outdoor signage displaying the Mitsubishi otor vehicle brand flags alongside the tagline “Drive your ambition.” On 16th February 2024, the Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria (“the Defendant”) issued a Notice of Violation to the Plaintiff, characterising the signage as an “unapproved lamp-pole advertisement on an out-of-home site.” The Notice alleged that the Plaintiff had failed to obtain prior approval from ARCON as required under the ARCON Act. This was followed by a criminal summons dated 22nd November 2024, issued pursuant to Section 54 of the ARCON Act.

    Aggrieved by ARCON’s assertion of regulatory authority, the Plaintiff approached the Federal High Court, Lagos seeking, among other reliefs, a declaration that the regulation of outdoor advertising and hoardings falls within the exclusive constitutional competence of Local Government Councils under paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule to the 1999 Constitution, and consequently, that ARCON lacked the legal authority to regulate or impose sanctions relating to outdoor advertising.

    In defending its regulatory jurisdiction, ARCON advanced a significant semantic and constitutional argument that the term “hoarding” in paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule refers to outdoor advertising media i.e. physical structures such as billboards, signage, and similar outdoor advertising platforms and does not apply to the content of advertisements displayed on the outdoor medium of advertisement. ARCON further argued that since both “advertisement” and “hoarding” as used in the constitutional provision refer to advertising media (that is, the physical platforms or channels through which advertising messages are disseminated), they belong to the same semantic and regulatory category. The entire concept behind ARCON’s argument was to limit Local Governments’ authority to a narrow category of outdoor structures, while preserving ARCON’s comprehensive jurisdiction over all other advertising media and content.

    The Federal High Court, per Justice Aluko, rejected ARCON’s narrow interpretation and held that the Plaintiff’s outdoor signage comprising Mitsubishi brand flags with the tagline “Drive your ambition” constituted outdoor advertising and hoarding within the contemplation of paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution. The Court determined that regulatory authority over such outdoor advertising structures does not vest in ARCON but resides exclusively with Local Government Councils.

    In light of this reasoning, the Court declared sections 8(a), 9(f), (p), (q), 43 and 54 of the ARCON Act unconstitutional, null and void to the extent that they purport to regulate outdoor advertising structures and hoardings, which remain within the constitutional domain of Local Governments.

    Constitutional Supremacy and the Limits of ARCON’s Outdoor Advertising Powers

    The Federal High Court’s decision in Massilia Motors is anchored firmly on the doctrine of constitutional supremacy, as enshrined in section 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), which provides that:

    “If any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void.”

    This provision establishes the Constitution as the grundnorm of Nigeria’s legal order, positioning it above all statutes and legislations. Consistent with the above provision, Nigerian courts have, in a plethora of judicial pronouncements, reaffirmed that statutory bodies and enactments must operate strictly within constitutional limits. For instance, in the recent case of Orakul Resources Ltd. v N.C.C. (2022) 6 NWLR (Pt. 1827) 539, the Supreme Court struck down provisions of the Nigerian Communications Commission Act that conflicted with constitutional guarantees, reiterating that where a conflict exists, the Constitution prevails. Similarly, in Ojukwu v Governor of Lagos State (2012) 18 NWLR (Pt. 1329) 259, Niki Tobi JSC emphasized that any law or conduct inconsistent with constitutional provisions is null and void to the extent of the inconsistency.

    In Massilia Motors, the Court applied this principle to the provisions of the ARCON Act that purported to regulate outdoor advertising structures. Paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution explicitly assigns to Local Government Councils the responsibility for the “control and regulation of outdoor advertising and hoarding.” This language is clear, direct and unambiguous in precluding federal intervention in outdoor advertising. The law is trite as recently reaffirmed by the Supreme Court in the case of A.-G., Lagos State v A.-G., Fed. (2025) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1984) 43, that where the Constitution vests a function in a specific tier of government, such function is binding and exclusive unless expressly stated otherwise.

    Further to the above, the Court held that Sections 8(a), 9(f), 9(p), 9(q), 43, and 54 of the ARCON Act were inconsistent with the Constitution and therefore ultra vires. In effect, Massilia Motors case reaffirms that statutory bodies must operate strictly within constitutional boundaries, and any attempt to regulate matters constitutionally assigned to another tier of government will be struck down as unlawful, preserving the dual principles of federalism and separation of powers in Nigeria’s advertising regulatory framework.

    Outstanding Questions Concerning ARCON’s Surviving Statutory Powers

    While the Massilia Motors’ judgment clarified the unconstitutionality of specific provisions of the ARCON Act and invalidated them, it leaves unresolved several complex questions concerning other sections of the Act that confer broad regulatory powers on ARCON but were not expressly challenged in court. The Court in its decision expressly invalidated Sections 8(a), 9(f), (p), (q), 43, and 54 “insofar as they apply to outdoor advertising,” leaving unresolved whether other similar provisions albeit not challenged sections, remain constitutionally operative or are indirectly affected by the same reasoning. For instance, Section 1(1)(d) of the ARCON Act purports to confer upon ARCON “exclusive power” over all advertising-related matters “notwithstanding the provisions in any other Act.” The relevant question at this juncture is whether as it relates to outdoor advertisement, Section 1(1)(d) of the ARCON Act automatically suffers the same kind of fate as Sections 8(a), 9(f), (p), (q), 43, and 54 despite not being specifically challenged in the case or it survives Massilia Motors?

    A similar challenge arises with section 8(m), which empowers ARCON to determine who qualifies as an advertising or marketing communications practitioner. If outdoor advertising practitioners are engaged in activities such as the installation, operation, or maintenance of billboard structures that the Constitution reserves exclusively to local governments, then regulating their qualification may amount to an indirect assumption of control over outdoor advertising media. If so, such regulation could violate the principle that the federal legislature cannot achieve indirectly what it is prohibited from doing directly.

    Perhaps the most intricate issue is posed by section 26 of the Act. Section 26(1) authorises ARCON to “set the standards for regulation by all government agencies whether Federal, State or Local Government involved with advertising control.” Section 26(3) further mandates compliance with ARCON’s standards by all such regulators. Yet, if local governments possess constitutionally exclusive authority to regulate outdoor advertising structures, the question becomes whether a federal statute, acting through ARCON, can lawfully constrain local governments’ discretion by prescribing binding standards. This raises a potential conflict between federal legislative power under section 4(2) of the Constitution and the autonomy of Local Governments under the Fourth Schedule.

    These interpretive dilemmas must be approached with caution, especially in view of the principle of restrictive interpretation of judgments, as our courts have repeatedly held that the precedential effect of a judicial decision is confined to the precise issues litigated before the court. In Obikpong v Offiong (2000) 3 NWLR (Pt 648) 324, the Supreme Court warned against extending the reasoning of a judgment to matters not before the court. More recently, in C.B.N. v Ochife (2025) 12 NWLR (Pt 2000) 1, the Court affirmed that a judgment should be read within the context of its specific facts and issues. Applying these principles, it may be improper to assume that the reasoning in Massilia Motors automatically invalidates other provisions of the ARCON Act that were neither challenged nor interpreted in that case. It is therefore the writer’s position that this principle cautions against the broad assumption that all provisions of the ARCON Act relating to outdoor advertising are automatically void merely because certain provisions were invalidated. Until a court expressly rules otherwise, regulatory actors and legal practitioners cannot unilaterally assume the invalidity of other provisions. The constitutionality of sections 1(1)(d), 8(m), and 26 was not contested before the court in Massilia Motors and therefore remains formally unadjudicated.

    The doctrine of severability strengthens this interpretive restraint. Under this principle, courts may excise unconstitutional provisions while preserving the remainder of the statute, provided the surviving portions are workable and consistent. As affirmed in INEC v Musa (2003) 1 SC (Pt I) 106, courts will strive to “save” legislation where possible by removing the invalid portions. By implication, the invalidation of certain provisions of the ARCON Act does not, without more, render the entire Act or other provisions void.

    Nevertheless, while sections 1(1)(d), 8(m), and 26 remain intact, the reasoning in Massilia Motors exposes portions of these provisions, particularly where they affect outdoor advertising to potential constitutional vulnerability. The judgment therefore generates substantial regulatory uncertainty and ARCON must exercise caution in enforcing powers whose constitutional limits are now questionable.

    From a policy perspective, legislative intervention may be necessary to harmonise the ARCON Act with constitutional boundaries and to resolve the ambiguities highlighted by Massilia Motors. If Massilia Motors eventually enjoys appellate validation, Nigeria’s outdoor advertising landscape will remain legally unsettled, with regulatory actors navigating an increasingly complex constitutional terrain.

    Conflict or Complement? Reconciling Massilia Motors and Digi Bay in ARCON’s Regulatory Framework

    Apart from the conflict between the decisions of two divisions of the Federal High Court in  Massilia Motors and Godec Power analyzed above, Massilia Motors also significantly contrasts with the Digi Bay decision, although they were both delivered by the same judge in the same judicial division, just a year apart. While they arise from different factual contexts, the judgments purport to interpret the same statutory provision, Section 54 of the ARCON Act 2022, yet reached strikingly divergent conclusions about the scope and limits of ARCON’s regulatory jurisdiction, particularly concerning the outodoor advertising, thereby introducing a substantial interpretive dilemma within Nigeria’s advertising regulatory landscape.

    In Digi Bay, the Court adopted a broad interpretation of Section 54 of the ARCON Act, holding that ARCON’s regulatory mandate extends to all advertising “across all media platforms, regardless of the medium.” In its judgment, Aluko J held that:

    “…Every promotional message directed at the Nigerian public, regardless of the medium, falls within ARCON’s legitimate regulatory reach and mandate within the scope and interpretation of the ARCON Act of 2022.”

    Conversely, in Massilia Motors, the same Court limited ARCON’s authority over outdoor advertising. The judgment held that regulation of outdoor advertising falls within the exclusive constitutional competence of Local Government Councils under the Fourth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution, thereby invalidating Section 54 insofar as it purported to extend to outdoor advertising. In this judgment, the Court held that:

    “…Counsel submitted that while paragraph 1(k)(i) relates to medium of adverts, he argued that ARCON Act is directed at the content of adverts. Counsel contended that even if the provision of paragraph 1(k)(i) of the 4th schedule to the CRN does not relate solely to medium of advertisements, he submitted that the functions and powers of the local government councils under Paragraph 1 (k) (i) are not exclusive to local government councils.

    What the Defendant’s Counsel has done in his above referenced submission is tantamount to reading into the meaning and provision of paragraph 1(k)(i) of the 4th schedule to the CFRN which has the effect of disregarding the intention of the makers and drafters of the constitution.

    The provision of paragraph 1(k)(i) is clear and unambiguous and admits no ambiguity as it does not separate or distinguish the content from the medium of an advertisement. Paragraph 1(k)(i) of the 4th schedule to the CFRN unequivocally provides that the main functions of a local government council are control and regulation of out-door advertising and hoarding.

    With due respect, it is submitted that this reasoning in Massilia Motors directly contradicts the interpretive foundation laid in Digi Bay. Whereas Digi Bay positions ARCON as having a universal mandate across all advertising platforms, Massilia Motors on the other hand holds that ARCON’s remit cannot extend to outdoor advertising at all. The two decisions therefore rest on irreconcilable assumptions: one assumes that the medium (i.e. whether outdoor or indoor) is irrelevant, while the other treats the medium (i.e. whether outdoor or indoor) as constitutionally decisive.

    The legal implications are further compounded by the fact that both judgments emanate from courts of coordinate jurisdiction. As affirmed in Onukwe v. Nigerian Navy (2024) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1938) 501, decisions of judges of the Federal High Court are not binding on one another and carry only persuasive value. A later decision of the same level of court does not overrule an earlier one; the proper venue for resolving such conflict is the Court of Appeal. The result is a fragmented regulatory environment in which both judgments continue to coexist, leaving practitioners, regulators, and advertisers in uncertainty regarding the correct interpretation of ARCON’s statutory powers. This is even more compounded by the Godec Power decision of Honourable Justice Isa Dashen of the Federal High Court, Lokoja, reaffirming ARCON´s regulatory mandate over all advertising irrespective of the medium.

    Owing to the foregoing, it is submitted that resolving these uncertainties now requires an appellate pronouncement to clarify whether ARCON’s mandate is universal or constitutionally limited.

    Conclusion

    The tension between Massilia Motors and the later Lokoja decision of Dashen J. has pushed Nigeria’s outdoor advertising framework into significant constitutional ambiguity. Massilia Motors stands out as a decisive clarification of the limits of ARCON’s mandate, firmly reasserting that Local Government Councils retain exclusive constitutional authority over the “control and regulation of outdoor advertising and hoarding” under paragraph 1(k)(i) of the Fourth Schedule. By striking down portions of the ARCON Act that intruded upon this domain, the Court, at its core, reaffirmed constitutional supremacy, federal balance, and the constraints on administrative overreach.

    For advertisers and operators in outdoor advertising, the judgment marks a shift away from ARCON’s pre-clearance to a more decentralised, local government-driven approval regime, which may not be as bureaucratic as ARCON. For Local Governments, the revived authority presents both revenue opportunities if properly tapped into. ARCON, in turn, must recalibrate its functions toward content regulation, ethical standards, and professional oversight, resisting any attempt, direct or indirect, to reclaim outdoor media control now deemed constitutionally off-limits. For state signage agencies, the judgment casts constitutional doubt on their regulatory foundations. States must critically examine whether their signage legislation encroaches upon Local Government authority and consider whether constitutional amendment or legislative restructuring is necessary to preserve regulatory coherence.

    Recommendations

    To achieve constitutionally compliant, effective advertising regulation, several reforms merit consideration:

    1.           Until appellate clarification is provided, ARCON and local governments should adopt a cautious enforcement approach, avoiding overreach and respecting the boundaries highlighted in Massilia Motors.

    2.           The National Assembly should amend the ARCON Act to explicitly define ARCON’s jurisdiction while disclaiming authority over outdoor advertising. Furthermore, Section 26 should be revised to respect local government autonomy.

    3.           Local Government Councils should prioritise capacity building through technical assistance, training programs, model regulations, and infrastructure support to enable effective regulation of outdoor advertising media, including billboards, hoardings, and other physical structures.

    4.           ARCON, state governments, and local government associations should establish formal intergovernmental coordination frameworks to harmonize content regulation with structural oversight, develop standardised operational guidelines, and provide mechanisms to resolve jurisdictional disputes before they escalate to litigation.

    5.           Continuous professional development and certification programs should be implemented for advertising practitioners to ensure technical competence, ethical compliance, and adherence to professional standards, particularly where their work intersects federal content regulation and local governments’ structural oversight.

    6.           Public awareness and stakeholder engagement campaigns should be conducted to educate advertisers, operators, and the public on the respective regulatory roles of ARCON and Local Governments, thereby reducing inadvertent violations and promoting voluntary compliance.

    7.           Long-term consideration should be given to constitutional reform, either by amending the Fourth Schedule to clearly delineate the powers of federal, state, and local authorities or by creating a framework for concurrent jurisdiction with appropriate safeguards to prevent future conflicts between ARCON and Local Governments.

    8.           State-level signage and advertising agencies should review their enabling laws to ensure they do not unconstitutionally encroach upon Local Government authority over outdoor media, and where necessary, restructure or align their mandates to conform with constitutional principles and judicial precedents.

  • Tackling insecurity through kinetic, non-kinetic strategies, justice reform

    Tackling insecurity through kinetic, non-kinetic strategies, justice reform

    By Kodilichukwu Okelekwe

    Nigeria stands at a pivotal moment, grappling with a complex web of security challenges that threaten its stability and prosperity.

    From insurgency and banditry to communal clashes, the menace of insecurity has cast a shadow over the nation’s immense potential. Yet, in this challenge lies a profound opportunity: to forge a new, integrated, and resilient national security architecture.

    Success requires not just a demonstration of force, but a holistic strategy that combines decisive kinetic actions with transformative non-kinetic interventions, galvanising the entire citizenry in a collective push for peace.

    The essential duality: kinetic and non-kinetic strategies

    Tackling insecurity demands a balanced ‘stick and carrot’ approach, recognising that military might alone is not the definitive solution.

    The Kinetic Imperative

    The kinetic strategy represents the immediate, aggressive use of force to neutralise, eliminate, or capture perpetrators of insecurity. It is the necessary ‘holding action’ that creates the physical space for stability to be restored. This involves:

    Decisive Military Operations: Deploying superior force, intelligence, and modern equipment to dominate ungoverned spaces, especially forests and border regions, targeting criminal and terrorist enclaves.

    Enhanced Surveillance and Intelligence: Leveraging advanced technology for real-time threat detection, intelligence gathering, and proactive interdiction of terrorist and bandit cells.

    Rapid Response and Deployment: Ensuring security agencies are adequately staffed, trained, and equipped for swift, coordinated response to emergencies, particularly mass abductions and attacks.

    The non-kinetic transformation

    While kinetic action deals with the symptoms, non-kinetic strategies address the root causes of insecurity—poverty, unemployment, marginalisation, lack of education, and weak governance.

    This is the long-term, decisive path to lasting peace, focusing on winning hearts and minds.

    Socio-economic Intervention: Implementing robust programmes for youth empowerment, vocational training, and job creation to steer vulnerable populations away from recruitment by criminal elements. This includes revitalising abandoned industries and investing heavily in the agricultural sector.

    Conflict Resolution and Dialogue: Employing negotiation, mediation, and amnesty programmes (where appropriate and strategic) to encourage the surrender and deradicalisation of combatants, followed by comprehensive reintegration into society.

    Good Governance and Justice Reform: Strengthening the rule of law, ensuring transparent and accountable governance, and reforming the criminal justice system to ensure timely prosecution of criminals, thereby eliminating the culture of impunity.

    Community Security Initiatives: Promoting community policing and civil-military operations to foster trust and information-sharing between security agencies and the populace.

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    The most effective security framework is one that seamlessly integrates both kinetic and non-kinetic tactics, using the former to secure the environment while the latter builds the foundation for sustainable peace.

    We must acknowledge and commend the decisive steps taken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration thus far. The declaration of a nationwide security emergency and the subsequent measures, such as the directive for a major recruitment drive across the security services, the retraining and deployment of officers from VIP protection duties to frontline operations, and the empowerment of the DSS to deploy trained forest guards to flush out criminals from their hideouts, demonstrate a clear and resolute political will to confront this crisis head-on.

    These emergency measures are a necessary and powerful statement that the Federal Government is committed to deploying “more boots on the ground” and restoring order.

    Mr. President, the nation urges you to stay the course. Let this be the defining moment where the initial kinetic push is sustained and deeply rooted in a long-term, well-funded non-kinetic strategy.

    The path to permanent peace requires tenacity, consistency, and an unwavering commitment to both force application and institutional reform.

    The Indispensable Role of the Citizenry: No government, no matter how well-equipped, can secure a nation without the active, patriotic support of its people. The security of Nigeria is a collective responsibility, not solely a government mandate.

    Vigilance and Information Sharing: Every citizen must be an active participant in community security. This involves being vigilant, reporting suspicious activities promptly to security agencies, and avoiding complicity with criminals through silence or patronage.

    Patriotism and Law Abiding Conduct: Citizens must remain law-abiding and actively reject narratives of division and violence. A patriotic citizen works to uphold the rule of law and the collective well-being of the nation.

    Supporting the Emergency Measures: The new security directives require significant sacrifice and adjustments. Citizens must understand and support these emergency security measures, cooperate fully with the retraining and deployment of personnel, and provide necessary support and intelligence to the newly mobilised forces.

    The fight against insecurity is a battle for the soul of Nigeria. It demands bold leadership, strategic foresight, and, most importantly, unity of purpose.

    To President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I urge you to maintain the momentum, embed the non-kinetic strategies, and ensure the reforms are holistic and enduring.

    To the citizens of Nigeria, the time for passive observation is over. We must heed the President’s call to action and become active stakeholders in our own security.

    Let us support emergency measures with full cooperation and renewed vigilance. By combining the decisive force of government with the unbreakable spirit of a united citizenry, we shall surely overcome the forces of darkness and usher in an era of peace, stability, and unparalleled progress.

    Nigeria must, and will, rise secure.

    *Dr. Okelekwe, 2023 APC senatorial candidate for Anambra Central, writes from Abuja

  • Court discharges, acquits ex-Cheveron accountant of N5 billion fraud

    Court discharges, acquits ex-Cheveron accountant of N5 billion fraud

    Justice Sedoten Ogunsanya of Lagos High Court sitting at Ikeja has discharged and acquitted a former accountant of Chevron Oil Company, Michael Adenuga of N5 billion fraud and forgery allegations.

    Justice Ogunsanya discharged and acquitted him of the three-count charge of fraud brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

    Delivering judgment in suit marked ID/494C/14,  Justice Ogunsanya held that the prosecution did not prove  the allegation of stealing, conversion and forgery allegation brought against the defendant beyond reasonable doubt.

     Adenuga was arraigned on May 15, 2014 alongside his company, Covenant Apartments Complex Limited on a three-count charge bordering on fraudulent conversion of land, forgery of documents and use of false documents.

    The defendants were alleged to have committed the offence between September 2011 and February 2014 at Aiyetoro, Ikota area of Lagos State.

    He was accused of converting to himself about 22.68hetres of land situated at Ikota Peninsula, Lagos.

     The defendants were alleged to have converted landed property measuring about 22.687 hectares, valued at N5 billion, for personal use after it had been purchased in partnership with Sunday Oyeniran and Joseph Oyeniran under the name of another company.

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    The commission said the defendant’s alleged offences contravened Sections 278 (1) and 285 (b) of the Criminal Law of Lagos State of Nigeria 2011.

    But Adenuga and his company pleaded not guilty to the charge and the trial commenced in the matter on June 15, 2014.

    During trial, the prosecution counsel, Babatunde Sonoiki called eight witnesses amongst who was Sunday Oyeniran who while the defendant led-in-evidence by his counsel, Mr Ehis Agboga testified with other four witnesses for the defence.

    Justice Ogunsanya, delivering judgment in the matter, held that the onus was on prosecution to prove beyond reasonable doubt the alleged offences brought against the defendants.

    She held that there was no contention that the first defendant is the alter ego of the second defendant and the signatory to the second defendant account.

     “It was in evidence that he went to obtained loan of ₦1.8 billion from the Wema Bank.

    “The prosecution relied heavily on the evidence of Pw 1, 2 and 3. The Pw4 had testified that he made the document on the instruction of the pw3. There was no nexus with the first defendant.

    “The prosecution failed to establish that the

    document was forged. The prosecution failed to prove that the document was made with fraudulent intent. There was no confusion on the signature compared by Pw5.”

    “The prosecution conclusion was based on assumption or speculation which has no basis in law. The court has considered all the exhibits before the court. The evidence of the witnesses. The first, second and third prosecution witness have interest in the land, the subject matter.

    “The prosecution has no adequate documentation to prove that the disputed land was owned by any individual other than the defendant.

    “The prosecution failed to establish that the disputed document was made with fraudulent intent.

    There  a lot of transaction took place without any documentation. The

    responsibility of the prosecution is to prove that the property is of another person.”

    Justice Ogunsanya further held that the the document before the court shows that the land in question was registered in the land registry. There was no document that pw1, 2 and 3 were joint owner.

    “The prosecution is unable to prove beyond a reasonable doubt to this court all the charges against the defendant.

    “The court finds the defendant not guilty and hereby discharged and acquitted”, the court held.

  • Wanted: Effective oil sector ADRC to reduce downtime, others

    Wanted: Effective oil sector ADRC to reduce downtime, others

    As the oil sector continues to suffer decades of unresolved legal and contractual disputes that trap capital and discourage investors, Assistant News Editor, PRECIOUS IGBONWELUNDU reports that the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) is charting innovative Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms to ease the conflicts.

    For decades, unresolved disputes in Nigeria’s upstream oil and gas industry have slowed projects, frozen investments and prolonged legal battles that stretch from the High Court to the Supreme Court. Cases such as the Ede Marginal Field equity dispute currently before the apex court, and the UK litigation linked to the Bodo community oil spill compensation saga are reminders of how commercial disagreements can tie up billions of dollars for years.

    From the protracted OPL 245 “Malabu” battle to rig-contract disagreements in OML 130 involving Palmeron, TotalEnergies and NNPC Ltd; there have been operational paralysis, fractured investor confidence and a judicial process that moves too slowly for a sector driven by time-sensitive decisions.

    Disturbed by these realities and the need to emplace a system that not only ensures speedy resolution but boost stakeholders’ confidence, the NUPRC recently introduced the Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre (ADRC), to encourage mediated engagements by parties.

    Anchored on Sections 234-248 of the amended Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, which mandates host community development and structured mechanisms for dispute resolution, the commission, through the centre, brought together seasoned layers, retired jurists, oil-industry experts and arbitrators to emphasise dialogue, confidentiality and enforceable agreements.

    At a stakeholder sensitiation workshop recently held in Lagos, the NUPRC’s ADRC explained that its framework consisted of three pillars which are a body of neutrals; party autonomy and joint payment, as well as confidentiality and enforceability.

    It said the designed was deliberately crafted to offer a faster, industry-literate and commercially sensitive alternative to litigation.

    Setting the tone for discussions at the forum, NUPRC’s chief executive, Gbenga Komolafe, noted that the sector could no longer afford protracted litigations and stagnation.

    With representatives of IOCs, independent producers, PETAN and Host Community Development Trusts in attendance, he described the centre as “a strategic ally” to operators, not a rival to the courts.

    Komolafe said the commission was benchmarking the ADRC against international mediation standards while building partnerships with global ADR bodies to make the centre the upstream sector’s most reliable and accessible conflict-management platform.

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    He urged operators to refer disputes before they become entrenched, adding that they should support continuous improvements in the system.

    NUPRC’s Secretary and Legal Adviser, Olayemi Adeboyejo, said the centre’s strength was in its sector-specific expertise, noting that most of its neutrals understand the technical language of petroleum contracts that would give mediation a practical lens that litigation sometimes lacked.

    “Ten-year litigation over a technical disagreement helps no one. A 30-day mediation that produces a mutually acceptable settlement helps everyone,” she re-echoed, noting that the ADRC would serve as a bridge between legal theory and operational necessity, thus reducing cost, downtime and uncertainty.

    Also making a case for the ADRC, Chief Executive, The Dispute Solutions Hub, Yemi Akisanya, said it was a relief from the country’s congested court system which has seen some commercial cases spanning 20 to 30 years.

    To him, mediation would preserve commercial relationships, avoid technical legal detours, and give parties control over the outcome.

    “Mediation of the ADRC puts the power of the resolution in the hands of the parties,” he said.

    But for industry operators, the need for the ADRC to be included as a first resort in contracts was critical in order to have parties abide by it.

    The Petroleum Technology Association of Nigeria (PETAN) in its submission, said the ADRC could offer a lifeline in a sector where unpaid invoices often drag for years.

    PETAN’s Vice Chairman, Obi Uzu, noted that some members have executed jobs for up to three years without payment.

    The ADRC, he said “is the easiest way forward” but its success is dependent on contractual recognition.

    “Existing agreements lack ADRC clauses, making it difficult to compel parties to use the centre. We just want to be sure it will be a trusted platform,” he added.

    He admitted that NUPRC’s attempt to institutionalise dialogue was one of the most consequential reforms since the PIA came into force, emphasising that the commission must get legal backing to drive industry adoption and the willingness of operators to embed mediation in their contractual structures.

  • Gov, ex-NBA President Alegeh, others call for people-focused leadership

    Gov, ex-NBA President Alegeh, others call for people-focused leadership

    • Yusuf is The Creed’s Governor of the Year

    Kano State Governor, Abba Yusuf, former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Augustine Alegeh (SAN) and a lawyer Professor, Sebastine Hon (SAN) haved advocated the need for leaders to prioritise citizens’ welfare in the developmental efforts of governments at all levels.

    Governor Yusuf, Alegeh and Hon said while it was necessary for governments to deploy state’s resources for the development of physical infrastructure, good leaders should be able to combine such requirement with meeting citizens’ immediate needs.

    They spoke in Abuja on Saturday night at this year’s edition of The Creed magazine’s Annual Dinner and Awards, held under the theme: “Law & Society: Leadership, Infrastructural Development, Pursuit of Good Governance.”

    Governor Yusuf, who was named the Governor of the year, commended those behind the award, particularly the magazine’s Publisher/Editor-In-Chief, John Austin Unachukwu for providing such a platform that recognises those making positive impacts in the society.

    Represented by the state’s Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Abdulkarim Kabiru Maude (SAN), the Kano governor highlighted his administration’s achievements in all sectors and promised to do more.

    He said noted that the theme of the event “mirrors the central philosophy guiding our administration – that leadership must be responsible, development must be people-centered, and governance must be transparent and just.

    “In every society, the law serves as the foundation upon which peace, order, and development are built. When law functions effectively and fairly, society thrives; when law is weakened, every other sector suffers.

    “As leaders, we are constantly reminded that governance must be anchored on justice, fairness, and accountability. The law defines our limitations, guides our responsibilities, and ensures that government remains a servant of the people,” he said.

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    Governor Yusuf added: “In the last few years, we have made deliberate efforts to strengthen the justice sector because a society that seeks development must first entrench justice.

    “Through the Ministry of Justice, we initiated wide-ranging reforms to ensure that justice is accessible to all citizens regardless of status, income level, or background.

    “We recognised that prolonged detentions, delayed trials, and poor access to legal representation weaken public trust and undermine the rule of law.

    “That is why the urgent review of prolonged detention in custodial centres was launched, an intervention that revealed deeply troubling cases of inmates who had spent years behind bars without trial, without case files, and sometimes without legal representation,” Governor Yusuf said.

    Represented by Paul Ogbole (SAN), Alegeh, who was the Chairman of the event, commended the efforts of The Creed magazine, which he said, have been to document the nation’s development in the areas of legal and political developments, while emphasising people centred leadership and policy formulation.

    Alegeh hailed the publisher’s initiative of utilising his knowledges legal and journalism “as instruments for national cohesion and development by focusing on the deployment of law and political powers for the benefit of the people.”

    Hon, who was the keynote speaker, said it was incumbent on any responsible government to apply the law to develop critical infrastructure to positively impact the lives of its people, particularly at the grass roots.

    The Law Professor, who commended the Kano State Governor for his impact in the area of infrastructure development, cautioned the need for physical infrastructure development should be combined the welfare of the people.

    He said: “Even if you build all the roads, the bridges, the skyscrapers and all similar physical structures and your citizens are hungry, then, there could be some revolts.

    “So, leaders and rulers should be careful in the way they apply public resources. When you build all the physical infrastructure, let the people also have food on their tables,” Hon said.

    Unachukwu explained that the choice of the Kano State governor as the Governor of the Year, was because of his administration’s efforts in the areas of social and infrastructural developments in his state.

    He said: “The dinner and awards is to recognise and appreciate people, who have made tremendous contributions to the socio-economic and political development of Nigeria.”