Author: The Nation

  • America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild

    America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild

    By Ian Bremmer

    This will be a tipping-point year. The biggest source of global instability won’t be China, Russia, Iran, or any of the 60-odd conflicts burning across the planet (the most since World War II). It will be the United States.

    This conclusion runs throughout the Eurasia Group’s Top Risks 2026 report.

    The world’s most powerful country and architect of the postwar global order is now actively unwinding that order, led by a president who is more committed to, and capable of, reshaping America’s international role than any of his modern predecessors.

    Last weekend offered a preview of what this will mean in practice. After months of escalating pressure – sanctions, a massive naval deployment, and a full oil blockade – US special forces captured Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro in Caracas and flew him to New York City to face criminal charges.

    A dictator removed and brought to justice with no American casualties – it was President Donald Trump’s cleanest military win yet.

    Trump has already branded his approach to the Western Hemisphere the “Donroe Doctrine.”

    It is his version of President James Monroe’s 19th-century assertion of US primacy in the Americas.

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    But whereas Monroe warned European powers to stay out of America’s neighborhood, Trump is using military pressure, economic coercion, and personal score-settling to bend the region to his will. And he’s just getting started.

    The disturbing implications of a US president recklessly playing geopolitical monopoly.

    The spheres-of-influence framework

    “America First” isolationism this is not. Simultaneously, the US is becoming more, not less, entangled with Israel and various Gulf states.

    Trump’s willingness to strike Iran last year and meddle in European politics doesn’t exactly scream retrenchment, either.

    Nor does the spheres-of-influence framework fit what he is doing. That label implies that Trump is carving up the world with rival powers, each staying in their own lane.

    But his administration just sent Taiwan its largest-ever arms package, and its Indo-Pacific posture does not evince a desire to cede Asia to China.

    Trump’s foreign policy doesn’t run on traditional axes like allies versus adversaries, democracies versus autocracies, or strategic competition versus cooperation.

    If the answer is no, and you have something he wants, you are a target. If the answer is yes, you can probably cut a deal.

    A simpler calculus is at work: Can you hit back hard enough to hurt the man in charge?

    In the case of Venezuela, Trump wanted to topple Maduro, and there was nothing Maduro could do to stop him.

    He had no allies willing to act, no military capable of retaliating, and no leverage over anything Trump cared about. So, he was removed.

    Never mind that Venezuela’s entire regime structure remains intact, and that any transition to a stable democratic government will be messy, contested, and largely Venezuela’s to manage (or mismanage).

    Trump is content with Venezuela continuing to be run by the same repressive regime, as long as it agrees to do his bidding (indeed, he chose this arrangement over an opposition-led government).

    The law of the jungle

    The threat of “or else” appears to be working so far. Trump has just announced that Venezuela’s “new” authorities will hand over 30-50 million barrels of oil to the US, with the proceeds “controlled by me, as president.”

    Moreover, continued success in Venezuela, however narrowly defined, will embolden Trump to double down on this approach and push further – whether in Cuba, Colombia, Nicaragua, Mexico, or Greenland.

    On the other end of the spectrum is China. When Trump escalated tariffs last year, the Chinese retaliated with export restrictions on rare earths and critical minerals – essential ingredients for a broad array of 21st-century consumer and military products.

    With US vulnerabilities exposed, Trump was forced to back down. Now, he’s intent on maintaining détente and securing a deal at all costs.

    America is unilaterally exercising power wherever Trump thinks he can get away with it, uncoupled from the norms, bureaucratic processes, alliance structures, and multilateral institutions that once gave US leadership legitimacy.

    What we are dealing with here is not grand strategy, but the law of the jungle

    As constraints tighten elsewhere – voters angry about affordability ahead of this year’s midterm elections, for example, and shrinking US trade leverage – Trump is eager to cement his legacy.

    His willingness to take risks on the security side, where he remains largely unconstrained, will only grow.

    The Western Hemisphere happens to be an especially prey-rich habitat – and one where the US has asymmetric leverage that no one can counter. Trump can score easy wins with minimal pushback and costs.

    America’s lost credibility

    But Trump’s approach is hardly confined to America’s immediate neighborhood.

    If it wasn’t clear already, the administration’s threats against Greenland show that Europe is also in its sights.

    The continent’s three largest economies – the United Kingdom, France, and Germany – all entered the new year with weak, unpopular governments besieged by populists within.

    With Russia at their doorstep, the Trump administration is openly backing far-right parties that would further fragment the continent.

    EU Leaders, Volodymyr Zelensky

    Unless Europeans find ways to gain leverage and credibly impose costs that Trump cares about – and soon – they will feel the same squeeze he’s applying across the Western Hemisphere

    For most countries, responding to an unpredictable, unreliable, and dangerous US is now an urgent priority. Some will fail, and some will succeed.

    It may already be too late for Europe to adapt, but China is in a stronger position, content to let its chief rival undermine itself.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping can afford to play the long game. He will be in power well after Trump’s term ends in 2029.

    The damage to American power itself will persist past this administration. Alliances, partnerships, and credibility aren’t just nice to have.

    They are force multipliers, giving the US leverage that raw military and economic power alone cannot sustain.

    Trump is burning through that inheritance, treating it as a constraint rather than an asset.

    He is governing as though American power operates outside of time, and as if he can reshape the world by force without lasting consequence.

    But the alliances he’s shredding won’t snap back when the next president takes office.

    America’s lost credibility will take a generation to rebuild if it can be rebuilt at all. That is why 2026 is a tipping-point year – not because we know how things will end, but because we are already starting to see what happens when the country that wrote the rules decides it no longer wants to play by them.

    • This article was originally published in www.kyivpost.com

  • Ekiti 2026: election that should firm up BAO’s political paradigm shift

    Ekiti 2026: election that should firm up BAO’s political paradigm shift

    Most observers of Ekiti political history, pre  BAO, should be ‘ad idem’ on the fact that it was atavistic and cold blooded; something akin to “bo ba o pa, bo ba o bu lese”, that is,  just harm your political opponent, any which way. Nobody could ever have believed, based on our politics then, that we are the most homogeneous people in Nigeria.

    It was with that scurrilous situation in mind that I wrote as follows on this column a whole sixteen whole years ago, on 31 October, 2010 shortly after the Apeal Court, Ilorin, ruled in the Fayemi Vs Oni election case, while reflecting on the way forward for  the state in: ‘Ekiti – Beyond Politics: “As William Shakespeare wrote in Julius Caesar, “There is a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. Omitted, all the voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries. On such a full sea are we now afloat. And we must take the current when it serves, or lose our ventures”.

    You would think  the Bard of Avon had Ekiti in mind when he penned those memorable words as they fit us so uncannily, looking like a clarion call to every Ekiti, young and old, to take our destiny in our hands and blow off  the shibboleths that have stuck to us like  ‘amutorunwa spots’.

    The time is not now to ask how we got here. Rather, it is a time for total reconciliation: first, with our God, and then amongst ourselves, Ekitis. 

    The appropriate questions for us now are: what is the way forward? How do we rediscover, hold , cherish and nourish again, those pristine and immaculate Ekiti cultural traits which have served generations of Ekiti so splendidly? How do we get back that bonhomie, that espirit de corps that total strangers saw in us and thought we were all born of one mother? How do we begin to re- discover those economic traits that galvanized and enabled the poorest of our fathers to see his children and wards through college; how do we begin to seriously contend with the multi-faceted problems that today confront all of us, Ekitis, but especially our youth, educated  thousands of them, who are paving the streets of Abuja, Lagos and Ado-Ekiti in search of non-existent jobs?

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    How do we take Ekiti back into the main economic artery of our country? How do we get our respectability and honour back? Where do we go from here?”

    These are questions I believe that governor Biodun Oyebanji, then only an incoming commissioner in the emergent Fayemi administration, must have ruminated over, wondering if he could ever be in a position to attempt answering them.

    The past three years have seen him doing exactly that because Ekitis, in the words of Shakespeare, have through the auspices of the governor, “taken the current when it served”, and as captured by Wole Olujobi, the sagacious and very accomplished journalist, observer and writer on Ekiti politics when he wrote, inter alia, in  ‘Oyebanji: Three Years Of Focused Leadership and Service Delivery:

    “Three years after, Ekiti people now wake up daily to tell stories of peace and progress in a state once notoriously renowned as a state of one day, one trouble”. “In a state where adversarial politics was the norm, Oyebanji, who is firmly rooted in the ideological nuances of the Ekiti ‘omoluabi’ credo, has put his hands on the plough, building coalitions and erecting a maze of relationships, never seen in the state, to achieve unprecedented peace as old animosities among diverse political gladiators, for the very first time ever, gave way to a mutual amity for  development”.

    In the article:’BAO -Mania: How Biodun Oyebanji Reset Ekiti Politics’, I

    examined what factors assisted him in breaking what can be described as ‘the Ekiti Crises Conundrum’, not only in our politics, but in everything; so all -encompassing we had a one- day governor unlike any other state in Nigeria, saw an inchoate impeachment orchestrated by President Obasanjo, just as we witnessed a series of politically motivated assassinations. 

    I also unearthed how the governor  birthed a  paradigm shift from Ekiti’s negative, minimally developmental politics of many decades.

    Since the essence of this essay is how the governor should, during his second term, fully solidify the socio- political peace he has birthed in the state, let me recap the reasons he had been so successful in achieving what he did.

    I start with how the management of Marketing Edge, Nigeria’s leading Marketing and Advertising Magazine which named him winner of its 2024 Most Outstanding Governor of the Year in the Inclusive Leadership and Grassroots Development category captured him.

    According to the magazine, “Gov. Oyebanji was unanimously voted winner of the coveted category after painstakingly evaluating his approach to governance, development and leadership, alongside other Nigerian governors.

    The award, the magazine noted, was in recognition, and celebration, of his not only impacting the people of the state with laudable projects and policies, but for also using his exalted position to redefine governance by promoting peace, and uniting leaders in the state irrespective of their political and social background”.

    Before BAO politics in Ekiti was like a slugfest, ensuring that the state was always in the news for the wrong reasons.

    Truth be told, politics in the state had not always been that terrible. While that is not to suggest that there were no fierce inter, and intra – party contestations,  especially during the UPN vs NPN days, politics in Ekiti was a lot more friendly as elders, the likes of Chiefs Babatola, Akerele, Akomolafe, Dr N.F Aina, Professor Banji Akintoye, Chief S.K Babalola and other leaders of the UPN, and their counterparts in the NPN, ensured that.

    Things, however, changed rapidly for the worse from around 2003 for two main reasons.

    One of these can loosely be described as ‘sibling rivalry’, while the other, and much more virulent one, was the intrusion of busybodies from outside the state, spearheaded by none other than then President Olusegun Obasanjo, whose  effect on Ekiti was totally deleterios.

    As to what I describe loosely as sibling rivalry, it was a question of a good intention turned awry.

    E -11, a socio – cultural group from which a slew of Ekiti state governors would subsequently emerge, was an

    ensemble of highly regarded, well educated young Ekiti professionals who had started out intending to positively impact the state’s politics and economic development. That was until there was a collision of ambitions.  The group then floundered very badly, and its members headed into the two major political parties, and ferociously fought one another.

    Had E.11 remained united they would have taken Ekiti to great heights. It was a missed opportunity.

    What then are the factors that informed governor Oyebanji’s decision to attempt a paradigm shift to the debilitating political situation?

    Oyebanji has been a long-term observer/participant in the affairs of the state, and there can be no doubt, he must have many times belly- ached over the state of permanent crisis, and its negative consequences on the state’s economic development.

    Without a doubt, he must have heard or read the Avatar, Chief Obafemi Awolowo say, severally, that  the ‘raison detre’ of government, qua government, is the welfare and happiness of the governed and must have long hoped to be part of the solution to the Ekiti crises.

    With his election  as  governor, therefore, he must have thanked God for the opportunity to try bring peace to this very unique state.

    As to what factors  played a role in his success, I summised as follows in the article.

    UPBRINGING

    The highly perceptive Yoruba people have this saying that: ile lati nko eso rode’, meaning that good upbringing underpins good manners.

    Without, a scintilla of doubt, governor Oyebanji has  a solid home training to thank for all he has been able to do. This is an  upbringing rooted in strict discipline,  respect, not only for elders, but for everybody he may interact with, just as loving your neighbour which the bible teaches. I also feel certain that his parents must  have inculcated in him  the essence of contentment.

    How do I know these?

    Governor Oyebanji demonstrates them in his interactions with people, no matter how lowly they are, in spite of his high office.

    I have not, for instance, once seen him unduly angry, or raise his voice and I didn’t know him yesterday.

    You will not find in him, any hint of unrestrained ambition.

    Work Experience,  Knowledge of Ekiti State & Tutelage Under Two  former Governors.

    As a young man, Chief Deji Fasuan had tapped Oyebanji as Secretary to the Committee For The Creation of Ekiti state. That was, however, only the beginning of his always being in vantage positions to know the state probably far more than his peers.

    In the course of his service in the state, he was privileged to have worked directly with two former Ekiti state governors.

    He also served in various positions including as Secretary to the State Government before being elected governor.

    Apart from  the leadership and managerial qualities these positions require, he must have many times seen his bosses seriously agonise over the terrible state of Ekiti politics,  and how it hampered  development.

    He must have decided, therefore,  to  try to use his lofty office to change the direction of politics in the state.

    He has equally had, in all these, the support of his wife, with whom he must have bounced off everything  to get the most honest, non political advice.

    Thanks to her efforts, governor Oyebanji’s government enjoys the pride of place as about Nigeria’s most gender friendly administration. This is because the government has been relentless in “investing in the well-being of women, advocating for better policies and programes that target widows, youths and women, with the goal of fostering economic independence and reducing poverty level across the state”, as the wife once perspicaciously put it.

    The governor’s modus operandi was simple but very effective.

    He started off by jettisoning partisan politics and, instead, extended a genuine hand of friendship to all his predecessors, inclusive of those from other political parties. He showed them a level of respect that was absent even between some governors who were of the same party.

    Opposition party members also came to accept, and respect him when they saw how he was treating their leaders.

    By acknowledging, and respecting past governors from other parties, governor Oyebanji killed more than two birds with one stone as the decibel of state – wide political antagonism became significantly reduced; meaning that  the simple act of respecting his predecessors, acted  like a magnet in enhancing his acceptance by   members of the other political parties and the citizenry in general.

    The governor also turned attention to the welfare of the people, ensuring that nobody was left behind.

    He made sure that  workers, as well as the long – suffering pensioners, women and the youth are all appropriately factored into governance, as much as state finances permit.

    How then will his second term enhance and solidify his achievement to date?

    Any perceptive reader would note that I have already assumed BAO’s victory in the forthcoming election. Yes indeed. And this cannot be considered farfetched, or presumptuous because even in the trully competitive election of 2022, he defeated his formidable co- contestants hands down at a time he hadn’t demonstrated any of his exemplary capabilities.

    The coming election should, therefore, be a walkover.

    Ordinarily, governor Oyebanji should need no lessons in how to further enhance the unity amongst the state’s leading politicians as well as the state of socio – political peace currently in place in the state.

    He will, however, need to do much more and not rest on his oars.

    He must continue to be inclusive in his governance as that will increase understanding.

    God forbid that the governor will ever be too important in his own eyes, a possibility which i very much doubt, he will finish in flying colours.

    Apart from interpersonal relations, especially with his predecessors, he must extend hands of friendship to members of the other political parties, especially, those who would have contested with him at the election.

    To further solidify peace, camaraderie and overall well -being, he must make every effort to further improve on the economy as well as the overall development of the state.

    Indeed, this is the most important part.

    As Olujobi put it in his aforementioned article:”His development agenda includes: youth development, agriculture and job creation through micro, small and medium scale enterprises (MSME) financing and support, providing facilities for the acquisition of digital and vocational skills, the Ekiti Knowledge Zone, sports development; education; healthcare, water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) and social investment sectors including heavy investments in the power sector and reconnection to the national grid of several communities that have been in the dark for over 10 years”.

    “These are areas where the governor has performed so creditably he had received laurels from even outside the state where he grabbed newspaper headlines”. 

    Of particular interest to me, personally, is the Youths in Agriculture programme, started in 2012 during the Fayemi administration, when a young medical doctor simply dropped his stethoscope.

    Under BAO this has grown in leaps and bounds with the objectives being the following: to create jobs, reduce poverty, and boost food security.

    Through these, the government engages young graduates and the youth in commercial farming through training,funding, land clearing, provision of inputs, and market linkages for high-value crops, livestock as well as processing.

    These initiatives are also  focussed on making agriculture a viable and dignified career path for young Ekiti  entrepreneurs rather than have young and educated  Ekiti Youths daily paving the streets of Lagos and Abuja,  doing nothing worthwhile.

    Concluding, there can be no better reset of politics, whether in Ekiti or anywhere, at all, than these, because once the youth which are always the canon fodder for  over – ambitious politicians are yanked away from them by being kept gainfully, and profitably engaged, politicians who are keen on fouling the air, would have nobody to recruit into their asinine projects.

    I wish the governor well as he prepares, by God’s grace, to ride into his second term.

  • In memoriam: Chief Charles Amilo (1945-2021)

    In memoriam: Chief Charles Amilo (1945-2021)

    December the 31st last year would make it 4 years since the demise of Chief Charles Amilo,  a one time Commissioner for Information in Anambra and also a member of the Old Anambra State House of Assembly during the Second Republic.

    I have thus come to celebrate this man, — to extol the virtues of a man who was no mere mortal, but a titan among men, one of the last of a dying breed. Even in death, even in the cold embrace of the earth, Udobodo remains a towering model for generations yet unborn.

    In Amilo’s death four years ago, Anambra and the SouthEast region did lose more than a politician; we lost a scholar, an encyclopedia of knowledge,a voice for NdiIgbo, a champion of the Igbo culture and one of the finest image makers our state has ever produced. In an age increasingly characterized by mediocrity and opportunism, Amilo stood as a colossus of principle, intellect, and unwavering loyalty—qualities that have become almost extinct in our contemporary political landscape.

    Born in 1945, Chief Amilo’s journey began like that of many young lads in Eastern Nigeria, navigating his primary and secondary education during a transformative period in our nation’s history. But it quickly became apparent that this was no ordinary child. His brilliance shone through early, a harbinger of the intellectual giant he would become. From 1967 to 1974, during some of the most turbulent years in Nigerian history—years that saw the devastating Civil War tear our nation apart—Amilo pursued his undergraduate studies at the prestigious University of Nigeria, Nsukka, where he obtained a degree in Microbiology. That he completed this academic journey during such chaos speaks volumes about his determination and focus.

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    But the golden fleece of knowledge beckoned further. Like the ancient Greek hero Jason, Amilo ventured abroad in search of greater enlightenment, obtaining his Master’s Degree from Rutgers University between 1976 and 1978. This international exposure would later inform his cosmopolitan outlook and deepen his understanding of governance and development, tools he would deploy effectively in service to his beloved Anambra State.

    What set Chief Amilo apart, however, was not merely his formal education but his insatiable appetite for knowledge and his remarkable gift for retention and recall. He was, in the truest sense, an encyclopedia of knowledge—a living library of Nigerian history and politics. To sit with Udobodo was to embark on a journey through time, to relive the intrigues and triumphs of Nigeria’s political evolution. He could summon history at his beck and call, weaving narratives with such vivid detail that the past became present.

    I remember vividly the numerous occasions when he would regale us with stories of the First Republic’s politics—tales of the alliance between the NCNC and the Action Group that formed the United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA), accounts of political maneuvering that shaped the destiny of regions and peoples, and poignant recollections of the Civil War that redefined our nation. These were not dry academic recitations; they were living testimonies delivered with passion, nuance, and the authority of someone who had lived through those times and understood their profound implications.

     What made Udobodo stand out in his numerous interactions and exchanges remarkable was not just the passion with which Udobodo defended his positions, but the depth of knowledge, the command of facts, and the intellectual honesty he always brought to the debate. This earned him the respect of all, even those who disagreed with him could not help but admire his intellectual finesse.

    Perhaps the most defining characteristic of Chief Charles Amilo was his unwavering loyalty to causes he believed in and to people he called friends. In our current political dispensation, where loyalty is a commodity bought and sold in the marketplace of political convenience, where today’s ally becomes tomorrow’s enemy based solely on calculations of personal advantage, Udobodo’s steadfastness shines like a beacon in the darkness.

    Amilo’s loyalty was not the transactional kind we see so prevalently today—loyalty only to those who occupy offices, who control resources, who can offer immediate patronage. No, Udobodo’s loyalty ran deeper, rooted in principle and genuine human connection. He stuck with his convictions and with his friends, both young and old, through seasons of plenty and seasons of drought, through times of political favor and times of political wilderness.

    A clear and powerful example of this rare virtue was his relationship with former Governor Chris Ngige. After Ngige left office, as is typical in our clime, a huge majority of his lieutenants scattered like leaves in the wind, seeking new camps, new patrons, new sources of political sustenance. The exodus was both swift and comprehensive. But Udobodo, true to character, stuck with Ngige. He remained loyal despite the invitations  he received from many politicians and sweet offers, Udobodo stuck to his guns despite the potential costs to his own political fortunes.

    This principled stand makes Chief Amilo a shining example to our youth and a rebuke to our generation. In an era where politicians switch parties at speeds faster than light, where allegiances shift with the political winds, where yesterday’s solemn oath becomes today’s forgotten promise, Udobodo stood like Hercules, unmoved by the temptations of expediency. His loyalty was not naive; it was informed by a moral compass that many of us have misplaced or deliberately abandoned.

    As Commissioner for Information in Anambra State, Chief Amilo brought to bear his vast knowledge, his communication skills, and his deep understanding of our state’s identity and aspirations. He was not merely a government spokesperson; he was an image maker in the truest sense, someone who understood that the story of a people is as important as their material development, that how we are perceived shapes how we perceive ourselves.

    Today, as we remember the passing of this great son of Anambra, we must also celebrate the legacy he has left us. Chief Charles Amilo has shown us that it is possible to navigate the treacherous waters of Nigerian politics without losing one’s soul, that loyalty and principle need not be casualties of political ambition, that knowledge and intellectual depth remain invaluable currencies even in an age that often seems to value neither.

    Udobodo may lie in the cold ground, but his example remains warm and vital. He was indeed one of the last titans, and we are diminished by his passing. Yet, if we honor his memory by emulating even a fraction of his loyalty, his intellectual curiosity, and his principled engagement with our world, then Chief Charles Amilo will never truly die. He will live on in every young person who chooses principle over expediency, knowledge over ignorance, loyalty over opportunism.

    Keep resting Udobodo, Anambra salutes you. History will remember you. We will not forget.

  • Transforming Nigeria’s economy: Policies, progress and continuity

    Transforming Nigeria’s economy: Policies, progress and continuity

    Today’s article is an adaptation of the keynote speech this columnist delivered at the Southwest Integrity Summit 2025 held in Osogbo, on 17 November. The summit was convened by the National Chairman of the Integrity Group of Nigeria (The Renewed Hope Ambassadors), Dr. Oke Idawene, and hosted by the Osun State branch of the group headed by the state Chairman, Comrade Salam Mustapha Olamilekan.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, has demonstrated that, however much a person may have noble and workable economic ideas, they must first acquire the requisite political power in order to be able to put into practice those great ideas. So, he made huge intellectual, psychological, emotional, physical, social and material investments into seeking presidential power. Once he got it through pragmatic patience and strategic sacrifice, the President acquired the ability to institute economic policies he believed could enhance the welfare of Nigerians.

    As is now common knowledge, then-presidential candidate Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu promised to remove fuel subsidy; and he kept that promise right from his inaugural address as president on 29 May, 2023. The President also embarked on the floating of the naira and the unification of the multiple exchange rate regime. These policies led to a fall in the value of the naira and high inflation.

    Notwithstanding, some economists believed that the policies were sound, and would eventually stabilise and generate growth in the economy. However, critics condemned the President for being hasty in the introduction of the policies. This argument was countered by those who thought that delaying the implementation of the policies would have given the fuel subsidy cabal and exchange rate racketeers the opportunity to re-strategise and mobilise against the corrective economic policies to protect their obscene privileges.

    President Tinubu acknowledged the fact that the economic policies had come with some unintended pains. He also assured Nigerians that those pains were like the pangs of childbirth which are normally followed by pleasure after safe delivery. The President therefore used every opportunity he got to plead with the citizens to be patient and to show understanding.

    To ease the pains, the government introduced Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) buses; CNG vehicle charging centres; the monthly award to federal civil servants of thirty-five thousand naira for six months; the upward review of the minimum wage of federal workers from N30,000 to N70,000; the increase in the salary of judges; the approval and signing into law of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to ensure that nobody who desired to acquire tertiary education was prevented from fulfilling the noble dream due to lack of funds; and the introduction of the Tertiary Institution Staff Support Fund (TISSF), a loan scheme under which a beneficiary could get up to ten million naira, subject to the ability to repay.

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    Moreover, in line with the proverbial principle that when the issue of food has been sorted out, poverty abates (“Tí oúnje bá kúrò nínú ìsé, ìsé bùse.”), the government put in place a number of policies. These include the temporary removal of tariffs on grains and essential food items; enhancing irrigation facilities and improving water resource management; increasing agricultural mechanisation; enhancing access to credit for farmers through the Bank of Agriculture; establishment of the National Commodity Board; addressing the challenge of insecurity through the establishment of Forest Guards; introduction of dry season farming; and the creation of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development, among other measures.

    In addition, undergirded by the principle that “Health is wealth,” the government removed tariffs on some imported pharmaceutical products to halt the worrisome rise in the cost of medicines. The government also embarked on the direct importation of essential medicines to ensure their availability and affordability. Furthermore, cancer centres were established in the six geo-political zones to reduce the need for medical tourism and relieve the pressure on the country’s foreign exchange reserves. 

    Meanwhile, power supply had become a huge challenge to the nation’s economic well-being. The unstable supply or very high cost of electricity had aggravated inflation, and made goods produced in Nigeria more costly than the same kind of goods imported from abroad. To address this and related problems, on 8 June 2023, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Electricity Bill 2023 into law as Electricity Act, 2023.

    In a June 2023 article titled “Commentaries on the Electricity Act, 2023,” Ayo Salami, Partner & Head, Energy and Natural Resources Group, at KPMG in Nigeria, noted: “Section 63(2)(b) allows persons to operate an undertaking for generation, transmission, distribution, supply, and sale of electricity within a State, pursuant to the law enacted by the House of Assembly of the relevant State …” This means that a state, a group of private investors or individuals can participate in the generation, transmission, distribution, supply and sale of electricity and other renewable forms of energy in this country today.

    In fact, in a 16 October, 2024 Nigerian Tribune report titled “I generate about 15% of Nigeria’s electricity – Davido’s father, Deji Adeleke,” Adam Mosadioluwa stated: “Adedeji Adeleke, the father of award-winning Nigerian artiste, Davido, has revealed that his company, Pacific Energy, generates about 15% of Nigeria’s electricity. … The billionaire businessman highlighted his investments in the nation’s power sector, particularly focusing on his thermal power plant, which is expected to become fully operational by January 2025.”

    So, the next time you find a post on social media claiming cynically that President Tinubu said that if he does not provide stable electricity in Nigeria, the electorate should not vote for him for a second term in office, let the critics know that, in fact, rather than merely providing Nigerians with fish, the President has, as the proverb goes, taught them how to fish. As such, if the stakeholders do not seize the opportunity for electricity sufficiency provided through the liberalisation of the Nigerian Electricity Supply Industry (NESI), that would be their fault, because as our elders say, “Alágemo ti bímo rè tán, àìmòójó dowó rè.” (‘The chameleon has already performed its duty of giving birth to and enabling its child; if the child does not know how to dance, that’s the child’s fault.’)

    Moreover, with respect to the “Crude-for-Naira Deal”, a piece in The Nation newspaper of 6 October, 2025 reported the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr. Wale Edun, as stating: “The sale of crude oil and refined products in Naira has officially begun as directed by the Federal Executive Council. This initiative marks a bold step towards economic sustainability and currency stability.”

    A 10 April, 2025 report in The Nation newspaper also quoted the Federal Ministry of Finance as stating: “The Crude and Refined Product Sales in Naira initiative is not a temporary or time-bound intervention, but a key policy directive designed to support sustainable local refining, bolster energy security, and reduce reliance on foreign exchange in the domestic petroleum market.”

    With respect to blocking revenue leakages in the mining sector, President Tinubu has been reported to have directed that all new mining licences must have local value. That is, licences would be issued only to those who give a commitment to process, locally, minerals they extract in Nigeria, as a means of boosting local employment opportunities, rather than export them in raw form.

    This range of policies and many related ones have cumulatively had a positive impact on the Nigerian economy. This has earned positive ratings by various international institutions, resulting in increased confidence in the Nigerian economy. In an 18 November, 2025 story in The Nation, the Controller-General of Customs, Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, was reported to have said: “In the first half of 2025, Nigeria’s trade with other African countries reached N4.82 trillion – an increase of more than N600 billion compared with the previous year.”

    Moreover, internally, state governments have been receiving increased allocations from the federation account and have been able to pay their employees more easily. Dr. Muda Yusuf, CEO, Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprises (CPPE), commenting on the Nigerian economy on 21 November, 2025 in a TVC news interview said: “We’re heading in the right direction.” He noted that there was a stable and even marginal rise in exchange rate, steady decline in inflation, and robust external reserve (which according to the Central Bank, has risen to $46.7 billion as at 14 November, 2025).

    Dr. Yusuf further observed that the impact of these achievements is already visible in the drop in the prices of consumer goods. For example, a 50kg of rice which was around N120,000 last year, has fallen to around N58,000 this week. He also cited the price of a street motorcycle (Okada) which was around N1,200,000 last year, but is around N800,000 now. Checks with sellers of food items and motorcycles confirm a remarkable reduction in prices. The reduction in the prices of medicines has also been confirmed.

    To sustain the positive economic trend the nation is experiencing now, it is important to implement robustly the 11 July, 2024 Supreme Court landmark judgement affirming the autonomy of Nigeria’s 774 Local Government Councils. This would enhance the optimal participation of a significant proportion of Nigerians living at the grassroots level in the economic life of the nation and consolidate the efforts of the federal government. It would also minimise the alienation and disengagement of a large section of the citizens from the government. This alienation has made it attractive for them to exchange their votes for a piece of gala, a can of malt and N500 or N1,000.

    A more intense engagement of the youth in the economic progammes to the government would also be immensely invaluable in ensuring the continuity of the well-directed policies. The youth are energetic, resourceful and exceptionally courageous. They therefore constitute invaluable components of any enterprise. It is for this reason that the former Lagos State Governor and former Minister of Power, Works and Housing, Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN), asked recently in Lagos, why our youth have not been sufficiently oriented towards participation in the affairs of the society at large, such that there would be students wings of political parties even in our universities. These exist in the Botswana political culture.

    Meanwhile, even some of the traditional critics of President Tinubu and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) are acknowledging the improving economic situation of the country, as the Renewed Hope Agenda is steadily progressing towards full actualisation. It is this happy trend that the factional National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Kabiru Tanimu Turaki (SAN), a former Minister of Special Duties, set out to disrupt when he invited United States President Donald Trump and other leaders to invade Nigeria, to help PDP to resolve its internal crises and ‘save democracy’.

  • When his reforms find proof at ₦100trillion, his resolve meets terror head-on

    When his reforms find proof at ₦100trillion, his resolve meets terror head-on

    Though he has been away in France in recent days, what aides described as a deliberate pause, a moment to reload ahead of an unforgiving workload, Bola Ahmed Tinubu never stepped away from the burden of state. If anything, the just-concluded week showed a president more present in consequence than in ceremony, more visible in outcomes than in optics. From the trading floor to the terror front, the signals were unmistakable: the reforms are working, and the resolve to secure the republic is hardening.

    Above all other developments, one moment stood taller than the rest. Quietly, without the fanfare that usually accompanies economic milestones, Nigeria crossed a psychological and historic threshold. At the start of trading in early January 2026, the Nigerian Exchange surged past a market capitalisation of ₦100 trillion, an all-time high, and the first in the nation’s history. By January 5, the numbers were undeniable: equities had leapt from ₦99.94 trillion the previous week to about ₦101.8 trillion. Nigeria had entered new territory.

    Markets celebrated, as markets do. Careers were validated, portfolios smiled, and boardrooms found reasons to toast. Yet, beyond the clink of glasses and bullish charts, the milestone carried a deeper political and economic meaning. For President Tinubu, this was not merely a stock-market story; it was a referendum on the path he chose on May 29, 2023, a path paved with difficult reforms, unpopular decisions, and a stubborn insistence that Nigeria must first be stabilised before it can be prospered.

    Nothing about the ₦100 trillion moment was accidental. Analysts spoke of the “January effect,” that seasonal optimism that greets a new trading year. But this rally was broader and deeper than calendar psychology. Banking stocks, industrial giants, consumer goods, insurance, oil and gas, all moved in concert. Confidence, long elusive, returned with conviction. Trading volumes widened, foreign interest strengthened, and domestic investors re-entered the arena with renewed faith.

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    Regulatory credibility mattered too. Stronger enforcement, transparency, and the steady hand of the market regulator reassured investors that Nigeria’s capital market was no longer a gamble but a governed space. Macroeconomic indicators reinforced the mood: a firmer naira, easing inflation, healthier reserves, and a current account surplus pointing to an economy learning, at last, to breathe on its own terms.

    President Tinubu watched. He did not rush to claim victory. The news broke on Monday; he spoke on Thursday. That pause was instructive. When he finally addressed the milestone, his words framed the achievement not as an endpoint, but as evidence.

    “With the Nigerian Exchange crossing the historic ₦100 trillion mark,” he said, “the country is witnessing the birth of a new economic reality and rejuvenation”. He reminded Nigerians that in 2025, when many global markets struggled, the NGX delivered a 51.19 per cent return, outperforming major indices like the S&P 500 and FTSE 100. Nigeria, he declared, was no longer a frontier market to be ignored, but a destination where value is being discovered.

    Yet, the President anchored celebration in substance. Inflation, once at a suffocating 34.8 per cent, had eased to 14.45 per cent by November 2025, with projections pointing lower. Non-oil exports surged. Manufacturing found its rhythm. Foreign reserves crossed $45 billion and looked poised for $50 billion. Rail lines stretched, roads rose, ports stirred back to life. Students accessed loans. Hospitals improved. The stock market, Tinubu argued, was merely reflecting an economy finally aligning with itself.

    This was the moral booster of the week: proof that the projections were not fantasies, that the sacrifices were not in vain, and that the promise of lifting millions out of poverty was beginning to materialise, line by line, index by index.

    But even as capital found confidence, violence sought attention.

    On Saturday, before the President spoke of markets and milestones, tragedy struck in Niger State. Communities in Agwarra and Borgu council areas were invaded. Lives were lost. Women and children were abducted. It was a daring and dastardly reminder that economic progress means little without security.

    Tinubu’s response was swift, firm, and unsparing. On Sunday, he directed the full weight of the security architecture; the Defense Minister, Service Chiefs, the Inspector-General of Police, and the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), to hunt down the perpetrators, rescue the abducted, and end the terror.

    “These terrorists have tested the resolve of our country”, he declared. “They must face the full consequences of their criminal actions”. It was not the language of condolence alone; it was the language of command. He assured the people of Niger State that vulnerable communities would be protected, forests reclaimed, and sanctuaries denied.

    Here, too, the pattern of leadership emerged clearly. A president no longer willing to tolerate the embarrassment of unchallenged criminality. A leader fed up with reacting and determined to conclude. Unity was his call, but action was his instrument.

    Between ₦100 trillion and a terror-hunt directive lies the story of the week. One hand steadying the economy, the other clenched against insecurity. One eye on global capital, the other fixed on local communities under threat. It is in this balance, between capital and command, that President Tinubu’s governing philosophy is becoming unmistakable.

    Nation-building, as he reminded Nigerians, is a process. But processes demand proof. This week, the numbers spoke, and so did the orders.

    The Week, Beyond the Headline Victories

    Beyond the thunderclap of the ₦100 trillion milestone at the Nigerian Exchange and the steel-edged directive to security chiefs after the Niger killings, the week also revealed something quieter but equally instructive about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu: the steady rhythm of leadership that attends to people, institutions, memory, and the long architecture of the state.

    On Sunday, even as grief and resolve framed the national mood, Tinubu paused to felicitate Abba Kabir Yusuf, Governor of Kano State, at 63. The message was not perfunctory. It praised modesty, integrity, and disciplined leadership, values Tinubu deliberately elevates as public virtues. Kano, he noted, remains a crucible of progressive politics, and Yusuf’s administration, whatever its partisan origins, was acknowledged for responsibility to the people. It was a reminder that governance, under Tinubu, is capacious enough to recognise merit across political lines.

    That same Sunday, the President celebrated his Chief Police Security Officer, Usman Musa Shugaba, at 45, publicly affirming professionalism, loyalty, and vigilance. In a week dominated by security anxieties, the gesture mattered. It underscored a leadership culture that rewards discipline and quiet competence, especially in institutions that guard the state itself.

    Monday shifted the lens to structure. Tinubu sent names to the Senate, among them Magnus Abe and Adegbite Ebiowei Adeniji, to chair the boards of the petroleum regulators created by the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). It was institutional housekeeping with strategic consequences: regulators steady, boards constituted, and the energy sector governed by rules rather than improvisation. In France the same day, a private lunch with Paul Kagame signalled Tinubu’s comfort on the continental stage, Africa conversing with itself about a shifting world.

    Tuesday brought reflection and reform. Tinubu mourned Seth Sunday Ajayi, a pioneer whose life bridged science, food security, and biodiversity. In honouring Ajayi’s legacy, the President linked nation-building to knowledge. Then came a decision heavy with symbolism: appointing Olugbemisola Titilayo Odusote as the first female Director-General of the Nigerian Law School. It was reform expressed as opportunity, history nudged forward by merit. The day closed with tributes to Labour icon, Hassan Adebayo Sunmonu, at 85, reaffirming a lifelong covenant with workers.

    Wednesday sustained the cadence. Tinubu celebrated Issa Aremu at 65, and Noimot Salako-Oyedele, the Ogun State Deputy Governor, at 60, salutes that elevated activism, professionalism, and the productive fusion of private-sector discipline with public service.

    Thursday and Friday turned intimate and forward-looking. He hailed Zacch Adedeji, the Chairman of the Nigerian Revenue Service (NRS), for revenue reforms meeting targets; he condoled renowned writer, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, in personal loss; he rejoiced with Ifedayo Abegunde and congratulated Ade Omole for service at home and abroad.

    Read together, these moments complete the picture. Markets may roar and commanders may order, but nations are also built in acknowledgements, appointments, condolences, and quiet recognitions. That, too, was Tinubu’s week.

  • Christianity and my dialogue with complex religious questions

    Christianity and my dialogue with complex religious questions

    I have always been fascinated, like a host of intellectuals, philosophers and theologians, by the place of religions in the human search for meaning. Even more than this, I have been intrigued by the role that religion and its complexities play in the national consciousness of a plural and fragmented nation like Nigeria, or any other nation for that matter. This plays into a kind of a general pattern of investigation for an institutional reformer who is consistently intent on those variables that are conducive to building a formidable set of institutions for making a nation work. But beyond this professional interest, religion and spirituality have featured as fundamental dimensions of my philosophical search for meaning in life. It seems almost inevitable that humans would confront and engage the divine, given the complexity of the universe and the diverse experiences that life involves.

    Christianity plays a very significant role in the human search for meaning in a world of meaninglessness. It is a unique spiritual formation that embeds theological, existential and philosophical concerns that serve as a source of eschatological comfort and reflective interests for millions all over the world. I have narrated the story of my Christian journey and spiritual trajectory many times. Christianity possesses two significant meaning for me. On the one hand, it has been a source of a deep, stimulating and continuing experience of faith that hold a person in awe of the divine and allows for personal and spiritual development. On the other hand, Christianity also possesses an intellectual interest that is stimulated by existential challenges, especially of the kind that a postcolonial lifeworld generates for those trying to make sense of their existence.

    For me, the relationship between these two dimensions of my relationship with Christianity reflects the perennial question of how faith and reason relate. This is a question that define a long trajectory of theological discourses in medieval philosophy. From the theologians and philosophers to the apologetics, reason has served as one critical tool for understanding the “why” behind the architecture of belief. St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, for example, hold quite some philosophically fascinating framework that allow reason and faith to sit together as the manifestation of divine intelligence. For Augustine, faith is needed to guide reason into virtuous action. For Aquinas, faith and reason are two complementary ways for apprehending divine truths. For Tertullian the Apologetic, on the other hand, faith and reason are critically opposed. When he asked, “What has Athens got to do with Jerusalem?” he was asking if there could be any form of relationship between reason and faith.

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    In my lifelong search for discernment, I have articulated a frame of reference that enables me to hold strongly to my Christian faith while allowing my intellectual quest for enlightenment to continue without ceasing. Reason challenges my intellectual curiosity and allows me to increase learning in terms of how faith, knowledge and existence relate especially for billions of people across the world. Like the medieval churchmen, keeping faith and reason apart or in delicate balance has not always been easy for me. This is because my keen intellectual curiosity keeps exploring the boundaries where reason and human experiences challenge faith and spirituality. In this piece, permit me to reflect on such boundaries that, I believe, would further contribute to how religion, spirituality and Christianity can enable us to think about living together and building not only a personal but also a collective and ecumenical framework in a multi-religious space.

    My first question is how to understand Christianity’s relationship with non-Christian beliefs, especially in contexts where Christianity has to jostle for religious dominance with other religious belief systems? This is a fundamental question that bothers on how Christianity is diluted, concretized or complemented when it arrives in a different context in the process of its universal spread. Take the practice of Christianity in Nigeria as a good example. This raises three cogent concerns for me. One, how does Christianity relate with African cultures in ways that “culturalized” the faith without stigmatizing the cultural practice as fetish or idolatrous? The phenomenon of African Indigenous (or Independent) Churches (AIC) has been studied by scholars working in the area of African Christianity and Pentecostalism. The idea of the Aladura Church and the Christ Apostolic Church, for instance, provides a strong religious and spiritual framework for answering my question. But that of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity does not. The ROF seems to represent an unsuccessful attempt to graft Christianity into a framework of esoteric and cultural framework.

    Two, the contextualization of Christianity—especially Pentecostal Christianity—within Nigeria’s tough postcolonial context of struggles and search for meaning has given birth to all sorts of caricatures that generate deep queries about the social mission of Christianity itself. No two people have spoken to this challenge as deeply as Karl Marx and Fela Anikulapo Kuti. On the global scene, Marx considers religion as the opium of the people; a delusional tool by which the priestly class keep the masses on a leash to an ideological frame that keeps exploiting them. In Africa and Nigeria, Fela lambasts the political and religious classes for deepening the crisis of meaning confronted by the people. “Shuffering and Shmiling” is Fela’s classic and devastating complement to Marx’s criticism. It is so easy, within this context, to see how Nigeria’s development condition could have served as the instigator for the dominance of the prosperity theology and the miracle mentality that have unfortunately become commercialized. From Christianity to Islam, we now have a huge cohort of charlatans and impostors who have beclouded the genuine spiritual experience of salvation and enlightenment for millions. And now we have abject Christians who are shrouded in sham religiosity devoid of deep spirituality that connect personal growth to collective responsibility towards others, and towards one’s nation. 

    The third point is even more fundamental. And it has to do with religion’s role in nation-building. We all are familiar with how religion has contributed immensely to the fragmentation of the Nigerian polity. The constant conflict and theological and political opposition, especially between Islam and Christianity, has continued to be the source of tension in the continuing attempt by successive governments to facilitate the project of achieving One Nigeria devoid of ethnic and religious animosity. Here, the spectre of theological absolutism rears its ugly head! In summary, this is the belief that one religion holds the key to the understanding of God’s plan for humans and the eternity. One immediately sees how and why such an absolutist claim (ostensibly canonized to foreclose regression of the faiths into syncretism), held by Islam and Christianity, could be the source of practices that undermine any ecumenical or inter-faith relations in Nigeria. Theological absolutism excludes other religions and their perspectives on the relationship between God and humans.

    I have always been deeply suspicious of theological absolutism, especially when it concerns my quest for an understanding of how God and humans interact. If God is all we have been saying about Him—the eternal and the divine that is unknowable sufficiently by the human mind—how then can one religion capture the entire essence of that God? My worry is even more aggravated within the complicity of Christianity, Islam and other faiths in Nigeria’s underdevelopment. The fundamental question is simple enough: How can Nigeria achieve a civic national space of mutual relations if religions eschew open-minded and ecumenical relationship with one another? Or, how can they step into the breach as a collective spiritual panacea to Nigeria’s myriad postcolonial predicaments if they attempt to exclude and cancel out one another as “false”? Indeed, for me, the combination of the caricaturing of the Christian faith mentioned earlier, as well as the refusal by many clerics to engage in ecumenical conversation, serves as the basis for my conviction that Christianity has arrived at a reformation point that explore its complexity and significance in a context like Nigeria.

    But then, I still have to content with my own attachment to Christianity and its construction of itself as the only religion that guarantees eternal life through the work of salvation done by Christ. How do I navigate Christianity’s theological absolutism without falling into the trap of excluding other faith from their attachment to their convictions? How am I not part of the refusal of inter-faith relations that I am suspicious about? These are crucial and fair questions for any Christian or even Muslim. Indeed, I had the conviction very early in my spiritual trajectory that the believer’s pilgrim journey is strictly personal and is self-validating. And this validation is achieved through personal experience of faith and theological conviction, and the guidance of spiritual mentors and masters in the faith. And here, I return to role of reason in my spiritual discernment. While I hold firmly to the limitation of reason in grasping spiritual enlightenment, I equally put a lot of weight on how limited human understanding of the vast stretch of mysteries not only behind the Christian faith but also in the universe as a whole. When the Bible, in I Corinthians 2:14, therefore insists that the natural understanding cannot grasp spiritual matters, I read this not only as the extension of the domain of faith beyond that of logic and reason. It is also the strategy for trusting my Christian faith to assist me in navigating my existential predicament without limiting other’s right to their own spiritual paths. More precisely, acknowledging, for instance, Christianity’s insistence on the role of Christ in God’s plan of reconciliation and redemption, does not necessarily imply invalidating other religions’ existence and spiritual understanding.      

    This is the firm implication of saying that the spiritual journey is deeply personal and self-validating. When I accept Christ’s injunction in John 14:6—“I am the way, the truth, and the life”—I accept it for myself as a pathway to spiritual meaning. And yet that injunction does not stand alone. It is wrapped in a complex relationship with other injunctions that insists that I must love my neighbors, give unto Ceasar what belongs to Ceasar, and pray for those in government. 

  • ‘Civil defence’ to the rescue

    ‘Civil defence’ to the rescue

    Tinubu deserves applause for replacing VIPs’ policemen with NSCDC personnel instead of pandering to the wish of the spoilt elite

    Sequel to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s order to the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Kayode Egbetokun, to withdraw policemen protecting certain categories of Very Important Persons  (VIPs), the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has requested presidential approval to recruit about 30,000 additional personnel, to enable it cope with the surge in the demand for its personnel, as the sole security outfit to fill the vacuum created by the withdrawal of the policemen.

    According to ‘The Punch:, the request was the follow-up to the meeting that President Tinubu  held with the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, and the Commandant-General (CG) of the NSCDC, Ahmed Audi, last month.

    The 30,000 personnel is separate from the ongoing 30,000 personnel recruitment currently being carried out across the paramilitary services.

    President Tinubu last November said the withdrawn policemen should be deployed to concentrate on their core police duties. The presidential directive came days after a series of attacks that saw the kidnap of at least 300 people, mostly schoolchildren, across Kebbi, Kwara and Niger states.

    “Henceforth, police authorities will deploy them (policemen) to concentrate on their core police duties,” a statement signed by the President’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, read. According to Onanuga, “VIPs who want police protection will now request well-armed personnel from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps.”

    The President subsequently approved the recruitment of 30,000 additional police officers even as the Federal Government is collaborating with the states to upgrade police training facilities nationwide.

    It is instructive that the presidential directive was issued at the security meeting President Tinubu held with  the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Waidi Shaibu; the Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Sunday Kelvin Aneke; Egbetokun; and the Director-General of the Department of State Services, (DSS), Mr. Oluwatosin Ajayi.

    The IGP promptly complied with the order.  “In line with the President’s directive, we have withdrawn a total of 11,566 personnel from VIP protection. These officers are being redeployed to critical policing duties immediately,” he said.

    What followed was to be expected: the affected officials, suddenly discovered, like our credulous parents, Adam and Eve, that they were bare, without the policemen. They protested and pleaded with the president to rescind the decision.

    One such protest came from the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, who spoke on behalf of his fretting colleagues. Akpabio told the President during the 2026 Budget presentation last month that “Some members of the National Assembly say I should let you know that they may not be able to go home today. We plead with the President to review the decision.”

    It is commendable that President Tinubu stuck to his guns. This is especially so against the backdrop of what led to his order to withdraw the policemen in the first place, and the skepticism in some quarters that the order was a mere political statement that would never be implemented, and even if it was, it was not the answer to the country’s security challenge.

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    Of course, we cannot blame those who believed the directive would not last before exemptions from various quarters would render it useless.

    President Tinubu’s order on such withdrawal was not the first. Successive IGPs had issued similar directives that lasted only as the ink with which they were written.

    But there is hope that Tinubu’s order on it could be the last, other things being equal. This is because past directives, apart from coming from the IGPs (as against the President in this instance) did not provide alternative. Tinubu’s alternative is what has brought the recourse to the 30,000 more personnel that the NSCDC has asked for presidential approval for.

    We never had any such arrangement before. What we have always had was a situation where the policemen were withdrawn without any alternative. That explained the relative ease with which such policemen soon returned to their previous beneficiaries. As they say, Nature abhors a vacuum.

    What this tells us is that the president is not unmindful of the risks in exposing these public officials and political office holders to the general insecurity in the land. It is just that fair is fair. The old order of about five to 10 policemen guarding one VIP when millions of Nigerians are left in the lurch is ungodly and unfair. It is unsustainable.

    It is this resort to NSCDC personnel as alternative to the withdrawn policemen that gave me the confidence that we may never have the recurring experience of such withdrawn policemen being surreptitiously returned to the VIPs. A source in the NSCDC reportedly said “The CG and the minister have met with the President. They explained the need for more personnel, especially with the increasing demand for VIP protection. He added that “The president has given his word that justice will be done to the request, with possible recruitment of about 30,000 personnel.”

    At least Nigerians are no longer left alone to suffer for the ills that are plaguing our police force. Come to think of it, the force should not be in its present sorry state if those elites who protested the withdrawal of their police security men had been alive to their responsibility.

    Let us even forget the military era when soldiers did not take good care of the police force, either due to fear of ‘rivalling’ them, or for whatever reason, politicians have had more than ample time to right the wrongs since May 29, 1999, when we returned to civil rule. That was 26 years ago.

    That they failed largely in that regard explains why the country cannot boast the adequate quantity and quality of policemen to take charge of internal security that is their primary responsibility.

    It is shameful that we keep failing to address the problems bedevilling our policemen; from being underfunded to being under-kitted, Ill-motivated, and what have you. We hear stories about police stations not having patrol vans; and where they do, there won’t be petrol to hit the roads in case of emergency. A few years ago, we saw pictures of some students in our major police training institution sharing one fish head!

    It is like the changing never changing with our police force despite the reported efforts of successive IGPs to make things better.

    Unfortunately, our elite, particularly the political elite (those in the National Assembly in particular) who have the power to turn things around in the police force have not done much, either to increase their numbers or even if they want to keep their figure manageable, at least it should be lean and mean.

    Now that the country has serious security challenges and it has become obvious that it cannot continue to pamper a tiny minority at the expense of the larger society, it is the very people with the capacity and capability to improve the lot of the police but failed to do so who want to continue to enjoy the services of the few available policemen.

    Our political elite should be taught that life should not start and end with them. They should know that life has no duplicate, whether for the rich or the poor. For too long, they have lived under the illusion that they are more special than their electors.

    Apart from depriving the majority of Nigerians the adequate protection that is the inalienable right every government owes the citizens, allocating policemen to special people robs the policemen of their dignity. Many of those they are supposed to protect have turned them into glorified house helps, drivers, errand boys, etc. Nigeria’s elite have this penchant for showoff and turning virtually every privilege into status symbol. These are the same people we see comporting themselves in public trains outside the country.

    The withdrawal of the VIPs’ policemen is also expected to boost professionalism in the police force. The job of the police is basically internal security; not VIP security. We have it on record that the country has some of the best policemen one can come by,  in spite of structural and other deficiencies.

    Our policemen had excelled among their peers at international engagements. Some of them had brought home laurels from such engagements

    But the same political elite that needs the policemen for protection are pinchy when it comes to remunerating them. These same people who would have nothing to do with locally-produced vehicles do not seem to know that the police force deserves to be well taken care of so that it can in return do its job well.

    The United Nations (UN) might not have set any single, official global standard for police-to-citizen ratio, but it often cites benchmarks suggesting around 222 officers per 100,000 people (or 1:450). Indeed, some sources mention 1:400 or 1:460 as a general UN guideline, while acknowledging that it varies greatly, with technology influencing needs. Nigeria’s police strength of about 371,000 to the country’s about 236 million population means about one policeman to 636 persons. This is far from the average even in countries where there are better facilities and the policemen are well kitted and well motivated.

    Our political elite should aim at improving on this, particularly the lawmakers that are supposed to make laws for good governance as well as keep an eye on the executive to make sure they do the right thing.

    If they had done that, perhaps they wouldn’t have needed any special protection because the country would have been safe for all.

    At any rate, what is it that is pursuing our political class, particularly those in the National Assembly, who always want to go about in bulletproof vehicles and want security around them all the time? What is it that they are doing that makes them so vulnerable unlike their counterparts in other parts of the

    world who move about freely; no airs around them? Are they not supposed to be representatives of the people?

    Something just does not add up here! Somebody help me!

    Anyway, again, I commend the President for thinking out of the box in order to satisfy both the ordinary Nigerians and the affected VIPs. He should do all within his power to ensure the new deal works. If the NSCDC is well taken care of, better trained and kitted, it would rub off positively on security generally in the country.

    It is also time to pay more attention to the needs of the police force, even as the governments, state and federal, continue to keep State Police in view.

  • Venezuela: The return of rule by force

    Venezuela: The return of rule by force

    By Yasemin Aydın

    Regardless of how one judges Nicolás Maduro’s rule, a line was crossed the moment the sitting president of a sovereign country was forcibly taken from his bed in the middle of the night. This was not simply a change of power. It is clearly a symbolic rupture, the kind that alters expectations long before it reshapes institutions. A moment when one of the last protective assumptions of the international order was openly suspended: that sovereignty, however fragile, still provides a minimum shield against direct force.

    What makes this moment particularly dangerous is not the individual removed from power, but the logic now being normalized. From a social anthropological perspective, the decisive question is not what happened, but how it is being framed. Violence does not operate solely through physical coercion. Its deeper impact lies in symbolic normalization: in the stories told to justify it, the moral language used to soften it and the approval that follows.

    This is where Venezuela matters far beyond Venezuela. The dominant narrative is not one of law, restraint or international process, but of political necessity. The operation is described as “strategically understandable,” even if legally questionable. That framing alone is enough to erode norms. Because once violence is accepted as politically rational, international law is reduced to a secondary concern: optional, conditional, negotiable.

    And this has consequences well beyond Latin America. Anyone who calls a violation of international law “strategically understandable” deprives Europe of its strongest argument in support of Ukraine. Russia can then respond with brutal logical consistency: “We are a great power. We act out of security interests. Your closest ally does the same.” At that point, condemnation loses credibility. What remains is power speaking to power.

    International law either applies universally, or it loses its meaning altogether. Anything else is a double standard; and double standards are not a moral flaw alone, they are a structural weakness. They hollow out precisely the order Europe claims to defend.

    READ ALSO; Obi’s defection sets teeth on edge

    This shift is not a rhetorical one, it is structural. The demonstrative use of raw force is not a sign of strength but of normative weakness. It signals the erosion of shared limits. Consent is replaced by coercion; restraint by post-hoc justification. Violence, once framed as necessary, ceases to be exceptional and becomes a legitimate instrument of political resolution.

    Max Weber’s classic definition of the state as the holder of the monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force becomes newly relevant here, precisely because it reveals the limits of legitimacy beyond the state. There is no world government. No global monopoly on force. International law serves as the substitute: a fragile system of self-restraint that functions only as long as major actors choose to bind themselves by it. When those self-bindings are selectively abandoned, a gray zone emerges in which violence is no longer legitimized, only enforced.

    Anthropologically speaking, this is the moment when rules continue to exist formally but lose their social authority. They become rituals without binding power: invoked when convenient, ignored when costly. Finnish legal scholar Martti Koskenniemi has long warned that international law oscillates between normativity and power and begins to collapse when it is perceived merely as an instrument of the strong. When law is confused with moral superiority or strategic convenience, it loses its universality. What remains is hierarchy, not justice.

    What follows is not chaos, but something more insidious: a learning process. States observe which violations go unpunished, which are excused, which are even applauded. Non-state actors — militias, mercenary groups, hybrid forces — draw their conclusions. From a social anthropological standpoint, this is not the breakdown of order, but order in decline: a harsher grammar of global action in which taboos erode, boundaries blur and rules apply primarily to those without power.

    This is why the argument that Venezuela merely represents the removal of an authoritarian regime is deeply misleading. It reduces politics to moral psychology and ignores structural consequences. The decisive question is not who was targeted, but how. Methods create realities. They shape expectations, fears and future behavior far beyond the immediate case. They teach others what is now possible and what will be tolerated.

    Venezuela is therefore not an exception. It is a signal. A moment revealing how fragile the remaining self-restraints of the international order have become. What we are witnessing is not a sudden collapse, but a quiet shift in collective norms: away from law, toward enforceability.

    The real danger lies not in the fall of one ruler but in the growing familiarity with a world in which power once again openly replaces what was painstakingly established as law. A world in which violence no longer needs justification, only success.

  • WealthGate empowers women through “Women Winning With Wealth” initiative

    WealthGate empowers women through “Women Winning With Wealth” initiative

    WealthGate Africa, a real estate and wealth development company, has empowered women with practical financial knowledge through its recently held Women Winning With Wealth initiative, aimed at promoting long-term financial growth, stability and independence.

    The event, which took place in Lagos, attracted women from diverse professional and entrepreneurial backgrounds and featured intensive sessions on wealth creation, smart investment strategies and effective financial structuring.

    Participants were exposed to practical approaches to building sustainable wealth through land banking, agriculture and structured investment planning, while also gaining insights into how to organise their finances for long-term and generational impact.

    Speaking at the event, Founder of WealthGate Africa, Dr Mayowa Owolabi, stressed the importance of financial literacy as a powerful tool for women’s empowerment.

    “Financial education is no longer optional for women who desire independence and long-term security. When women understand how money works, they are better positioned to make informed decisions that shape their future,” she said.

    The sessions highlighted how women can leverage financial planning, explore income-generation opportunities, and adopt real estate as a stable asset class. Participants were also introduced to land banking opportunities as a strategy for long-term returns, as well as agricultural investments as a means of diversifying wealth.

    Attendees were further educated on building effective financial structures, with emphasis on managing income, growing investments and making informed financial decisions in a rapidly changing economic environment.

    According to the organisers, the Women Winning With Wealth initiative aligns with WealthGate Africa’s broader mission of expanding access to credible investment opportunities and financial education, particularly for women seeking clarity and confidence in wealth creation.

    The programme also addressed common financial challenges faced by women, offering practical solutions and real-life investment insights to help participants overcome barriers to financial growth.

    Many attendees described the event as timely and enlightening, noting that it provided clarity, direction and actionable steps towards achieving financial independence. Several participants also praised the opportunity to learn directly from experienced professionals and gain exposure to structured investment options.

    WealthGate Africa reaffirmed its commitment to hosting similar empowerment programmes in the future, aimed at strengthening financial inclusion and equipping women with the knowledge and tools required to build, protect and grow wealth sustainably.

  • A’Ibom council area unveils group for Tinubu, Akpabio, Eno’s re-election

    A’Ibom council area unveils group for Tinubu, Akpabio, Eno’s re-election

    Abak local government area in Akwa Ibom state has formed a political structure to mobilise grassroots support for the reelection of President Bola Tinubu.

    The group, Grassroots Generals for Good Governace (G4), is also to work for the Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Governor Umo Eno and other candidates of the All Progressives Congress(APC) in the area.

    At a new year meeting at Wonderland in Abak, group consisting of prominent personalities from all walks of life, pledged to ensure electoral victory for the APC in the 2027 general election.

    National coordinator of the G4, Dr. Emmanuel Udosen said that Abak local government area gave the highest number of voters to Tinubu during the 2023 presidential election in the state 

    Udosen promised that the G4 would replicate and even surpass the 2023 record by ensuring that it mobilized more votes for Tinubu, Akpabio and Eno in the next election.

    As the group plans to set up structures in the wards, units, villages, with a clear mandate to begin the mobilization process. 

    “We are working with the Governor’s directive given at the last Stakeholders meeting on voters registration and voter cards collection ahead of the 2027 election.

    “We are insisting that G4 should take the lead in mobilizing the grassroot for this exercise in order to increase our voting strength in the 2027 elections. 

    “In the 2023 election, the APC in Abak LGA, gave the highest number of votes to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Distinguished Senator Godswill Akpabio.

    “We pledge that the numbers will triple in the 2027 election because of the prevaling unity amongst the leaders in the state,” he said .

    He commended the Abak local government Chairlady for her leading role in the voter registration exercise so far and called on other stakeholders to support the exercise in order to increase our voting strength in the 2027 elections. 

    Dr Emmanuel Udosen also through the general voice votes affirmed the  appointment of BOT members, with Prof. Nkereuwem Etukudo as BOT chairman.

    Others include lady Ime Charles, chairman of council, Hon. Udeme Ottong speaker Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, Hon. Aniekan Umana, commissioner for information.

    Members of the BoT also include Sir. Nkereuwem Ebong, Engr iboro Johnny, Hon. Friday Iwok, Obongawnan Nene Ime Umana, Hon. Mrs Ekemini Umoh, Hon. Joseph Ikpaisong among others