Author: The Nation

  • Yusuff Maitama Tuggar: Leader committed to positive change

    Yusuff Maitama Tuggar: Leader committed to positive change

    By Adebayo Adeoye

    No doubt many have lost hope in the nation’s democratic process, but the beauty of democracy can always be restored when the people begin to enjoy the much-needed dividends of good and credible governance. This reality has brought many to the conclusion that the electorate must consciously choose leaders who understand governance and know their onions.

    The realities of various protests and public criticism have opened the eyes of many to the urgent need for a new set of individuals who are ready and committed to facilitating positive change. There is a growing demand for a generation of sound minds with the courage to pull the bull by the horns and do the needful to move communities to a place where hope is not only rekindled but dreams are turned into reality.

    It is for these reasons that many people increasingly point to Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, an experienced diplomat of high repute and a brilliant mind, as a symbol of hope for a new Bauchi State. This growing public yearning is fueled by his passion for using public service as a viable tool for societal re-engineering, rather than any personal declaration or ambition on his part.

    As part of his grassroots advocacy and passion for community building and development, Tuggar, in June last year, expressed sympathy for affected traders and condemned the demolition exercise. He pledged support for their recovery and rebuilding efforts. The demolitions, which affected shops along Kano Road and other parts of the Bauchi metropolis, left thousands of small business owners in despair.

    Understanding how pivotal education has become to the wholesome development of human nature, Amb Yusuf Maitama Tuggar the Minister of Foreign Affairs this January has granted a scholarship to 40 indigent students to study at the Aminu Sale College of Education in Azare, Bauchi State. No doubt upon the completion of their studies they will contribute immensely to the educational advancement of the zone.

    READ ALSO: Kwara massacre belies end of Mamuda/JNIM terrorists

    In Nigeria, public leadership has long carried an unwritten expectation: that national prominence should never sever local responsibility. Community foundations linked to political figures often serve as informal bridges between state institutions and grassroots needs. Through the Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar in Bauchi State appears to reflect this tradition modest in publicity, yet steady in local impact.

    Its most visible contribution lies in humanitarian welfare. Periodic distribution of food items, grains, and basic relief materials has provided short-term stability to vulnerable households, particularly in rural communities where inflation, climate pressures, and employment gaps remain acute. Through his intervention on the 15th of December 2024, the ECOWAS Emergency Flood Response supported 850 households across  Katagum, Jama’are, Zaki, Gamawa, and Giade local government areas, with a total of 1,000 households benefiting  from the initiative. Last he made a personal donation of 20 Million Naira to the same zone to cushion the effects of flooding.

    This, among many other actions, has showcased his milk of kindness and deep concern for the welfare of the people.

    The current Minister of Foreign Affairs has consistently demonstrated belief in policies and initiatives that have direct impact on the welfare of the people. Many believe that much can be achieved in Bauchi State through proper governance, adequate leadership and effective representation, values he has continued to exemplify in public service. His track record suggests that he would bring governance closer to the grassroots if ever called upon to serve at that level.

    Beyond his current role as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tuggar’s career is marked by deep-rooted political heritage, extensive private sector experience in the energy sector, and recent high-level diplomatic achievements.

    Indeed, the growing calls for a bright mind like him to lead Bauchi State reflect the people’s desire to move away from recycling mediocrity towards purposeful leadership with clear vision and plans for governance.

  • Wike to detractors: your successors will betray you

    Wike to detractors: your successors will betray you

    • Says he doesn’t need governor to mobilise support for Tinubu in Rivers

    • Commissions Radio Station for Renewed Hope Ambassadors ahead 2027

    Federal Capital Territory (FFCT) Minister Nyesom Wike hit out yesterday at elected public officers  supporting treachery and at the same time seeking  to enthrone their successors.

    Mentioning no names, he said, such officers, whatever their position may be, would experience betrayal.

    “Whether you’re a senator, rep member, minister, or governor and you support betrayers, people will also betray you in life,” he said during the inauguration of the Renewed Hope Ambassadors headquarters in the state.

     Wike added that, “Every second term governor who has an ambition to put a successor and is supporting betrayal, you’ll never survive it. From the day your successor comes in…my own took so many months… your own will start immediately the person is inaugurated.”

    Wike, who is locked in another round of face off with his successor Governor Siminalayi Fubara, reaffirmed his commitment and that of his political associates and supporters to the reelection of President Bola Tinubu next year.

    He said the people of Rivers have no need for a governor to mobilise support for the President in 2027.

    He commended the Coordinator of Rivers State Renewed Hope Ambassadors, Desmond Akawor, for his mobilisation drive and said Rivers would work massively for the reelection of the President.

    Wike said: “Desmond Akawor, you have shown enough capacity to mobilise, you have moved to all the nooks and crannies of Rivers to talk about Tinubu for President in 2027.

    “I have said before that Rivers State is a no-go area, and I want to say again that this State is totally for Tinubu. We have made sure that all the 23 local governments and zonal coordinators were inaugurated. That day, Nigerians all over the world watched that Rivers State is a no-go area.

     “Today, the Renewed Hope Ambassadors Coordinator has also invited us to commission some vehicles that the headquarters of the Secretariat will use and to commission the Secretariat itself.This is the first of its kind in this part of the country.

     “I challenge anybody, let them come to Rivers State and learn.Our commitment is not by mouth, our commitment is not by newspaper; ours is by showing, that yes indeed, we are working for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

     “We don’t need to have a governor to mobilize for Mr. President, we don’t need.We have all it takes to be on our own; we have senators, assembly people, council chairmen, National Assembly members, party chairmen of APC and PDP.

     “We have mobilized ourselves to make commitment.If you say you are supporting somebody, there is no need for the person to bring his resources, you have to make commitment and this is what our leaders have done.

     “Let me once again thank all of you for your commitment, you are the envy of every other state and they are watching you all over the place.

     “In 2023, we came out without anybody pressuring us.Without anybody influencing us, we took a decision.To the glory of God that decision is what we are enjoying today, and whether anybody likes it or not, 2027 when the President has shown interest that he will run, we have no choice than to continue to support Mr President.

     “Mr. coordinator, you have to start preparing to inaugurate ward and unit coordinators, it is very important, we must also take it down to the units, to go and talk to our people to continue to support Mr. President, go and see the situation room, go and see the radio station, we are battle ready, there is nothing we can not do because unity is strength.”

     Earlier, Akawor, while welcoming the FCT Minister and people of Rivers, praised the Minister for offering leadership to the Rivers State Renewed Hope Ambassadors.

    Akawor said he had placed people to man the Renewed Hope Ambassadors movement in all the 23 local governments of Rivers.

  • Seven states at 50

    Seven states at 50

    A good idea; but state creation ought to deliver more than it has

    Seven of the 36 states in the country turned 50 on February 3. They were created by the then Head of State, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, in 1976, barely 10 days to his assassination in a coup d’etat on February 13, 1976. The seven states created on that day were Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Imo, Niger, Ogun and Ondo. This raised the number of states in the country from 12 to 19.

    Bauchi and Borno states were carved out of the defunct North-Eastern State; Benue State emerged from Benue-Plateau State; Niger State was created from the former North-Western State; Ogun and Ondo states were carved out of the old Western State, while Imo State emerged from the East Central State.

    As ‘Daily Trust’ noted, “Exactly fifty years on, the seven states have expanded significantly in population, infrastructure and political relevance. Some of them have also been further subdivided in subsequent state-creation exercises, underscoring the continuing relevance of Murtala’s decentralisation logic.

    “Gombe State was carved out of Bauchi in 1996; Yobe State emerged from Borno in 1991; Abia State was created from part of old Imo in 1991; Ekiti State was carved out of Ondo in 1996 while Benue, Niger and Ogun have remained territorially intact since 1976.”

    Of course, more states had been created in the country after 1976. On September 23, 1987 Gen. Ibrahim Babangida created Akwa Ibom (from Cross River) and Katsina (from Kaduna), bringing the total number of states in the country to 21.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    Again, on August 27, 1991, Babangida created nine more states: Abia, Adamawa, Delta, Edo, Enugu, Jigawa, Kebbi, Kogi, and Yobe; bringing the number to 30.

    And, finally, on October 1, 1996, Gen. Sani Abacha created six states: Bayelsa, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Gombe, Nasarawa, and Zamfara. These brought the number of states in the country to the present 36; all created by military regimes as we have seen.

    The main reasons Muhammed created the states in 1976 included: administrative convenience and development, i.e. to decentralise government, thereby making it easier to manage and ensuring that development reached rural areas.

    Another reason was to allay the fears of the minorities by giving minority ethnic groups a stronger voice and reducing the dominance of the larger regions. It was also part of efforts to strengthen the federal structure, following the Nigerian Civil War.

    Babangida and Abacha too didn’t have significantly different reasons for creating states when they did.

    While the reasons were germaine, the snag was that most of the good aspects of the state creation were marred by the unitary system that was foisted on Nigerians by military rule, among other reasons, like corruption and misplacement of priorities on the part of some governors. Unitary system made it impossible for state governments to freely express and pursue their development choices because of certain laws that barred them from doing so. Here, we had the law barring state governments from establishing railway, and setting up their own power infrastructure, among others.

    Mercifully, some of these ‘Walls of Jericho’ that had hobbled development in the country for decades are now being dismantled.

    But, how many of these states are viable?Interestingly, despite their inability to take care of themselves, many Nigerians still continue to clamour for more states. We have at least 31 such requests cutting across the geographical zones, as at the last count.

    This is ridiculous.

    Until the advent of the Bola Tinubu administration that pumped more money into the coffers of the state governments, courtesy of fuel subsidy removal, many of the state governments could not pay the then minimum wage, not to talk of embark on serious developmental projects.

    What is particularly disappointing is that even the current National Assembly could find the time and space to discuss such an issue as creation of states in spite of the myriad problems facing the country.

    I know their main reason would be political expediency. But when would we be free from such bondage?

    It was Jean-Jacques Rousseau in ‘The Social Contract’ (1762) who said that ,”men are born free and equal but everywhere they are in chains”. Why must we subject virtually everything to this bondage of political expediency? Which mother would put hot soup on a baby’s palm simply because that baby is crying for it?

    I think it is high time we learnt to separate politics from policy. From our initial three regions (northern, western, and eastern) in 1960 to our present 36-state structure, the soldiers who took us here got it right when they said they did that because they wanted even development in the country. Ideally, state creation should lead to more development because it somewhat brings government and governance closer to the people.

    But they missed it when they imposed unitary system on us. They should have left each region to blossom according to the capacity and dreams of their founding fathers. After all, there was nothing wrong with that arrangement. It was the politics that we didn’t get right; a thing that led to elections being rigged and the people losing confidence in the electoral process.

    Unitary system has remained an albatross as it has retarded progress across board in the country. Each region had its strengths and these were being galvanised for regional development with each region paying rents and royalties to the central government before.

    To that era we must return if we are really desirous of progress. This idea of some sections waiting for others kills initiative. It is a recipe for perpetual underdevelopment.

    Many Nigerians want more states? True. Indeed, the state creation was not equitable as it favours some people more than others. I won’t name names. But then, beheading cannot be the solution to headache. If we want to correct that, let us first return to true federalism. I know that in Nigeria we talk of ‘true’ federalism. Well, if that will make us happy, let’s call it that — true federalism.

    People cannot be clamouring for more states when resources from a section of the country are used to run the entire country.

    The clamour for state creation would make sense when every state can fend for itself, not when everyone waits on Abuja which also waits on the returns from the Niger Delta to do a simple thing as pay salaries and develop the individual states.

    I want to believe that the day when we federalise such that states fend for themselves would be the end of such clamour for new states. What we have been having over the years is a political class that has been weaned too much on over-reliance rather than self-reliance.

    When it gets to that point where governors and their entire cabinet would have to put on their thinking caps to generate funds that they would spend to develop their states, then we would see a drastic reduction in the clamour for state creation.

    Beyond that, the clamour for political offices too would reduce when political aspirants know that they are the ones that have to dream dreams that would generate the funds required to run their states.

    So, seven states at 50? Should we congratulate them or not? Honestly, I don’t think we have much to celebrate if we juxtapose what has accrued to the states as revenue against the developmental projects in some, if not many of the states.

    A child born 50 years ago would have become a grown-up man or woman today. But when you have that man or woman still using diapers and waiting on the parents to feed him or her, or make some other provisions for him or her, then there is a problem.

    Although it may seem I am talking to or about only the seven states that just clocked 50; it is not so. I have only used them as metaphor. What applies to them applies to the other states as well.

    As a matter of fact, it is worse for the older states that still cannot find their feet. Yes, we may say there was little or nothing they could have done to be self-reliant under military rule because of the unitary system of government that applied then. But it is now over 26 years since the country’s return to democracy. By now, we should be charting the path towards true federalism even if we are not operating it full throttle.

    But the way things are, it doesn’t seem there is any serious attempt in that direction. Everyone seems comfortable with the present unsustainable system that provides for all, both the hardworking and the indolent.

    And that is part of why the country has stunted growth. The competition that made the regions of old to thrive is no longer there. Easy and cheap money coming from the Niger Delta via Abuja, is a disincentive to anyone to work. Of course, why work if with or without work you will still get money to spend? Even the Holy Writ says a Christian without work is a corpse.

    One of the reasons people steal state funds is because states are not generating their own funds. It is also because states are not generating what they spend that many Nigerians do not look in the direction of the state governments but rather concentrate on the centre. If their taxes form a significant part of their states’  internally-generated revenue, they would show more interest in how their sweat is spent.

    I can only imagine how far this country would have gone if the military had not killed the regional arrangement under which each part of the country was developing at its own pace.  That is one of the evils of military rule that our youths do not know and which makes them think military rule is the solution to the country’s problems. We have been there before and we didn’t get much from it. It is not their business to govern.

    All said, while we may mark the 50 years of the creation of the seven states, it is only fit and proper to use the occasion to review the state of affairs in the states vis-a-vis where we ought to be by now. It is a good occasion for introspection.

    As I pointed out earlier, it is heartwarming that some of the encumbrances that arrested development in the country are now being dismantled. Let us quickly bring them down to enable us return to true federalism and see if we won’t fly. We have crawled enough.

  • Highways are happy ways (III)

    Highways are happy ways (III)

    Those of my generation, that is, the baby boomers as well as those who are one or two generations younger are likely to recognise the phrase used as the title of this piece and others before it. For those who have forgotten, it was part of an advertisement which for several seasons ran on all media every year at Christmas time. It was sponsored by a plastics manufacturing firm which, like many such companies, has long become a victim of the malaise which has assailed the Nigerian manufacturing sector, is now extinct. The essence of that advertisement was to discourage people from driving too fast in the time leading up to Christmas. However, I doubt that this advert made much difference to its audience because the prevailing belief in those days and even now, is that the demons which inhabit our roads become especially spiteful and uncommonly ravenous at the period when an old year was being rung out. Beware, the dangers of the ember months! That remains a constant admonition so that all those travelling along any Nigerian road during that extended period are made aware of the dangers to which they were exposed. One would have thought that drivers were being urged to take extra care whilst using the road. Wrong! At least from the point of popular belief. The real message was that everyone was to ensure that they were in good standing with those tempestuous spirits that ruled the highways before making any trip on them. That popular jingle which became characteristic of the Christmas period of those days is now terminally quiet but its spirit lives on even as the echoes created by it continue to reverberate right up till now.

    You really do not have to be acquainted with laws of Physics to appreciate that your power to control a moving vehicle diminishes as the speed at which the vehicle is moving increases. It is really a common sense thing but anyone who travels along the highways in Nigeria soon observes that this piece of common sense is only conspicuous by its absence from Nigerian roads. The contempt for caution is so prominent here that it is apparent that virtually every Nigerian who sits behind the wheel of any vehicle is instantly transformed into a spirit that is every bit as capricious if not as vicious as the spirits which in popular imagination, are supposed to inhabit the road. Nigerians are notoriously lax about keeping time for any appointment but when you see any of us driving on the road, you are given the impression that everyone is in a hurry to keep an appointment for which  they whizz along the road at break neck speed. This is why accidents here are often, if not invariably described as ghastly. Many years ago, a Nigerian lady who lived in Britain was trying to describe the scene of an accident that she had seen on a British road. She was so badly shaken at the sight of the mangled vehicles at the scene of the accident that the only way she felt she could effectively convey her feelings was to describe it as a ‘Nigerian’ accident. The last time she had seen anything so horrifying was back home in Nigeria where such an appalling scene was not uncommon. Another aspect of vehicular accidents in Nigeria is that the badly mangled carcasses of the vehicle involved in an accident may remain in place, apparently forgotten long enough to be the cause of another accident. After all, the spirits are in a constant state of hunger and need to be fed. In the end therefore, those spirits conjured out of nothing in our deadly imagination are held responsible for any accident. In this scenario, the driver who may be high on some potent distilled spirits or the fumes coming off some notorious plant substance is treated like a victim of something beyond his puny human strength. You will be amazed as to how many of the drivers involved in these accidents blithely walk away unscathed from the mess they have created.

    READ ALSO: Kwara massacre belies end of Mamuda/JNIM terrorists

    Whilst it is true that driving at high speed can be exhilarating, it would be extremely foolish to ignore the dangers associated with it. For a start, just how fit for purpose are the vehicles which take to our roads at any time of day or night? The sober response to that query is that not many of them would be allowed out onto any European road. For example, in Britain, there is the dreaded MOT test which every vehicle above three years old has to pass before they are given a license to be on the road, any road at all. This test is repeated at every subsequent three year interval and any vehicle that fails the test at any point in time is immediately committed to a junk yard where it is permanently removed from circulation and scrapped. Here, we are charged for something called the road worthiness test. All you are required to do to pass the test is pay the prescribed fee whenever you renew your annual vehicle licence and you are good to go even if your vehicle is precariously balanced on three wheels at the time your renewed vehicle licence is being handed over to you. Given our shoddy vehicle licensing process, it is safe to assume that more than half of the vehicles plying Nigerian roads at any given time have no business being there at all as they are the potential cause of an accident just by being on the road at all. This is not taking into consideration the number of vehicles which have been in the care of a typical Nigerian mechanic for any length of time.

    The Nigerian mechanic is qualified to be assigned to a special species outside the human race and that is a fact, an indisputable one. I wonder who the first Nigerian mechanic was because whoever he was, he deserves a posthumous award for sheer bravery and enterprise. How did he get it into his head to take on the spirits which were in control of the vehicle engine and be initiated into their mysteries? It is unlikely that our first mechanic underwent any formal course of training. More than a century after him, the Nigerian mechanic still lacks formal training and everything considered is on the verge of becoming an endangered species. Not long ago, a mechanic apprenticeship was well sought after. Not so anymore. A mechanic workshop is, these days, a rather lonely place, denuded as it is of aspiring mechanics. The profession, if you can call it that, has no appeal to the youths who in the absence of a tertiary education diploma prefer to become apprenticed to an internet fraudster or put the rest of us in constant danger by becoming an Okada rider. After all, he does not need any period of apprenticeship for that.

    The typical Nigerian mechanic approaches his tasks by feel as he is severely limited by the simplicity of his tools and his limited knowledge of the mechanics of the engine he works on. He therefore has a cavalier attitude to his work. He is not averse to simply tossing out any defective parts or just replacing them with something that looks like the real thing as long as the vehicle he is working on can leave his workshop under its own steam. His task is not made any easier by the proliferation of the inferior or even outrightly fake replacement parts with which he carries out the needed repairs on the vehicles in his care. Today, the vast majority of vehicles on Nigerian roads have been imported after years of admittedly pampered use in Europe or the USA. For all that, they are not new, some of them being more than ten years old and no longer able to pass the fitness tests in their country of origin. These days, the spare parts needed to make those vehicles fit for service on our roads are also described as fairly used. I find it illogical that used spark plugs are preferable to brand new ones but if you put your vehicle in the hands of a mechanic in Nigeria, that is the logic you must be prepared to accept. The reality therefore is that your vehicle is not fit for the purpose of being driven on the road at any speed let alone the high speeds at which vehicles are propelled along our ricketty roads.

  • Beyond the compulsory real-time transmission of results

    Beyond the compulsory real-time transmission of results

    By Temitope Ajayi

    Our habit of amending our electoral laws almost every election cycle deserves serious scrutiny. The popular justification, continuous improvement, sounds persuasive but does not withstand close examination.

    It cannot be the case that credible elections are only possible if electoral laws are rewritten every four years. If that were true, stable democracies would be in permanent legislative flux. Countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, South Africa, the neighbouring Ghana and Benin Republic all conduct regular elections. Yet, it is difficult to find evidence that they amend their electoral laws before every round of general elections. Their systems improve not because the rules are endlessly rewritten, but because institutions mature, enforcement is strengthened and political actors improve at internalising democratic norms.

    The question, therefore, is not what laws they are passing, but what behaviours and institutional disciplines they are sustaining that we are not. I am all for compulsory electronic transmission of election results. But it is drunkenly optimistic to assume that merely writing it into law will automatically improve electoral outcomes.

    We must understand that laws do not conduct elections. People do. The fixation on legal amendments often obscures a more uncomfortable truth. Nigeria’s electoral problems are less about rules and more about conduct.

    Our political class and, increasingly, civil society actors, have become addicted to buzzwords. Every election cycle produces a fresh vocabulary designed to animate advocacy, sustain NGO ecosystems and give the impression of reform. But elections will only improve when politicians accept a basic democratic reality. In every contest, someone wins and someone loses.

    The controversy surrounding the 2023 presidential election illustrates this problem clearly. The candidate who came third has continued, years later, to insist that he won. He attributes his loss to rigging, particularly the alleged failure to transmit results in real time to the IReV portal.

    It has been nearly three years since we had the election that produced President Bola Tinubu and just as long since results from over 170,000 polling units were uploaded to the portal. If the results declared and signed at polling units truly differ from those published online, three years offer more than enough time for political parties, civil society organisations and election observers to present credible counter-results. None has done so.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    This silence is telling. The reality is straightforward. Voting is manual. Ballot papers are counted manually. Results are written manually after BVAS accreditation. Party agents sign these results and retain copies. Whether transmission is delayed or instantaneous does not alter what was recorded at the polling unit.

    Technology can enhance transparency, but it cannot manufacture outcomes. The most significant electoral reforms Nigeria has achieved since 1958 are the Permanent Voter’s Card and electronic accreditation via BVAS. These innovations have drastically reduced ballot stuffing and election-day brigandage. No polling unit can now return results exceeding the number of accredited voters captured on BVAS. That is real reform, not rhetorical progress.

    If compulsory real-time transmission of results will provide emotional or psychological reassurance to aggrieved actors, the National Assembly can include it. But it should do so without illusions.

    Those determined to reject defeat will always find something else to blame. If not IReV today, it will be another contrivance tomorrow. Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of electoral laws. It suffers from a shortage of democratic restraint, institutional discipline and political maturity. Until those change, no amount of legislative tinkering will deliver the elections we claim to desire.

    -Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

  • Fela’s Grammy Award

    Fela’s Grammy Award

    A worthy recognition for an equally worthy legend

    Fela Anikulapo-Kuti was honoured with the first Lifetime Achievement Award to an African musician at the 68th Grammy Award in Los Angeles, U.S.A.

    Fela died in August 1997, and, for this honour to be given by the Recording Academy of the United States to someone globally admired as the ‘father’ of the now- blossoming and influential Afrobeat Music is profoundly significant, not just for the optics of it but for its socio-historical, economic and political import.

    The Grammys is seen as the most prestigious and important honour in global music and entertainment. Like all awards in different human fields like the Nobel Prize, the Pulitzer, the Cain, Booker and Orange awards, amongst others,  the Grammys in no way exclusively validate excellence in music across continents.

    However, this award recognises and honours the multiple achievements of Fela through his ingenious creation and promotion of Afrobeat as a music form.

    Even if it’s coming somewhat late, given that many Grammys were organised during Fela’s lifetime, as the saying goes, ‘it is better late than never’. Yeni, Fela’s daughter, had lamented to Al Jazeera, “But Fela was never nominated (for a Grammy) in his lifetime”.

    But we also recognise the saying: ‘charity begins at home’. Fela was hounded for the political tone of his lyrics by different military administrations and, at some point,  his Kalakuta Republic was destroyed, leading to the death of his mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, herself a political activist of note.

    No Nigerian government gave Fela a national honour. He was rather imprisoned at different times, the highest being for 20 months.

    READ ALSO: Kwara massacre belies end of Mamuda/JNIM terrorists

    The award spells out, “Lifetime Achievement Award” and no award in the music industry is more befitting of a Fela. No African musician, living or dead, has had the level of impact and lasting influence that a Fela has, even 29 years after. Fela was not just one who mounted the stage and sang. Fela is a legend today because he put his genre of music, Afrobeat on the global entertainment map. He was not just a musician, he in some way displayed a spiritual compulsion to use music as a tool for socio-political re-orientation and awakening.

    Fela was somewhat genetically prepared for his brand of protest music. His mother was one of the heroines that fought for Nigeria’s independence and a foremost feminist that her name resonates till date since the time of the Egba women’s uprising against an authoritarian Alake who the women forced to abdicate in 1949 over unfair taxes and low female representation in governance. She had received numerous honours for her advocacies, including the Lenin Peace Prize and Member of the Order of the Niger (MON).

    Born to such an activist woman, studying music in the United Kingdom was a pathway to horning Fela’s intrinsic creative talent that prepared him to equally follow in her mother’s footsteps. Fela was a master satirist who created his own form of Afrocentric beats today known as Afrobeat. In his words, it is a ‘fusion of Apala, funk, jazz, highlife, salsa, calypso and traditional Yoruba music’. Interestingly, receiving the Grammys in Los Angeles seems a form of positive coincidence given that in 1969, Fela had in his 10 months sojourn in Los Angeles, discovered the ‘Black Power Movement’ through Sandra Smith.

    Returning to Nigeria in 1970, Fela’s Afrocentricism took more root through his music. He founded the Africa ’70 band and the Kalakuta Republic, a recording studio that morphed into a home for his band, family, fans and admirers.

    He went on to set up a night club first named Afro Spot and later the African Shrine – a name the place bears till date. His brand of music was uniquely a social tool that addressed colonialism, imperialism, religious bigotry/hypocrisy, oppression/corruption by the ruling class.  He was particularly vocal against bad government in a post-colonial Nigeria, especially the post-colonial military governments that were very authoritarian.

    Fela used music to address political intransigence and the indolence of the led. It was not surprising then that his music was extremely popular and timeless. He was a master lyricist and multi-talented instrumentalist. He was almost synonymous with the saxophone, an instrument he played with admirable dexterity.

    He was very confident and believed that Africans must take their pride of place in the world. He renamed his band Egypt’80 Band in his effort to reinstate the historical place of Egypt as the cradle of civilisation against western skewed narrative to the contrary. His brand of Afrobeat took him across continents and he gained popularity for his brand.

    The Grammys’ recognition of Fela’s lifetime achievements is a valid stamp on his admirable legacy.

    The irony is that today, the entertainment soft power is no longer exclusive to Rap, R’nd B, Rock and other forms of music. Young Nigerian and other African musicians have taken the world by storm through Afrobeats.

    Today, Burner Boy, Wizkid of Nigeria and Ayra Starr of South Africa are Grammy winners for their brand of Afrobeats. Davido, Rema , Fireboy, Omah Lay, Tems, Asake and others are making waves globally with their unique brands of Afrobeat. Their messages through very poetic lyrics are all pointers to the ingenuity of Fela.

    To think that many of the Afrobeat musicians were either toddlers or not even born when Fela was alive is the most eloquent testimony to his achievement as a musician who used his craft to do what music ought to do; in the words of another legend, Bob Marley, “Music is the only instrument that hits you and you feel no pain”.

    Fela entertained, advocated, informed, educated and inspired through his music. He gave the world a rich gift of what music can do to humanity. A universal language which even though most of Fela’s music were rendered in the Nigerian Pidgin English, his messages resonated with fans across continents.

    The Grammys’  “Lifetime Achievement Award” to Fela must inspire an introspection from Nigerian governments and the arts community. At home, he has not got the honours he deserves, given his contributions. The hypocrisy of mainly looking at his chosen lifestyle as a basis of moral high ground to judge him is so puerile it tells the world a different story.

    Has Lagos State adequately honoured the legend? What if there is a huge investment in the Africa Shrine as a tourist site? What has the Federal Government done to honour such an icon? What has Ogun State done to honour the memory of their gift to the entertainment world? How much have they ‘owned’ him?

    Fela’s post-humous Grammy should be a lesson to all his musical protégés. He has shown that good music must be deliberate, well-articulated, purposeful and everlasting. It is not enough to enter a studio and sing; Fela’s every syllable spoke to real issues that affect lives. He did not sing for accolades or awards, he just used his talent to contribute to humanity. His award almost three decades after his death shows that he sang and the word listened and took note. Good musicians let their works immortalise them. Fela bought immortality with his art. May his protégés take note. That is the honour he deserves beyond any academy awards. He was a humanist that the world will never forget.

  • Fathers, Brothers, Sons and Daughters Nigeria Limited

    Fathers, Brothers, Sons and Daughters Nigeria Limited

    Looking at the vast tapestry of what is our nation Nigeria’s political landscape, a pattern has since independence emerged with increasing clarity over the decades—the deliberate cultivation of political dynasties, where the children and relatives of established politicians are strategically positioned to inherit power, influence, and authority. This phenomenon, neither unique to Nigeria nor entirely novel in its manifestation, has become a defining feature of the country’s democratic experiment, raising fundamental questions about representation, meritocracy, and the very essence of political succession in Africa’s most populous democracy.

    The deep taproots of dynastic politics in Nigeria stretch back to the immediate post-independence era. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the sage of Nigerian politics and leader of the Action Group, openly encouraged his children to pursue political careers, viewing it as a natural extension of public service that ran in the family’s blood. His daughter, Tokunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu, served in various political capacities, as did other members of the Awolowo clan. This was not an isolated case. Across the country’s diverse regions, political families have long  begun to emerge, each seeking to preserve their influence across generations.

    The trend has proven remarkably resilient and geographically indiscriminate. In the North, the children of military generals and civilian administrators have transitioned seamlessly into governorship positions and legislative seats. The South-South region has witnessed similar patterns, with political godfathers ensuring their progeny occupy strategic positions in state and federal government. In the Southeast, families that dominated politics in the First Republic continue to wield considerable influence through their descendants, creating what some observers have termed a “political aristocracy” that mirrors the traditional chieftaincy system.

    Understanding this phenomenon requires appreciating Nigeria’s unique socio-cultural context. In many Nigerian societies, leadership is viewed through a communal lens rather than an individualistic one. The Yoruba concept of omoluabi—a person of good character and noble lineage—implicitly connects virtue with heritage. Similarly, in Igbo society, the ogaranya (wealthy person) is expected to groom successors who will maintain the family’s status. Northern Nigeria’s emirate system, with its centuries-old tradition of hereditary leadership, provides perhaps the clearest cultural precedent for political succession along family lines. These cultural frameworks create an environment where political dynasties feel not only natural but almost expected.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    Moreover, there exists a legitimate defense of this practice. Nigeria’s constitution guarantees every citizen the fundamental right to participate in the political process, to vote and be voted for, regardless of parentage. The children of politicians are definitely Nigerians too, with inalienable rights to seek public office. To discriminate against them solely because of their lineage would constitute an infringement of these constitutional rights and would establish a dangerous precedent of political disenfranchisement based on family background.

    Likewise,history is replete with numerous examples from those who we deem as more mature democracies where political families have flourished without fundamentally undermining democratic principles. Britain produced two William Pitts who served as Prime Minister—father from 1766 to 1768, and son from 1783 to 1801 and again from 1804 to 1806. More recently, the Miliband brothers, David and Ed, both competed for Labour Party leadership, demonstrating that political ambition can indeed run in families. The Gandhi dynasty has dominated Indian politics for generations, with Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and more recently, Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi, all playing central roles in the Congress Party and national governance.

    The United States, often held up as the standard-bearer of modern democracy, has witnessed its share of political dynasties. The Kennedy family became American royalty, with John F. Kennedy serving as President, his brother Robert as Attorney General and Senator,  their brother Edward as a long-serving Senator and Robert’s two sons Joseph P. Kennedy II served as a United States Representative from Massachusetts, while Robert Francis Kennedy Jr, is the current United States Secretary of Health and Human Services.

    The Adams family gave America its second and sixth presidents—father John Adams and son John Quincy Adams. The Clintons transformed from Arkansas politicians into national figures, with Bill serving as President and Hillary as Senator, Secretary of State, and presidential candidate. Even Abraham Lincoln’s son, Robert Todd Lincoln, served as Secretary of War under Presidents Garfield and Arthur. The Bush family produced two presidents, a governor, and numerous influential political operatives.

    These international examples suggest that political dynasties, in themselves, do not necessarily signal democratic decay. Talent, passion for public service, and political acumen can indeed be nurtured within families, and there is nothing inherently wrong with following in one’s parents’ footsteps, whether in medicine, business, or politics.

    However, the Nigerian context introduces troubling complications that distinguish these local dynasties from their international counterparts. The critical question is not whether politicians’ children have the right to seek office, but whether they are ascending on merit or merely riding on their parents’ coattails and manipulating systems that should reward competence, vision, and integrity rather than surname and connections.

    When political parties become family enterprises, when primary elections are rigged to favour the children of these tingods, when young politicians with minimal experience or demonstrable capability are catapulted into positions of enormous responsibility simply because of whose son or daughter they are, our democracy suffers a profound injury and goes against the Napoleonic maxim, “ Without the distinction of birth or fortune”  The problem intensifies when these scions of political families display neither the intellectual capacity nor the moral character required for leadership, yet still secure positions through networks of patronage their parents have carefully constructed over decades.

    Again, a number of these Nigerian political dynasties often emerge not from genuine popular support but from the systematic abuse of institutional processes. Delegates are bought, opposition is intimidated, party structures are manipulated, and electoral processes are compromised to ensure that power remains within particular families. This creates a vicious cycle where political office becomes my “papa property” hereditary rather than a trust temporarily bestowed by the electorate, where governance becomes a family business rather than public service, and where the interests of the dynasty supersede the interests of the nation.

    The consequences are devastating. When leadership positions are reserved for political heirs regardless of merit, Nigeria loses the opportunity to benefit from fresh perspectives, innovative thinking, and the diverse talents of its vast population. Young Nigerians who possess brilliant ideas, impeccable integrity, and genuine passion for national development find themselves locked out of a system that values lineage over excellence. The implicit message becomes clear: in Nigeria, what matters is not what you know or what you can offer, but who your father or grandfather was.

    This undermines the very foundation of democratic meritocracy and perpetuates the cycles of mediocrity, corruption, and underdevelopment that have plagued the nation for decades. When incompetent leaders emerge simply because they bear the right surname, policies fail, resources are mismanaged, and the people suffer.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The nation can continue down the path of political dynasties built on patronage and privilege, or it can insist that those who seek to lead—whether scions of political families or children of peasant farmers—must prove themselves worthy through demonstrated competence, integrity, and vision. The choice will determine whether Nigeria’s democracy matures into a system that truly serves its people or degenerates into an oligarchy where power is merely inherited, never earned.

  • Atiku or Obi: who emerges ADC presidential candidate (2)

    Atiku or Obi: who emerges ADC presidential candidate (2)

    You Have Ran Enough”: Former Cross River governor,  Donald Duke advising Alhaji Atiku Abubarkar to end his long-standing presidential ambition.

    Last week I ended the column by concluding that former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi, would not be an ideal ADC Presidential candidate at the 2027 Presidential election.

    But neither did I endorse

    Alhaji Atiku Abubakar as a politically fit and proper person for the party’s presidential candidacy even though one of the two would emerge.

    Today we examine Alhaji Atiku’s suitability and his chances of victory if he eventually emerges the candidate.

    Ordinarily, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar’s experience and network, his decades of experience in Nigerian politics and government should provide him a strong foundation for the leadership of the Nigerian nation except for his unchecked arrogance of being a born to rule Northerner which has led him to many avoidable mistakes.

    His  national appeal – he has built a broad coalition of supporters all over the country – should ordinarily enhance his  electability just as his background in business and other sectors of the Nigerian economy should help him drive economic growth.

    Unfortunately, now in the age of AI, his being perceived as an old guard, having been too long in the political space,  and contesting at each election cycle since the 90’s, have rendered him otiose, and out of touch with younger Nigerians as well as current realities in governance, no matter the effort to mask all these.  It’s comeuppance and all these are now bound to combine to rob him of any such opportunity.

    READ ALSO: Kwara massacre belies end of Mamuda/JNIM terrorists

    Past allegations of corruption, not limited to Nigeria, would also negatively, impact his chances – and here I am not relying only on President Obasanjo’s deliberate, mostly hyperbolic de – marketing of his one – time Vice.

    Nor can we forget that Atiku has also made the mistake of unreasonably discounting most Nigerians’ crave for rotational presidency.

    More than the above, however, are  his personal failings which have already rendered him unfit to be elected President of a huge multi- ethnic, multi- religious country like Nigeria.

    These are so obvious, and negative, that only a very committed, but limited number of his own political party members can feel obliged to vote for him at the election.

    Come with me as we navigate these personal failings in my article of 27 November, ’22.    

    Titled:’Atiku’s Long Running Superiority Complex That May End Up Aborting His Presidential Ambition’, it reads as follows, though now significantly edited for space:

    My first received impression of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar was that of an arrogant, condescending Hausa-Fulani senior customs officer, who considered himself superior to all – thanks to two friends of mine – also customs officers -both now long retired, one of who actually worked directly  with him at the Lagos International Airport, Ikeja.

    This view got further confirmation when I saw the entitlement mentality he exhibited while pursuing his ambition to be Chief MKO Abiola’s Vice Presidential candidate, for no other reason than that he was a protégé of the powerful General Shehu Musa Yar’ Adua. The unimaginable intra-party crisis that followed the choice of Babagana Kingibe did not help. Of course, I was all the while rooting for Kingibe in my column in a Lagos evening newspaper edited by my friend, Banji Ogundele. 

    Vice President Atiku has demonstrated a striking lack of patience in waiting  to take his turn, the reason I recently captioned one of my articles on this column as “Atiku Abubakar: Desperation is Your Name”.

    Underpinning his desperation is his superiority complex. He so much believed he was better than his boss, former president Olusegun Obasanjo, that he actually wanted to supplant him as PDP candidate in the 2003 presidential election.

    Let us hear how the Nobel Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka put it while answering a question at the special presentation of his book, “Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes?: Gani’s Unfinished Business”,  at the Freedom Park, Lagos:

    ” Before the PDP primaries in January 2003, Obasanjo got everyone he knew could reach me on the surface of the earth including Yemi Ogunbiyi and my son, to get me to help him intercede when it was clear that (Abubakar) Atiku was in a position to take his job. He knew Atiku had a lot of regard for me and calls me ‘Uncle’.

    “The pressure was intense. Of course, I could not have knelt before Atiku not to embark on a course of action that would lead to his boss’ disgrace. But I can confirm to you that Obasanjo as President knelt down before Atiku so that he would not lose his job”. “But I warned Atiku that for making Obasanjo to kneel down for you, be sure you would have to pay heavily for that. I guess my warning came to pass if you remember Atiku’s dramatic change of fortune once Obasanjo was sworn in for a second term of office.”

    That is vintage Atiku.

    Another instance when Atiku demonstrated his belief in being superior to everybody was when he took peremptory action, though coyly, in his choice of Ben Obi as his running mate in the 2007 presidential election.  Chief Bisi Akande captured it as follows in his Autobiography, ‘My Participations’, Pages 485 – 486: “In 2007, we formed a party, the AC, with Atiku Abubakar. We agreed that Atiku should be our presidential candidate but with the understanding he would run with Bola Tinubu.  

    One day after we had nominated Atiku as our presidential candidate, one young man came and gave me a form from INEC. I told him I could not sign a blank form, and that I, as Chairman, must know the name that would be filled in the form. The young man, Bashir Yusuf Ibrahim, must have been the organising right- hand man of Atiku. The following morning, he came again with Lawal Kaita. Kaita begged me and said it was Ben Obi whom Atiku had chosen as his running mate behind our back. So I signed the form because I believed that as the candidate, Atiku had the right to choose his running mate. We, however, believed that Atiku should have chosen his running mate from the AC even if he was no longer favorably disposed to Tinubu. With Atiku, the party will be strong in the North, but because of the preponderance of PDP in the South East and the South – South, it would face more resistance in that area. Obasanjo was stepping down from the Presidency. Therefore, the Yoruba, even the few that benefited from his arrogant rule, would no longer be obliged to vote for PDP”.

    You can see in how Atiku tried to trick Chief Akande into signing a blank ‘cheque’ that he was, indeed, being unduly pompous; all in the attempt to show that he was wiser than all. That was apart from the way in which he unilaterally chose Obi as his running mate, in a political party which  he did not own, and where you had the likes of Tinubu and Akande.

    What could be more audacious?”

    That exactly is Atiku, and it is what Governor Wike has been saying about his unreliability. Any rational person would expect that he would, at the very least, let the Chairman of the party know who he intended to choose as running mate.  But Atiku so believes in his superiority, “being of the Nigerian Aryan race”, he thinks he could get away with just about anything, which is what he does in whatever political party be belongs.

    Two other events are worth recalling. One Sunday in The Nation, absolutely unknown to both of us, it so happened that Tatalo Alamu and I wrote two very scathing articles about Alhaji Atiku, the candidate of the AC. Indeed, I actually went ahead to endorse General Muhammadu Buhari only to hear later, that the Monday after, emissaries of the Atiku campaign organisation visited with Ashiwaju to remonstrate against the two articles.

    The other event was much more momentous. Again to ‘My Participations’ we go, pages 429 – 430 where Chief Akande brought into bold relief, the incredible support General Muhammadu Buhari enjoyed in the North in 2007.

    He wrote: ”During the 2006 electioneering campaigns, as the National Chairman of AC, I was leading the party’s meetings and campaigns to most of the emirate capitals and cities of Northern Nigeria, crisscrossing Buhari’s ANPP in the political spaces of the North. We were trying to market Atiku Abubakar. One day, according to our schedule based on police permit, we were to hold a public rally at a particular open concourse in Jalingo. Buhari’s ANPP too was granted a police permit to address his rally a few days after our own rally at the same venue. As our aircraft was descending into Jalingo, I saw a large crowd of party enthusiasts in the bowl of the venue. I was secretly jubilant that we were being welcomed by such size of crowd. As we touched down, our party leaders told us that the venue had to change. I was wondering as to how we would evacuate such a large crowd. It was alarming to hear that the crowd I saw at our supposed venue were reported to have come to wait and catch a glimpse of Buhari at the ANPP campaign being anticipated a few days after our rally. The people had come to avoid harmful jostling among Buhari’s die-hard supporters at the expected date”. “When it became impossible to block their coming or prevent their intended waiting, the police had to advise AC to look for another venue. In our own case, the practice was to provide fund for transportation and logistics in advance, to mobilise our party loyalists. I was made to understand that Buhari would advance nothing for mobilisation, yet his enthusiasts would travel by foot, or ride on donkey, days ahead to beat the time. Such was Buhari’s charisma in the political space of the entire Northern Nigeria”.

    Yet Atiku insisted, as usual, on being his party’s presidential candidate. He would even follow that up by singularly selecting his running mate.

    The same thing is playing out in his PDP. But in Wike, Atiku has met more than his match.

    Believing Wike was a person he could easily wrong foot, having coyly beaten him to the presidential candidacy of their party, the first thing he told him when he visited Wike’s house after their party’s convention was: “Ayu must go”. He had expected Wike to jump at that but instead, he was asked why? And although he it was who said that since the presidential candidate is from the North, the party Chairman should come from the South for the sake of fairness, and equity, he would later begin to say other things, claiming he hasn’t the power to effect what he jubilantly promised.

    Such perfidy.

    That exactly is how Atiku’s superiority complex and cunning, not forgetting his entitlement mentality, and several allegations of corruption, have all caught up with him that these human frailties will now end up being the final nail on the coffin of his presidential ambition.

    It is precisely this ego-maniacal superiority complex that would not let him see the greed, and the unfairness, that out rightly perfume the North, holding tightly to all the consequential positions in the PDP, namely, the Presidential candidacy, the party Chairmanship as well as the Director- Generalship of his campaign. It is only fair that the Wike-led Group of 5 is stubbornly, but righteously, standing up to this one-upmanship.

    Without a doubt, Alhaji Atiku’s arrogance, coyness, not to say lies, perfidy and unreliability should, in a serious political party, render him unsuitable to be chosen as the ADC’s candidate for the 2027 Presidential election or as the president of any country,  even Myanmar.

    What then should the party do?

    In the first place, not many Nigerians think that both Atiku and Obi would still be in the ADC by the time of the election. It is even not unreasonable to suggest that one of them is behind one of the two newly registered political parties. Whatever happens on the long run, ADC will be stuck with one of the two politically unfit candidates and Nigerians can only wish them the defeat ADC – a mere party for hire – so richly deserves.

  • Rivers State politics: What you see is not what you get

    Rivers State politics: What you see is not what you get

    The former Governor of Rivers State and current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, his erstwhile political mentee and current Governor of the state, Siminalayi Fubara, and the Rivers State House of Assembly (RSHA) led by the Speaker, Rt. Hon.  Martins Amaewhule, have been engaged in a fierce horse-back battle over the control of Rivers State politics. In every normal war, the combatants end up at the negotiation table.

    Negotiating an end to the Rivers State crisis was facilitated by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu more than once. The first time he attempted it on 18 December, 2023, his promising efforts were trashed, and each of the combatants had a bloody nose to show for the intransigence. On 11 May, 2025, during his suspension from office as governor, Fubara said, at a programme of tributes to the late Chief E.K. Clarke: “[To] make statements against the minister and the president … is not what I need now. … [Do] you think I am even interested in going back [to office as governor]? … Don’t you see how [much] better I look? … If I have my way, I say it here, this is an altar of God, I don’t wish going back there.  My spirit has left that place long ago.”

    Probably noticing what seemed to be battle fatigue, the President made another effort at brokering peace on 26 June, 2025, and this appeared to have been successful. Minister Nyesom Wike was reported to have remarked at the reconciliatory meeting: “I want to give God the glory that today is the 26th of June 2025, that peace has finally returned to the state. … We all agreed to work together with the governor, and the governor also agreed to work together with all of us.” He was further reported to have said: “Just like humans, you have disagreements, and then you also have a time to settle your disagreements – and that has been finally concluded today. We have come to report to Mr. President that this is what we have agreed. So, for me, everything is over, and I enjoin everybody to work together. There is no more acrimony.”

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    Governor Fubara was also reported to have said: “For me, it’s very important that this day has come to be. What we need for the progress of Rivers State is peace, and by the special grace of God this night, with the help of Mr. President and the agreement of the leaders of the state, peace has returned.” It was gratifying to see the FCT minister in a warm handshake with suspended Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, at the Presidential Villa. It was also pleasing to see Fubara with the same show of camaraderie with suspended RSHA Speaker, Martins Amaewhule. Seeing the trio, along with other lawmakers and stakeholders, in a crescent-shaped photo with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was equally joyful to behold. Another cause for optimism was that, on 28 June, 2025, both Fubara and Amaewhule attended the burial of Wike’s uncle in Port Harcourt.

    Considering the seeming renewed amity, on 17 September, 2025, the 6-month State of Emergency imposed on Rivers State on 18 March, 2025 to safeguard peace and security in the state was lifted, and the nation was justifiably relieved. But the amity did not endure.  Grumblings started soon after, and impeachment proceedings against Governor Fubara and his deputy were initiated in the House of Assembly. Then some lawmakers made a public appeal to their colleagues not to proceed with the impeachment process, but rather explore political solutions to the crisis. Again, soon after, those four legislators reversed their appeal and restated their commitment to the impeachment, alleging that the governor was uncooperative.

    The crisis was compounded by a 16 January, 2026 court order, sought by Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his Deputy Prof. Ngozi Nma-Odu, restraining the Chief Judge of Rivers State from constituting the panel of seven constitutionally required to consider the grounds of impeachment and equally restraining the RSHA from continuing with the impeachment process. Some saw this as meaning that the impeachment process had reached a dead end, and mocked the legislators for embarking on a failed political mission. Others also derided Wike who was believed to be the one pushing the legislative endeavour.

    Before then, sixteen members of the House of Assembly had defected to APC, and Governor Fubara also defected to the party thereafter. With the governor’s defection, he was declared the new leader of APC in Rivers State by the National Chairman of the party, Professor Nentawe Yilwatda. This declaration was reiterated by the National Secretary of APC, Senator Ajibola Basiru, who also underscored the fact that Wike was not a member of APC. In fact, the support for the governor created acrimony between Minister Wike and the National Secretary who went as far as advising Wike to resign from President Tinubu’s cabinet, if he prioritised Rivers State politics.

    This sequence of support for Governor Fubara made Minister Wike’s detractors to make him the butt of jokes and taunts presumably for having been used and dumped by President Tinubu and APC. In typical schadenfreude fashion, they rejoiced at what they saw as Wike’s political misfortune. In fact, some had already started to sing Wike’s Nunc dimittis – a song indicating the “conclusion of labor” and symbolising “the end of a long, challenging task or season of service, akin to a ‘farewell’ or a well-earned rest.” Some counselled mockingly that, since in their opinion he had become a political spent force already being given signs that APC no longer had much use for him, Wike should relocate outside Nigeria to enjoy his acquired wealth. Even otherwise respectable public analysts painted a gloomy picture of Wike’s political fate.

    Then on 26 January, 2026, the APC primaries for the 21 February, 2026 bye-elections for the Ahoada East II and Khana II Rivers State House of Assembly seats held. The former was won by Mrs. Bulabari Henrietta Loolo, and the latter by Napoleon Ukalikpe, and both were Wike’s supporters. This has befuddled many who had been pontificating magisterially about Wike’s presumed declining political clout or impending political doom and Fubara’s unchallengeable ascendancy in the state’s branch of APC.

    Again, Wike was in Port Harcourt on 30 January, 2026 for the launching of Rivers State Senatorial Districts and Local Government Areas coordinators of the Renewed Hope Ambassadors for the support of President Tinubu in the 2027 elections. At the event which was not attended by Governor Fubara, Wike addressed a massive crowd and alleged that the state government had denied the group access to the Yakubu Gowon Stadium which was the originally-intended venue for the programme. This allegation has since been denied by the Fubara administration. Wike also said: “I thank Mr. President for supporting the Joint Coalition to produce the candidates for February 21 state constituency elections. Mr. President has given the Joint Coalition [the challenge] to make sure [that] in Khana Constituency II, we support Mrs. Loolo; in Ahoada State Constituency II, we support Napoleon Ukalikpe.”

    Moreover, a Grand Civic Reception was organised on 31 January, 2026 in Ogu, in honour of Minister Wike by the Wakirike Ethnic Nationality of Rivers State. The Chairman of the Central Planning Committee, who is also the Chairman of the Rivers Ijaw People’s Congress, Senator George Sekibo, told Wike in his welcome address: “Your Excellency, our gratitude knows no bounds. Words alone are insufficient to convey our appreciation for giving us opportunities and benefits that by ordinary human effort we might not have attained. … The Wakirike people will forever remain grateful to you, your family and your kindred.”

    The Chairman of the occasion, High Chief (Dr.) Wilcox Idaminabo, also told Wike: “The Wakirike people said I should tell you that … wherever you lead, we shall follow. …Whatever you tell us to do, we shall do.” The Chief Host, Hon. Boma Iyaye, told the FCT minster, “You’re my political creator”; and Hon. Linda Stewart, on behalf of other Wakirike members of the state legislature told Wike: “You’re the wind behind our sails.” Furthermore, Hon. Akuro Tobin, the Executive Chairman of Okrika Local Government Area, called Wike “The leader of Rivers State Politics.” In response, Wike assured his hosts: “Go home and sleep very well, with your two eyes closed. We are in-charge.”

    In a 28 January, 2026 interview, Channels Television’s Bukola Coker claimed, regarding Wike: “It’s a healthy consensus that many do not like his politics in Rivers State.” Wike’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication and New Media, Lere Olayinka, objected, and asked Coker who the conductor of the poll was to justify the use of the word “many”.

    Bukola Coker also asked Lere Olayinka whether the minister had got the message that APC was getting fed up with his interference in Rivers State politics, considering the public statements by some APC functionaries, the latest of which was from Daniel Bwala, President Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Policy Communication, who said that the president had adequately compensated Wike for his support of the president. Similarly, Geoffrey Uzono, another Channels Television interviewer, asked whether Wike got the “proxy signalling [or indirect message] of the Presidency” to Nyesom Wike “to taper or back off” Rivers State APC politics.

    To this question, Lere Olayinka responded: “A lot of things that people come on television to say is different from what happens behind the scene.” The National Secretary of APC also said, in a 29 January, 2026 interview with Nifemi Oguntoye of TVC News: “It is not through press statements that you … articulate real politics. Real politics are done behind closed doors.”

    On Wike, Senator Ajibola Basiru noted: “He is an avowed supporter of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu even though not a member of [our] political party. … So, as somebody who is interested in the success of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Rivers State is critical to that success, … definitely he [Wike] would be engaged and he’s being engaged on the amicable resolution of the issue in Rivers State as expected.” This has blindsided political analysts who had been citing the National Secretary’s express support for Governor Fubara and Senator Basiru’s open disagreement with Wike as unmistakable indications of Wike’s irreversibly declining influence in APC and Rivers State politics.   

    Notably, Wike was one of the few senior officials who were at the airport to bid President Tinubu farewell when he was leaving for Turkey on 26 January, 2026, and he was there again, among four or so senior civilian officers who welcomed the president back to Nigeria on 31 January, 2026.

    It could therefore be concluded that, to a large extent, in Rivers State politics, what you see is not what you get.

  • Tinubu’s week of resolve: when reform met rage

    Tinubu’s week of resolve: when reform met rage

    Last week was another clear step forward in the long journey President Bola Ahmed Tinubu set Nigeria upon since May 29, 2023. It was an eventful week, and not a single day was without significance. Yet, if one moment stood out as both momentous and consequential, it was Tuesday’s meeting at the State House with the leadership of the World Bank, led by its Managing Director of Operations, Anna Bjerde.

    It was momentous because Tinubu used the opportunity to tell the world, again, what his intentions are. It was consequential because, in the same breath, he laid bare the humanity of leadership: that reform is not merely a policy choice; it is a sacrifice, a deliberate refusal of temptations that have swallowed many administrations before his.

    When he spoke to the World Bank team, the President did not pretend that Nigeria’s reforms were painless. He did not deny that the first reaction was hardship. Instead, he reached for language that captured the psychology of difficult governance: “Since we’ve gone into this tunnel of reform, we have our hands on the plow and we’re never going to look back.”

    That sentence was a declaration of stamina. It was also a warning to those who profit from disorder.

    Then came the confession that made the room feel even more serious. Tinubu openly acknowledged the seductive “quantum of money” that leaders can quietly harvest in a corrupt environment, especially through fuel subsidy and multiple foreign exchange windows. “It’s difficult for a leader to look the other way… from an opportunity that can give him quantum of money in subsidy regime… in multiple exchange… give it up,” he said.

    In that moment, Tinubu was saying something profound: that greed is often the first enemy of reform. It is the invisible hand that keeps nations on life support. And if his presidency is to mean anything beyond another turn at power, he must be the leader who refuses personal enrichment and instead chooses the harder reward of history.

    READ ALSO: PDP: Wike gets upper hand again

    But Tinubu did not stop at moral clarity. He went further to reveal purpose.

    Nigeria, he said, is “the heart of the continent,” and the only responsible path is to strengthen the economy for the sake of the country’s young population and vast arable land. He spoke about mechanisation, agriculture, and productivity, not as abstract dreams but as programmes already in motion.

    “There’ll be zonal mechanization centers to help the farmers,” he disclosed, adding that the government is working on improved seedlings and wants the World Bank to support the process.

    He then tied agriculture to industry, referencing the petrochemical sector’s growing output and the need to convert that advantage into local fertiliser production that raises yields. The goal, he said, is to move farmers “from ordinary small-scale holders to huge cooperative… farmers that can bring opportunities to Nigerians.”

    This was where the meeting became more than a diplomatic courtesy. Tinubu was effectively telling the World Bank: Nigeria is not improvising. There is a plan. And the plan has reached the stage where global partners must support the private sector to become the engine of jobs and productivity.

    He asked the World Bank to accelerate financing options and “tip the model” in favour of growth, insisting that bureaucracy must be cut and risk pushed in ways that develop skills and unlock investment.

    His confidence was matched by his insistence on transparency and accountability. “Reform is a continuous exercise… transparency, accountability… We’re not looking back,” he said.

    And then came the validation. Bjerde, in what can only be described as a remarkable endorsement, said Nigeria is now frequently cited globally as an example of “steady, credible reform leadership.” She noted that the government’s consistency and the evidence of positive results have built confidence among investors, policymakers, and the private sector.

    But the week was not all about reform and financing.

    By Wednesday, the President’s attention shifted sharply to a different national emergency, one that reminded the country that prosperity cannot take root where terror is allowed to bloom.

    In Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State, suspected Boko Haram terrorists carried out a beastly massacre, killing more than 160 people in rural communities. Tinubu’s response was swift, decisive, and unmistakably angry.

    He ordered the deployment of an army battalion to the affected area and announced the establishment of a new military command to spearhead Operation Savannah Shield. He condemned the killings as “cowardly and beastly,” describing the attackers as heartless for choosing soft targets in their doomed campaign of terror.

    On Thursday, he met with Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq to receive updates, and further directed close collaboration between federal and state agencies to provide immediate relief and support to the affected communities. He also made it clear that the perpetrators would not escape justice. “They will not go scot-free,” he vowed.

    Then came Friday, and with it, another reform, this time in a sector Nigerians love instinctively, but which has not been fully harnessed economically: sports.

    In a message posted on his verified X handle, Tinubu unveiled a sweeping sports-sector reform, ordering a reset of sports funding from the 2026 fiscal year. He reminded Nigerians that the country won an “unprecedented 373 medals across all sports in 2025,” describing sports as one of Nigeria’s strongest brands; a unifier that breaks fault lines and builds community.

    But again, Tinubu insisted on honesty. For too long, he said, sports funding was slowed by bureaucracy, fragmented across institutions, and released too late for proper preparation. Infrastructure development and maintenance, he noted, have also been neglected.

    To change the story, he directed the relevant ministries and the Budget Office to ensure adequate annual provisions for sports infrastructure, programmes, and international participation, with funds released immediately once the budget is passed and assented to. “Nigerian athletes deserve certainty, not excuses,” he declared.

    He also announced that allocations currently spread across MDAs would be reviewed, streamlined, and transferred into a unified funding framework under the National Sports Commission.

    The reforms, he said, are anchored on the Renewed Hope Initiative for Nigeria’s Sports Economy (RHINSE), positioning sports as a driver of job creation, tourism, investment, and global influence.

    Even beyond the week’s big-ticket moments; the World Bank engagement, the Kaiama outrage, and the sports-sector reset, President Tinubu’s itinerary carried the quieter signals of how he sees leadership: as a constant stitching together of nation, party, culture and purpose.

    On Sunday, he congratulated the APC Lagos spokesman, Mogaji Oluseye Oladejo, at 60, describing him as a dependable party man whose clarity of purpose and disciplined loyalty helped strengthen the progressive family in Lagos. In the same breath of national reflection, the President also paid tribute to Fela Anikulapo Kuti, after the Afrobeat pioneer became the first African recipient of the Recording Academy’s Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award. Tinubu called him “a giant,” a fearless voice of the people whose courage and creativity reshaped global sound, a reminder that Nigeria’s influence is not only in crude oil or currency charts, but also in culture.

    On Tuesday, he celebrated NNPC board chair, Ahmadu Musa Kida, at 65, praising a career that helped shape Nigeria’s oil sector. On Wednesday, he hailed Professor Jacob Kehinde Olupona at 75, spotlighting scholarship and global intellectual excellence, while also honouring Niger Delta entrepreneur Kestin Pondi for service, enterprise and peace-building.

    Thursday brought the birthday message to Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, a nod to people-centred governance, and a strategic meeting with APC leaders and National Assembly heads as the party moved towards inclusive conventions and congresses.

    Then Friday, amid the intensity of reform, he played Father of the Day at Bello Matawalle’s children’s wedding fatiha, a symbolic reminder that power, too, has its human moments.

    And perhaps most tellingly, he celebrated Prof. Ali Pate and Anna Adeola Makanju on the Devex Power 50 List, quietly projecting Nigeria’s renewed hope: competence, credibility and global relevance.

    In the end, last week revealed something Nigerians are beginning to see more clearly: Tinubu’s presidency is being shaped around one stubborn idea; that Nigeria must be rebuilt through systems that work, not sentiments that entertain.

    The same philosophy that guided his appeal to the World Bank; cut bureaucracy, empower private enterprise, invest strategically, and stay the course, is the philosophy behind his security response in Kaiama and his sports funding reform.

    It is the tunnel of reform, with different stations. And as the President said, his hands are on the plow. He is not looking back.