The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • As cynics rage over collapsing food prices

    As cynics rage over collapsing food prices

    I felt for former Edo State governor and current Senator representing Edo North in the National Assembly, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, after the barrage of verbal attacks unleashed on him by uncouth social media warriors during the week. His offence? He granted an interview on a television station, wherein he stated that some Nigerians were saying that food items had become too cheap.

    Responding to a question as to whether the radical reforms promised by the All Progressives Congress (APC) led government were being implemented at the expense of the average Nigerian, Oshiomhole admitted that the government promised radical reforms. He, however, dismissed insinuations that the reforms are hurting the average Nigerian, insisting that the concerns raised by the host were not supported by evidence or verifiable facts.

    “Who are the average persons?” he asked. “You pick these things from the mouths of people.”

    He then issued the interlocutor a challenge, saying, “Have you gone to see people complaining? There are Nigerians now saying food is becoming too cheap.”  

     The engagement had occurred against the background of earlier public outcry that food prices were too high. In fits of exasperation at a time that a 50kg bag of rice sold for more than N100,000, yams competed with gold and pepper with diamonds, online warriors literally tore into President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, calling him unprintable names and wondering whether there was still a government in place.

    In response to the outrage, the Tinubu government initiated policies that resulted in the collapse of food prices. But rather than commend the government for being responsive and responsible, stakeholders in the food and agricultural sector, who felt short-changed by the turn of events, have chosen to condemn it. Thus, for the Tinubu administration, it is a case of damned if you do, and damned if you don’t.

    Read Also: Why food prices are crashing, by minister

    Upon my mother’s death in May last year, I travelled to the village for the obsequies. There, I met a brother-in-law of mine who had retired to the village after decades of service in the banking sector. In our discussion on the state of the nation, he was livid about high food prices, blaming it on President Tinubu’s reluctance to reopen the borders for foreign rice and other food items to come into the country.

    By the time I returned to the village in December (about seven months later), my brother-in-law had grown even more bitter with the President than he was previously. Ironically, the source of his anger this time is that food prices had become too low. I would later realise that his anger was stirred by selfish considerations rather than any whiff of patriotism. He had become a cassava farmer in the village, consistently raking in hundreds of thousands of naira, only for the price of cassava to crash, and the years of honeymoon came to an end.

    With the foregoing in mind, it did not come as news to me when Comrade Oshiomhole said some Nigerians were already complaining that food had become too cheap. But the uncouth army of haters on social media saw in his declaration an opportunity to drag the former governor and Tinubu’s political ally. The majority of them even veered off the real issue and resorted to attacking Oshiomhole’s physical appearance and family life.

    But that is not to say there are no exemptions to the online madness. Indeed, some other commentators agreed wholeheartedly with the Edo senator. One commentator said, “That (Oshiomhole’s claim) is the truth. Last week, I bought N1,000 worth of tomatoes and N500 worth of pepper, and I nearly had to hire a trailer to take them home. I could not use all the tomatoes and peppers because they were too many. I had to call my sister to come take half of it because I live alone and could not finish the entire tomatoes.”

    In other climes, cheaper food prices would impel people to roll out the drums in celebration. That, however, is far from being the case in our country, where cynics, pessimists and masochists who have sworn never to see anything good in the administration of President Tinubu have become the opinion drivers on social media. They fear that giving his administration credit where it is due would translate to narrowing the chances of their preferred presidential aspirants in the 2027 elections.

  • Kaduna mass abduction: How I escaped from our attackers – Victim

    Kaduna mass abduction: How I escaped from our attackers – Victim

    • Says bandits struck because of 17 ‘missing motorcycles’
    • They threatened to come back and wipe us out
    • 38 persons snatched from my family – Survivor

    It was supposed to be another quiet Sunday of worship in Kurmin Wali, a sleepy agrarian community in Kajuru Local Government Area of Kaduna State. Instead, January 18, 2026 has become a date etched in grief, fear and unanswered questions, as gunmen suspected to be bandits stormed the village and abducted scores of worshippers during church services, Senior Correspondent Abdulgafar Alabelewe reports.

    The attackers struck in broad daylight, moving from one church to another and turning sacred spaces into scenes of terror. By the time the dust settled, community leaders and church officials said 177 worshippers had been forcibly taken into the surrounding forests, leaving behind traumatised families and an entire village in shock.

    Conflicting accounts initially followed the incident, with security sources dismissing reports of a mass abduction. But survivors’ testimonies, escapees’ stories and a growing list of missing persons painted a grim picture that could no longer be ignored.

    One of those who lived to tell the tale is Mr. Joseph Bawa. Frail, soft-spoken and visibly shaken, Bawa was among the abducted worshippers who narrowly escaped death while being marched into the bush by the gunmen.

    “It was on the 18th of January. We were in church around 9 am when the kidnappers came,” he recalled.

    “They entered the church, scattered everything and ordered us to lie down.

    “They collected our phones, money and whatever they could find.”

    According to him, the attackers did not stop at one church. After robbing worshippers, they herded them to another church where more people were already lying face-down on the ground, terrified and helpless.

    “They robbed everyone again and then forced all of us into the bush,” Bawa said.

    “As we were moving, they kept beating us. Many people were injured. Some of them are now in the hospital.”

    The journey into captivity was long and brutal. The abductees were pushed through thick vegetation until they arrived at what Bawa described as a deserted village, already emptied of its residents by fear of bandit attacks.

    “Some people escaped from there, but I could not,” he said.

    “Later, we reached a narrow river with strong water. There were many of us, and people were pushing to cross.”

    That river became Bawa’s unlikely route to freedom. Weak and exhausted, he could not keep up with the others and was repeatedly beaten by the gunmen for slowing them down.

    “Because of my age, I didn’t have the strength,” he recounted.

    “They beat me and beat me. Eventually, everyone crossed the river, including the bandits, and they left me behind in the water.”

    When he realised no one was watching him anymore, instinct took over. “I escaped through the water and into the bush until I reached another village,” he said.

    What haunted him the most, however, were the words of the abductors. According to Bawa, the bandits claimed they had hidden 17 motorcycles in the bush, only to return and find them missing.

    “They accused our community of stealing the motorcycles,” he said.

    Read Also: Southern Kaduna Christian leaders declare two-day fast over Kajuru kidnapping

    “They told us if we did not produce them, they would kill all of us.

    “They also threatened to come back and wipe out those who were left in the village.”

    Bawa said only 11 people managed to escape. “A total of 177 people were kidnapped. As of now, 166 people are still in their custody,” he added.

    Another survivor, Yohana Dauji, secretary of the Cherubim and Seraphim Movement Church, Kurmin Wali Number One, said the attack caught the congregation completely unprepared.

    “That morning, around 9:30 a.m., we were in church worshipping,” she said.

    “Normally, we post people outside to watch. Suddenly, they came running to tell us that terrorists were approaching.”

    Before any meaningful action could be taken, the gunmen had already surrounded the church. “Some people tried to run, others fell,” Dauji said.

    “They told us not to run and promised not to harm us. But it was a lie.”

    He said worshippers were forced out and marched into the bush, with the attackers picking up more victims from other churches along the way.

    “They threatened to shoot anyone who tried to escape,” she added.

    For many families, the pain is deeper and more personal. Linus Idris Gwom, a community resident, was away from home when the attackers struck. A frantic phone call from his wife changed everything.

    “I had gone out that morning to buy something along the main road,” he said.

    “My wife called and said Fulani attackers had entered the village and were abducting people from the churches, including her and our two children.”

    Gwom rushed back, only to meet a ghost village. “Before I got home, I noticed the village was empty,” he said.

    “When I reached my compound, nobody was there.”

    The scale of his loss is staggering. “From my family compound alone, they took 38 people. Only my father, my mother and I were left. Everyone else, including my wife and children, was taken.”

    Two days after the attack, Governor Uba Sani visited Kurmin Wali, sympathised with residents and promised that the abducted villagers would be rescued within days.

    He assured the community that the state government was working closely with the military, police, DSS and other agencies.

    While debates over figures and narratives continue, community leaders insist that numbers are secondary to the human cost of the tragedy. Groups like the Adara Development Association have demanded accountability and urgent action, insisting that 166 worshippers remain in captivity.

    For survivors like Joseph Bawa, the trauma lingers long after escape. The images of beaten worshippers, crying children and gun-wielding men still replay in his mind alongside the chilling threats of a return attack.

    Despite the traumatic experience, Bawa commended Governor Uba Sani for personally visiting Kurmin Wali to sympathise with the victims and assess the situation.

    He described the governor’s leadership as compassionate and people-centred.

    He further expressed confidence in the governor’s commitment to the security and wellbeing of residents, offering prayers for his continued leadership of the state.

    In Kurmin Wali, hope now hangs on the success of ongoing security operations.

    Until their loved ones return, the churches remain quieter, the roads emptier, and a once-peaceful community continues to pray, not just for safety, but for answers.

    Meanwhile, injured victims have been evacuated to Kaduna for medical attention and psychosocial support, in line with assurances given by Governor Uba Sani during his visit to the community.

  • Oyetola, Oyebamiji and the Osun guber equation

    Oyetola, Oyebamiji and the Osun guber equation

    Make no mistake: the Osun State governorship election, slated for August 8, this year, is far from a done deal. We are looking at a scrappy, bruising, super three-horse race. The current clout of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun simply does not mirror its dominance in Ekiti, where the ruling party appears more entrenched ahead of its own June 20, 2026 contest.

    With no real ideological daylight between the major contenders – the Accord Party (A), the Action Democratic Congress (ADC), and the APC – personality will be thrust to the fore. In the end, the individual, not the platform, will likely be the deciding factor.

    Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji – known to everyone simply as AMBO – will have former Governor Gboyega Oyetola in his corner, to borrow from boxing parlance. Across the ring, the chief motivator of the ADC’s campaign will be his predecessor, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola. Effectively, we are looking at a titanic clash of personalities, a shadow-war that might just swallow the actual names on the ballot.

    What Oyebamiji must lean on is the growing, restless clamour across the state for real managerial competence. Right now, there is an eerie feeling that Osun’s stewardship has become haphazard – a ship drifting without a clear map for sustainable development. AMBO can seize an early lead if he sells himself as the steady hand – a seasoned manager capable of rising above petty bickering to lock the state’s sights back on actual development. He has no choice!

    Like him or not, Rauf Aregbesola remains a formidable grassroots engine and a ferocious campaigner. On his own, the ADC candidate lacks a particular persona that truly sticks with the streets, meaning he’ll be forced to lean hard on the charismatic Ogbeni to do the heavy lifting of the campaign.

    Oyebamiji and his mentor – the current Minister of Marine and Blue Economy – will inevitably beat the drum of ‘the benefits of aligning with the centre.’ This plays the potent ace card of ‘Cultural Hegemony’, which, in our local parlance, translates to the persuasive ‘Omo wa ni, e jé ó sé’ (He is our son, let him lead). This is a massive advantage for the Oyetola/Oyebamiji camp and one that must be kept in constant rotation; after all, politics is built on the law of constant reminders, as that master of the dark arts, Niccolò Machiavelli, was wont to say. It is a card that will be flogged to death, and one the Ademola Adeleke camp will find incredibly difficult to neutralize.

    Read Also: Oyetola woos Danish investors to maritime sector

    On his part, Adeleke is wrestling with both image and political demons. It feels as though Osun, under the governor, is drifting in a state of anomie. People aren’t exactly enthralled by his stewardship, yet they don’t quite loathe him either. Of course, there’s a limit to how much ‘Skelewu’ rigmarole one can feed the electorate. Ultimately, one must wonder: beyond just jumping in the ring, what exactly will Adeleke’s campaign message lean on?

    The deeper truth? Adeleke is no orator, let alone a naturally commanding figure. But he’s got one wild card: his nephew. Bringing in Davido to stir the youth is a massive play, no doubt. But the real question is whether the governor has a team capable of actually decoding the lyrics of Osun politics – turning that stadium hype into cold, hard votes. Walahi, it’s a desperate gamble. After all, noise at a rally and numbers at the poll have never been known to share the same frequency.

    With nearly 200,000 newly registered voters added to the state’s tally of 1.95 million, the real question is: what slice of that number falls into the ‘Davido bracket’ – the young, the restless, those for whom a superstar’s nod acts as a command? It will be telling to see if Osun APC keeps that same fire in the current registration drive. That momentum alone could shift the earth under the candidates’ feet.

    The outcome of previous and current registration cycles – if leveraged with a sharp, strategic thrust – will be decisive. So, we must interrogate the demographic makeup of these new additions, specifically the geographic spread across the three senatorial districts. Particular attention must be paid to traditional, high-turnout hubs like Osogbo, Ede, Ilesa, Ile-Ife and Ijebu-Jesa. This distribution is a heavyweight factor that must sit at the centre of any serious analytical projection.

    The gravity of current economic realities must be factored into every permutation. We are told that all politics is local, but the national economic crisis inevitably seeps down to the local government level. And, while the prize is still anyone’s to claim, the reality is that Oyebamiji sits on a heap of untapped advantages. If he shuffles his deck right and plays his cards with enough skill, he has a clear path to victory.

    ​The past should serve as a guide, but it must not become an obsession. Life does not stop at a fact; it deals with it. Anything else is mere PR! Having lost the last two elections in a row, it is clear the structure of the Osun APC is currently fragile and must be revitalized with earnestness. In other words, the party can no longer take victory for granted.

    To breathe new life into the fold, Oyebamiji should secure a first-class, shrewd campaign manager capable of weaving disparate strands into an unbreakable cord – and Oyetola must be central to this effort. He must leverage his vast networks and the substantial public goodwill he still commands. As I have noted elsewhere, how IleriOluwa rebuilds the party into a fighting force will largely define his legacy. Again, I stand by it!

    While Osun APC is fortunate to have avoided major defections after the primary – likely because “federal might” makes decamping unattractive – this is no time to bleach reality with the toning cream of complacency. Take it or leave it, the war is far from won. Therefore, the party must conduct a thorough post-mortem of its setbacks and move swiftly to pacify those sitting on the fence, as well as those waiting for the election proper to “extract their revenge.”

    History, it is often said, writes its summary not based on who shouted the loudest or danced the longest, but on whose policies outlived their tenure. Beyond the “Bitter Spectators” label, politics is more than a game of “who leads the house”; it is a contest of ideas. Above all, modern politics has transcended raw emotion; it is now about sifting through cold realities. Far from dwelling in the valley of “bitter spectators,” Oyetola and his lieutenants, like Oyebamiji, are the architects of the fiscal foundation upon which the current administration now builds.

    To thrive, Osun does not need the erasure of Oyetola’s legacy to justify Adeleke’s presence. It needs a recognition that his “unfinished business” is, in fact, the ongoing pursuit of a state that works – not through the “heart of love” alone, but through the cold, hard discipline of governance.

    As previously noted, ‘Cultural Hegemony’ – the instinctual pull to identify with one’s own, specifically a Yoruba man at the centre – remains a positive factor for the APC candidate, Bola Oyebamiji. His consistency and loyalty to both his principal, President Bola Tinubu, and his mentor, Gboyega Oyetola, are clean and clear. For now, discerning calculations put the APC candidate slightly ahead. But a caveat is necessary: these are early days, and the road to Bola Ige House remains long.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • Email: ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk. Mobile: 08033614419 SMS only
  • 2027: If not Tinubu, who?

    2027: If not Tinubu, who?

    Periodic elections are essential components of any constitutional government. It gives room for change and multiplicity of choices. After all, it is trite that no one is good enough to perpetually rule others without their consent or renewed approval. That is why in about thirteen months’ time, Nigerians of voting age will troop out to vote in a new president or renew the tenure of the incumbent president.

    In view of this, a year’s interval is not too far a time for a columnist to hazard a guess on what the leadership circle of his country portends. By February 2027, it is either that the country has a reelected president in Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu or a mint president-elect would doubtfully emerge on the horizon.

    As of today, even though the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, has yet to lift the lid on electioneering campaigns, what is indisputable is that presidential aspirants, including the incumbent president are already plotting various schemes/strategies on how to ensure victory at the polls, come 2027.

    The question to ask: Why is the polity of familiar faces of opposition so agitated about dethroning the current president? We have the roll of opposition presidential contestants: Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Ahmed Datti, Rotimi Amaechi amongst others are those pushing forward to slug it out against the president. Two or three of them are veteran presidential candidates, very few are contenders while others are mere loudmouths, out only to add the prefix of ‘ex-presidential aspirant’ to their political profiles. As these aspirants have the constitutional right to aspire to be president, it shouldn’t equally be lost that the incumbent president also has the legal/legitimate right, under the nation’s grundnorm to seek for a reelection.

    Ours being a politically plural society, such multiplicity of aspirants gives the people the latitude to make preferential decisions amongst the political parties’ teeming aspirants. The main issue that yours sincerely has with these hoards of familiar presidential aspirants is whether they have something different or better to offer from what we currently have in the country; or are they just seeking an opportunity to replace the incumbent for the sake of doing it or they are just embarking on a mere pursuit of longstanding personal ambition at the detriment of the general wellbeing of the country?

    To nurse an ambition is legal but such becomes a national burden when it gives little or no hope of changing the vilified existing status quo ante. Is there anything new on the horizon for Nigerians from these hordes of opposition presidential aspirants plotting day and night on how to wrest power from the current president?

    Of course, it is an integral part of democratic licence for anyone to state that President Tinubu is not the best leader to have been produced by this country. It is equally fair and just to point out as well that the president is just in the midterm of his first tenure thereby making it safe to infer that he is not the worst to have emerged as the leader of this country.

    From a dispassionate point of view, it could, when pushed further without disputations, be stated that amongst those serious contenders that are currently parading themselves in all the eighteen currently registered political parties in the country, he remains arguably above all, if not fairly better-with empirical proofs.

    Read Also: Tinubu felicitates Rep Ogbara on Lagos chieftaincy honour

    Atiku Abubakar is one of the leading contenders from the north trudging forward for the nation’s number one slot come 2027. He’s a perennial contestant for the position. Peter Obi who made an unexpected good showing in 2023 has also thrown his hat into the ring. Unlike what obtained in 2023 when the Labour Party platform was united behind him, the existing political equation looks cloudy for him in the worker’s party or in the party that he newly defected to.

    Rotimi Amaechi’s aspiration remains a boast with no realistic flesh to back it up. The trio are members of the opposition African Democratic Congress(ADC). Ahmed Datti has also chosen to labour for his presidential aspiration with the Labour Party. Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party(NNPP), is too confused at the moment to effectively decide whether to contest for the coveted seat or deputise for a stronger candidate from another political party. The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, is so far bereft of any known serious presidential aspirant with the only known thing about it being that Nyesom Wike and Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo state  are fervently in self-destructive contention to procure an undertaker for the once national domineering party.

    What new policy ideas are these opposition presidential aspirants bringing before Nigerians? If given the chance by Nigerians, is there any likelihood of them making any significant changes from what currently obtains under the incumbent leadership of the country? Or will it be the usual excuses of successive administrations blaming their predecessors for their governance shortcomings? Isn’t it better to allow the incumbent government continue so as to perfect the problems of the country that has now taken it almost three years to understudy?

    One thing is very clear: During the campaigns leading to the 2023 presidential election, two of the aforementioned aspirants actually espoused their support for Tinubu’s two main policies of ‘brutish’ subsidy removal and the stoppage of rent-seeking dual forex trading rates with its concomitant devaluation effect. These two policies have earned more revenues for the country as much as stabilized the nation’s exchange rate system. Notwithstanding, the former comes with its harsh consequences on the economy and the latter’s devaluation effect has very crushing effect on the populace. Undeniably too, all the contenders in 2023 agreed and still agree that the two purportedly harsh policies are inevitable. If they agreed then and still believe in these two hard knocking policies, it is pertinent to ask what new things they plan to do if given an opportunity to be president of the country by Nigerians?

    Atiku, a formidable northerner, is the most potent of all the upcoming 2027 presidential contenders but can he be entrusted with power? Yours sincerely, like every other discerning Nigerians, can easily relate with how Atiku’s former boss, ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo profiled his person in his (Obasanjo’s) book; My Watch, Volume 2, Page 31-32: “Obasanjo on Atiku: “What I did not know, which came out glaringly later, was his parental background which was somewhat shadowy, his propensity to corruption, his tendency to disloyalty, his inability to say and stick to the truth all the time, a propensity for poor judgment, his belief and reliance on marabouts, his lack of transparency, his trust in money to buy his way out on all issues and his readiness to sacrifice morality, integrity, propriety truth and national interest for self and selfish interest.”

    Again, same Atiku is in charge of Obasanjo’s privatization policy that he cleverly schewed to his advantage. Under Obasanjo/Atiku’s hypocritical leadership, Nigeria’s hard earned  $16billion was wasted on electricity production without a single result to show for such spending….and with no consequences on these two shameless leaders.

    Underscoring Nigeria’s significant loss from the Obasanjo/Atiku $16billion forex mismanagement is a 2023 World Bank Energy Progress Report berating Nigeria for having the largest electricity access deficit in the world in 2022. The report estimates that a staggering 86 million Nigerians were still living without a reliable power supply. Obasanjo/Atiku’s power money misappropriation is responsible for the inconsistent electricity supply that Nigerians and her productive sectors are facing today. How can such man(Obasanjo’s administration’s ally), expect our countrymen to take him serious in 2027?

    More importantly: Can such a man be trusted by Nigerians to lead them post 2027? Should Obasanjo, his boss, also be rated as a formidable political consultant to any sincere presidential aspirants/Tinubu traducers trooping to his Abeokuta Presidential Library residence for advice today? Your guess is as good as mine.

    Nigerians also need to be reminded that Atiku was an ungrateful temporary ally and beneficiary of Tinubu’s political large-heartedness  in this same country. As vice-president to former president Olusegun Obasanjo, Tinubu rescued him from the political decimation plan of his boss at a period he served as governor of Lagos state. Atiku was helpless and hopelessly standing at the mercy of Obasanjo at that point in history. Tinubu also gave Atiku the Action Congress Party platform to contest for the first time of his being a presidential candidate of any political party in the country.

    In the entire country at that time, it was only Tinubu that stood in opposition and survived Obasanjo’s undemocratic antics during that better forgotten democratic history of this country. When other governors including those of the then Alliance For Democracy fell for Obasanjo’s bait that later unexpectedly threw them out of power, it was only Tinubu that remained the last man standing, and still standing. It was also Tinubu that became the rallying point of not only the progressive governors that were thrown out of power but other political office holders in Obasanjo’s party who were one way or the other not treated fairly by the shenanigan democratic system thrown up at that period.

    Everything within and outside the book, including the deployment of unorthodox measures, were explored to get Tinubu out of power in 2003 and especially 2007 so that his preferred candidate will not succeed him as governor.

    In Lagos, the PDP candidate during Obasanjo’s presidency, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, who spearheaded the dirtiest governorship contest against Tinubu’s hegemony in the centre of excellence is today rooting for the man. His son, Babajide Obanikoro hobnobs with the Tinubu political family and actually got elected to the House of Representatives even though he currently serves under Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos state. Oluseye Ogunlewe, then minister of works who deployed his position with the special backing of the Obasanjo presidency to turn Lagos into the political hotbed of the country is also now with Tinubu today. Equally, one of his sons is presently running his second term as chairman of a local government in Lagos State. In far away Kano State, Rabiu Kwankwaso, former governor of that state and also a former ally of the incumbent is in a quandary because of the Tinubu political pull/attraction which precedes his becoming the president of this country. His Kano state governor,  assembly members, local government councils’ chairmen and House of Representatives’ members have all defected to the APC from NNPP as at Friday. The Tinubu-Pull is reverberating round the country as we  look forward to 2027.

    Laughably, an Obasanjo that empirical evidence has shown to be politically inferior to Tinubu in democratic tactics/strategy, is the person that adversarial politicians that are opposed to Tinubu becoming president/seeking for reelection, now run to for political refuge/ideas on how to remove the master strategist from power in 2027. Atiku that Obasanjo says is not fit to rule this country is, for conspiratorial reasons, now seeking the former president’s blessing.

    Peter Obi is also seeking Obasanjo’s support to become the president. Yet, an Obasanjo who in 1999, 2003, 2007 and possibly till date, could not win his polling unit and ward is now a political consultant to opposition presidential contestants. This is laughable, indeed.

    Hate or love Tinubu, the reality is that there’s hardly any notable political figures in the country today that has not directly or indirectly benefited from his fountain of political wisdom. Yet, most of those that are now in the opposition bloc are up in arms saying the man should not go for a second term-sadly without proffering any superior policy ideas to Nigerians. Some of them who served as governors of their respective states did not match Tinubu’s achievements as the directing mind of Lagos state.

    Whenever they are asked why Tinubu should not go for reelection and they are always quick to refer to insecurity and high poverty rate in the land; they enjoy saying that the hardship being witnessed in the country is a consequence of Tinubu’s audaciously harsh economic policies. Once again, let us ask: What is it that they plan to do differently? Judging from their antecedents, nothing but mere media enunciation…

    What Nigerians need is either fresh faces imbued with fresh air or a realistic continuation of current reforms by Tinubu who is expected with time to be able to correct his initiated harsh policies/initiatives and take blame or praises at the end of it all, God willing in 2031.

    Yours sincerely is not in any way or form contesting the fact that standard of living in the country is miserable or that there is no insecurity. The truth is however that there’re ongoing efforts to remedy this economic and insecurity maladies. And finally, the historical antecedents of opposition presidential aspirants on the political turfs at the moment have shown us that none, in good conscience, can be said to have the selflessness to salvage the situation. Nigerians should say no to blame-game and yes to continuation. My sincere and humble submission for this week.

    • Sanusi, former MD/CEO of Lagos State Signage & Advertisement Agency is currently managing partner at AMS Reliable Solicitors.(07011117777 – Text messages Only).
  • Climate Change: Are nations delivering on climate finance, emissions pledges?

    Climate Change: Are nations delivering on climate finance, emissions pledges?

    When world leaders departed Belém after the conclusion of COP30, speeches were made, communiqués issued, and commitments reaffirmed. As with previous climate conferences, the summit ended on a note of cautious optimism.

    Yet beyond the diplomatic language lies a harder question confronting the global community: are nations truly delivering on their climate promises, or are pledges once again outpacing action?

    COP30 was widely billed as a turning point for implementation rather than ambition. With the Paris Agreement now a decade old, patience is thinning—especially among developing countries already grappling with the devastating effects of climate change.

    “After decades of climate summits, the global conversation is shifting from promises to proof — and patience is wearing thin.”

    At the heart of post-COP30 scrutiny is climate finance. Developing countries insist that meaningful climate action is impossible without adequate funding from wealthier nations whose industrial growth largely fuelled global emissions.

    While COP30 reaffirmed commitments to scale up climate finance, delivery remains uneven. The long-standing promise of mobilising $100 billion annually has faced repeated delays, raising concerns about credibility, transparency, and access.

    “Climate finance delays are no longer administrative problems; they are development risks with real human costs.”

    Read Also: Climate Change: Carbon trapping; a new approach in solving climate crisis

    African nations, including Nigeria, argue that climate impacts are intensifying faster than access to finance. Flooding, desertification, and food insecurity are already exacting economic and social costs.

    Beyond finance, emissions reduction pledges are under increased scrutiny. Major emitters continue fossil fuel expansion even as they announce net-zero targets, creating a widening gap between ambition and reality.

    Nigeria’s climate commitments reflect both aspiration and constraint. With millions still lacking reliable electricity, the country must balance development needs with environmental responsibility.

    “For Africa, climate accountability is inseparable from climate justice.”

    COP30 reinforced the need to move beyond negotiation fatigue toward implementation. Yet enforcement mechanisms remain weak, relying largely on political will.

    The cost of delay is already visible. Climate-related disasters are increasing in frequency, straining public finances and deepening poverty in vulnerable regions.

    As attention turns to future climate summits, success will be measured not by declarations but by impact on communities. The era of promises is giving way to the era of proof.

    • Adeleye, Ph.D, Ibadan. Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com  +234 803 525 6450
  • AFCON 2025: Sadio Mane’s lesson in leadership

    AFCON 2025: Sadio Mane’s lesson in leadership

    The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) has come and gone as Senegal’s Teranga Lions beat the host team, Atlas Lions of Morocco to lift Africa’s most coveted football trophy. This year’s tournament more than ever exposed a lot about African football, the capacity of the Confederation of African Football (CAF), the beauty of nations imbuing players with a sense of self and patriotism, the values and limits of infrastructural development especially for sports and in this case, global football and every other thing in between.

    The Kingdom of Morocco has in the last two decades taken the initiative to invest massively in the game of football through infrastructural and youth development. They have shown what focus can do especially for a game that is living out ‘the beautiful game’ tag. Global football has become some trillion dollar economic pie. It’s more than a game, it is now an economic and socio-political tool with diverse powers.

    For the African continent, it is paradoxical that she gives the game so much in human capital yet, reaps so little economically due to leadership failures. The various leagues in the world have the brilliant imprints of African players; the English Premier League, Spanish La Liga, Italian Serie A, the German Bundesliga, the Ligue 1 of France and other continental leagues in Africa, Asia, South America which for obvious reasons are not in the same league as those in Europe.

    Morocco’s investment in football has given the nation a seat at the table of football politics and economic benefits. In the last fifteen years FIFA has given them hosting rights for; 2013, 2014 and 2022 FIFA Club World Cups, 2025 Under-17 Women’s World Cup and 2025 CAF Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). They would be co-hosting the 2030 FIFA World Cup with Portugal and Spain. They would be the second African country to host World Cup after the 2010 South African experience. They have also given a boost to female football in the continent with their Atlas lionesses winning silver at the 2025 African Women’s Cup of Nations.

    However, because the impact of football has gone beyond the pitch of play, Morocco’s hosting of 2025 AFCON came with so many lessons for Africa as a continent. The post-independence Pan-Africanism spirit seems to have lost steam. The Moroccans through some actions during the games have shown that geography can be of economic value but without the sociological bonding that ought to exist between the citizens within the geographic region.

    The several racist chants at black players and the bullying of Nigeria’s Stanley Nwabali whose towels were stolen and banana thrown at him and the bullying of the Senegalese reserve goal keeper by both officials, players like Hakimi and ball boys showed some citizens  do not share in the African brotherhood neither do they care about sportsmanship in the game. The post-match taunting of the Senegalese coach, Pape Thiaw by some Moroccan journalists was as unprofessional as it was unethically anti-sportsmanship.

    The leadership of national football associations and even CAF as a continental body must reform to align with set standards for the game not just for the on-the-pitch play but beyond that. Administration of football must not end at attending meetings and competitions. A country like Nigeria that has become notorious for stressing out players and coaches by not paying them allowances promptly must begin to get sanctioned by CAF. There should be no escapism under the cloak of, ‘not interfering with countries’ internal affairs’.

    The welfare of coaches and players is fundamental to the emotional stability of those affected. The idea that Nigeria is a perennial culprit must be addressed holistically. The psychological impact of such administrative inefficiencies cannot be over-emphasised. CAF should wield the big stick if need be.

    The huge security lapses during the games that saw ball boys withhold opponents’ throw-in balls or grab Keepers’ towels must urgently be seen to be sanctioned as a deterrent to others and in preparation for 2030 World Cup the country would be co-hosting. The attack on other country’s fans in some Moroccan stadia was not a good sight. The alleged Mysterious death of two journalists from Mali and Cameroun must be thoroughly investigated and justice seen to be done.

    Read Also: Sadio Mane: God of football was not with Senegal 

    The reported artificial ticket scarcity to the fans of other teams speaks volumes of the sense of hospitality of the Moroccans. If fans and tourists travelled thousands of kilometres to Morocco and ended up watching the matches of their country’s teams from hotel rooms due to some ticket sale shenanigans, Morocco should be investigated and sanctioned if found culpable. That would be a pre-emptive move towards efficiency in the future.

    Despite the very disappointing actions of both teams, the Senagalese coach during the final game was finally concluded with a Senagalese victory. There has been outrage by football lovers due to the leadership crises that led to the chaos during the final game. The referee, Jean-Jacques Ndala from DRC failed as a lead referee of the match for failing to earn the trust of the players by being, alert, fair and firm. The Senagalese disallowed goal ought to have been verified through the VAR before the decision to disallow the goal. To have dashed to VAR to verify and award a penalty to the Moroccan team was the real beginning of the chaos.

    Referees in Africa must understand that while everyone can concede that they are humans, they are still expected like Ceasar’s wife to be above reproach. They must show leadership and objectivity to earn respect and be truly part of the global game. They must be well trained and their training must manifest in the field of play. CAF must understand the value of refereeing to football as a sport. A lot of emotions come with football and refereeing expertly ought to be the calm amidst the storm.

    There are reports that the Senagalese coach has been suspended by CAF for ordering his players to leave the pitch during the penalty argument. He did not show leadership. The spirit of the game is sportsmanship and it is achieved through obedience to the laws governing the game. He did not show good leadership at the most trying moment of African football on a global stage. He let his emotion get the better of his judgment. Leadership demands more than he gave at that instance.

    On the contrary, Sadio Mane, the Senagalese football legend; two-time AFCON winner, Premier League Champion, Champions League champion, FA Cup winner, Carabao Cup winner, Bundesliga champion and a beacon for the game showed what leadership means. He was neither the coach, team captain or even assistant captain but just his integrity earned him the respect of his teammates that he ran to the locker room to tell persuade them to return.

    Mane at that moment showed the world that leadership is not about titles, tags or positions. He displayed perseverance, humility, altruism, patriotism and a huge lover of African football. According to him, he refused to leave with his teammates because he had the reputation of the African football on his mind. It was not about emotions, it was not about ego, simply about showing leadership. It is significant that the suspended Senagalese captain, Kalidou Koulibali handed him the cup to lift after he received it from the CAF President. It was very significant, the world applauded the respect. Without the Captain’s band, a Mane has led his country to two AFCON victories and qualifications for two World Cups in a row.

    As every football lover including Nigerian politicians applaud a Sadio Mane for his integrity, humility and altruism, this period must be one for introspection. Mane does not need a tag to impact the game and lives. He has invested heavily in schools, hospitals, Mosques and football back in his country, impacting lives in ways that is almost making him the symbol of football and philantophy in his nation. Despite his background and all he has achieved, he remains calm, unobtrusive and kind. 

    In a continent with several failed leaders and corrupt political class, Mane emerges as an icon of what leadership ought to be, productive, selfless, compassionate, patriotic and humane. Mane is so humble despite his exploits, he gives so silently and impactfully that only his works speak for him. He is the perfect silent and cheerful giver. Placed side by side most Nigerian politicians, even with his physical size, he towers above many of them who even after using the people’s money to build infrastructure pretend own them and publicize them for accolades and political expediencies.

    Mane through his actions on and off the pitch is a great model to the youths not just in Africa but globally. His contributions to the game at both club and national levels can be seen through his many medals from several continents. Leadership is seen through actions not through rhetoric and ego trips seen in most politicians across the world. He has shown that leadership does not imbue anyone with certain qualities. People bring their innate qualities to leadership. Despite his achievements, he remains humble and thinks more about humans and the game.

    The celebration of Senegal’s AFCON 2025 win across continents is not so much for the mere victory of the team, it is the human family looking beyond football. Their victory is seen as a befitting tribute to Mane and his teammates’ fighting spirit. The cohesion they showed helped them achieve success. He sees himself as an ambassador of a tripartite style; football, Africa and nation/club. Today he speaks to millions without talking. Mane has spoken to global politicians. Here’s hoping his ‘voice’ resonates with generations to come. Congratulations to Senegal.

    • The dialogue continues…
  • Travails offarmers forced off their farmlands by miners, herders in Niger

    Travails offarmers forced off their farmlands by miners, herders in Niger

    The battle for land in Niger State is no longer just between man and nature; it is now between farmers, herders and miners, with women caught in the middle. From Paikoro to Gurara and Agaie, farmlands are being destroyed and livelihoods are being erased. In this report, Justina Asishana highlights how the women who once fed their communities are now struggling to hold on to their farmlands.

    Every morning, Agnes Aynadanyi, a farmer in Daku village, Gurara Local Government Area (LGA), Niger state, walks past deep holes carved into the earth where her millet once grew. She does not need anyone to tell her who dug them – gold miners who have invaded their lands.

    Agnes, who started farming three years ago, had always enjoyed bountiful harvests despite the challenges associated with accessing fertilisers and other farm inputs, but she barely got 10 bags of guinea corn from her last planting season.

    “When they came, they took no permission from anybody; they just started digging the corner there,” she said, standing near one of the pits and pointing to the edge of the farm.

    “Before we knew anything, they started shifting, digging holes everywhere. When we asked them, they said they were looking for gold.

    “There was a year I harvested up to 50 bags of guinea corn. But last year, I did not get up to 10 bags because these days, if you plant, nothing grows here. The land is dead.

    “Look at the corn I planted recently. You can see that they did not grow very well. The land is gone because of these miners,” she lamented.

    Comfort Joseph had to abandon her farm at Dikko ward in Gurara LGA, NigerSstate and move to a farm on Lambatta Road, which is still in the same local government but a long distance from the farm in Dikko ward, in order to be able to farm properly and avoid the menace of the miners who had destroyed her farm.

    “These miners have really driven many farmers around here out of their farms, particularly me, and it has drawn the farmers back.

    “They made me to vacate the land on which I had farmed for years. I had to get another farm in another village, which is some kilometres away. 

    “The way they have affected the land, in 10 to 15 years, no one can farm there and the crops will yield results. The farm I abandoned was where I grew maize, guinea corn and soya beans, and it is very good for those crops,” she said.

    The identity of the miners is currently unknown. Some of the affected farmers said some of them come from far northern states like Zamfara, Kano and Kebbi while there are also foreigners who come from Niger and Benin Republic to join in mining.

    The Niger State Government had formulated a policy in 2024 banning mining activities across the state, but this has not been heeded as mining activities are still going on across the state. It is very rampant in Shiroro, Munya, Rafi, Paikoro, Gurara and Rijau local government areas.

    There are usually enforcement teams from the state’s Ministry of Mineral Resources who go to these mining sites to enforce the no-mining policy. But the enforcement trains are limited by funding, which makes their operations less frequent, leaving room for the miners to operate without restriction.

    Farming between fear and loss

    Across Paikoro, Gurara and Agaie, miners are not the only concern for women farmers as they are also losing their crops to herders who graze cattle through their fields.

    “I planted cassava and I spent a lot of money on it”, said Alice Amako in Agaie LGA, her voice rising with anger. “The cows entered and ate up everything.

    “On the money I spent on it before it was wasted, I would say it was up to N200,000.  When I went to complain, the police said they would look into it, but they have done nothing about it till today.”

    Sarah Mathew, another farmer in Agaie, who plants rice and groundnut, lamented that Fulani herders unleashed their cows on her farm when her crops had gotten to the stage of harvesting and she lost a lot of money, including the sum she used in hiring labourers to help her. 

    “One of my challenges is getting labourers to the farm. I cook for them and pay them. Then, when you plant, the Fulanis will not allow you to harvest what you have planted.

    “Even yesterday, they cut my crops for their cows to eat, whereas I have spent so much.

    “They won’t even allow us farmers to harvest what we plant.”

    In Paikoro, Hannah Bala says she no longer sleeps soundly during the harvest season.

    She said: “Sometimes, I go to the farm in the morning and see that my maize and groundnuts have been eaten up (by cattle) overnight.

    “Last season, my groundnut and maize were all eaten up; I couldn’t salvage anything.

    “If you confront them, they threaten you. They carry sticks and cutlasses.”

    The cost of silence

    The women farmers say they have learned to avoid confrontation. “It is better to run for your life,” said Comfort about the herders. “If you fight, they can harm you. They have killed people before.”

    But running comes at a cost. Many have abandoned their ancestral farmlands and now rent new plots in faraway villages.

    “I pay ₦100,000 every year to rent a farmland. We women don’t get free land. If you don’t rent early, you won’t get anywhere to plant.” said Ladi Makun, who farms rice and pumpkins in Paikoro LGA.

    Efforts made to dislodge the miners from their lands are often abortive as they return days after they are driven away or arrested by security personnel. Others return at night when the farmers must have gone home.

    Read Also: Nigerians will determine Tinubu’s successor, says Deputy Speaker

    “We sometimes use police and soldiers to pick them up, but after some days, they reemerge and continue from where they stopped.  We quarrel sometimes. But they have not fought anybody here on my land. They always come back despite everything we do,” said Agnes.

    The combination of destroyed farms, expensive rent, and high input costs has left many women with little or no profit. “Before I even start farming, I’m already in debt,” Ladi said.

    Mining the soil, killing the land

    The miners’ presence is changing more than the landscape. The air smells of burnt earth, and rainwater fills the pits, turning them into breeding grounds for mosquitoes. If a farmer or someone not used to the terrain gets unlucky to falls into the pit, the person gets injured and may end up breaking a leg.

    “We used to get 20 bags of corn. Now, even with fertiliser, we get little. The land is tired. The holes are too many. You can fall in and die,” Agnes said.

    Mining on fertile farmland has severe and often irreversible impacts, including land degradation, water pollution and the loss of agricultural livelihoods. Environmental experts warn that unregulated mining contaminates soil and water with heavy metals, making farmland infertile for years.

    The most direct impact is complete loss and degradation of the soil, which is the primary asset of fertile land.

    Open-pit mining, which is the most common method, involves removing topsoil and vegetation to access minerals. This permanently destroys the land’s agricultural capacity. Mining waste, known as tailings, and windblown dust can heavily contaminate the surrounding soil.

    This contamination often includes heavy metals like lead, arsenic and cadmium. These metals are toxic to plants, inhibit growth, and can be absorbed by crops, posing a serious health risk to humans and livestock.

    Mining is extremely water-intensive and a major source of water pollution, which devastates farming operations far beyond the mine’s immediate footprint.

    One of the most serious environmental effects is acid mine drainage (AMD). When sulphide minerals in excavated rock are exposed to air and water, they create sulfuric acid. This acid leaches toxic heavy metals from the rock, creating a highly polluted runoff that can poison rivers, streams, and groundwater. This water becomes unusable for irrigation or livestock, as it can kill crops and animals.

    Mining operations also consume vast quantities of water, often diverting it from local rivers or groundwater sources. This directly competes with agriculture, which relies on the same water for irrigation, especially in water-stressed regions.

    But for the women farmers, the danger is more immediate: hunger and displacement.

    Herders, fear and fading hope

    The fear of herders is the beginning of wisdom for farmers, especially women farmers, as the former move about with deadly weapons, ready to attack anyone who prevents their cattle from eating the crops.

    In Agaie, Halima Mohammed lost her entire rice farm when migrating herders let their cattle loose on her fields.

    “Those Fulani who were migrating allowed their cows to eat up my rice. The rice was already close to harvest, and they allowed their cows to finish my rice.

    “I could not farm last year because I could not get money to pay for labour. I wept the day it happened.”

    Other women say herders roam freely even in daylight, often daring farmers to protest.

    “They behave as if the land belongs to them,” said Sarah Mathew, a rice and groundnut farmer. “If you argue, they will attack you. We are women; we can’t fight them.”

    Sado said: “Sometimes, you would be on the farm and maybe a Fulani would be roaming about with his cows around your farm, waiting for you to leave. Immediately you leave, they enter and allow their cows to eat up your crops.

    “Some are even more daring. They enter when the farmer is there, daring them to do or say anything. They killed a woman on her farm last year because she tried to stop them from entering.

    “They have entered my farm, even recently. My cassava was eaten up, though not all.”

    The farmers say they have reported several of the incidents to security agents without results. “Even if the police catch them, they release them,” said Amina Mohammed, a widow from Paikoro. “It is like the herders have more power than us.”

    Where the law gets tired

    Niger State Governor, Mohammed Umaru Bago, in 2024 announced a statewide ban on mining after a mining incident in which a pit collapsed in Shiroro, burying many miners underground. This stance was reiterated by the Governor in October this year and covers both legal and illegal mining.

    During a visit to the Niger State Commissioner of Police, Adamu Elleman, the former Commissioner of Mineral Resources, Alhaji Garba Sabo Yahaya, stated the need for a stronger and more aggressive response to tackle the issue of illegal mining, pointing out that the ministry does not have the required manpower for enforcement of the state government’s suspension of illegal mining.

    He appealed to the police and other security agencies to assist the ministry in enforcement.

    The Director of Mining in Niger State Ministry of Mineral Resources, Alhaji Umar Yusuf, who spoke to the reporter exclusively, confirmed that a lot of people engage in illegal mining across the state, adding that there are others who are mining legally after being issued mining titles from the Federal Ministry of Mines. 

    He said the mineral resources ministry had received a lot of complaints about illegal mining across the state.

    Yusuf noted that the normal process in starting mining is to meet with the landowner and the community leaders where certain community development agreements will be reached upon. But many of the miners, both legal and illegal, do not do so.

    He stated the need for community residents to report such incidents to the ministry so that they would be aware and consider what to do about it.

    “What you do now, madam, anybody that complains to you, direct them to the Ministry of Mineral Resources. Once they come, we will lead them to the Federal Ministry of Mineral Resources to confirm what they would do with those people.”

    Yusuf also lamented that there is no adequate logistics to go on surveillance tours across the local government areas where illegal mining is rampant, pointing out that these surveillance tours are supposed to be done bi-weekly.

    “One of our problems is that there are no sufficient funds to go on regular surveillance tours. Because if we go and dispatch them today, they will return after we have gone.

    “It is supposed to be a continual exercise, like every two weeks. We are supposed to go there with the men of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps as back-up. But at the moment, the government does not give us the logistics to carry out that operation.

    “For the past four good months, there has been no logistics for us to go on surveillance, especially the logistics for the civil defence like fuelling our vehicles and others.

    “All these are not there now. That is the problem.”

    The director confirmed that the artisanal miners are very despotic people. He said they can harm anyone who forces them out without security backup.

    “They are hooligans. They are very despotic people.

    “But in our case, if the government sponsors us, we are able to go there with our surveillance group, with civil defence and the other hunters to talk to them and make them leave.”

    The Agro-Rangers and local vigilantes, on their part, try to intervene, but their efforts are also limited by poor logistics and lack of manpower.

    The Managing Director of Niger State Mechanization Development Agency, Muhammad Alibaba, said the agro-rangers are not enough in the state but the government is making arrangements to recruit more hands as extension workers and agro-rangers.

    Local government authorities promise action, yet the attacks and mining continue.

    The Niger State Police Public Relation Officer (PPRO), SP Wasiu Abiodun, said the police have always responded to distress calls including those of illegal and artisanal mining activities in the state, adding that a lot of arrests had been made with exhibits recovered while some of the suspects had been charged to court.

    “The Police Command as a responsive law enforcement agency have been responding to a series of distress calls, including illegal or artisanal mining activities in the state, such as the recent incidents in a school at Mutun-Daya, Shiroro LGA, Western Bye-Pass behind El-Amin area, Mechanic area around Angwan-Daji, COE Tungan-goro area and Korokpan, Chanchaga.

    “The Command has made many arrests in this regard and recovered a lot of exhibits such as shovels, diggers, head pans, and other dangerous weapons including knives, cutlasses and illicit substances. These suspects were charged to court for prosecution accordingly.”

    Abiodun, however, said the challenge at hand was the need for stiffer punishments for these offenders because it has been observed that they mostly pay a meager amount as fine and return to these activities after they are released.

    “We hope that there can be a legal framework for stiffer punishment to serve as deterrence.”

    Farming on borrowed time

    The result of the miners’ invasion of farmlands and herders leading their cattle to eat up farm produce is that more women are leaving farming altogether. Some now work as petty traders while others rely on family support.

    Mrs Grace Disa, the Niger State Coordinator of the Smallholder Women Farmers of Nigeria (SWOFON) said that women farmers in Niger East and some parts of Niger South are leaving farming due to the threats from farmers but added that she cannot give the exact numbers.

    But for many, giving up the land feels like losing a part of themselves.

    “I was born into farming,” said Agnes, gazing at her ruined field.

     “My mother farmed here. Now, even the soil doesn’t know us anymore. We will not stop farming, but we need peace to plant, and land that still remembers us.”

    Still, they keep hope alive. “We will not stop,” said Comfort. “We only want the government to protect us, give us peace and land, and we will feed the nation.”

    The cries of Niger’s women farmers are not just about lost crops; they are warnings of a deeper crisis. Each mine dug, each herd let loose on farmland, is another wound to Nigeria’s food security. Until the government acts, the women who feed the nation will remain her hungriest.

    .This report was made possible with support from the International Centre for Investigative Reporting, (ICIR).”

  • Husband, wife, reputed for their closeness, die an hour apart

    Husband, wife, reputed for their closeness, die an hour apart

    The 35-year-old marriage of an Osun couple reputed for their closeness ended mysteriously as both husband and wife died the same day, leaving their loved ones in shock, Toba Adedeji reports.

    For more than three decades, Chief Adeyemi Olukayode Adegoke and his wife, Mojirade, lived as shiny example of an ideal marriage. Theirs was a love life defined by simplicity, faith and deep companionship for more than 35 years.

    Their marriage and love life, however, ended mysteriously as the wife slumped and died within an hour after her husband’s death.

    The duo had been a source of envy among friends, family members and the entire neighbourhood of Ofatedo area, Odunola farm, Osogbo, Osun State, where they lived.

    The Adegokes’ tale of love and devotion also spread beyond their modest home in Osogbo town to the rustic hometown of the husband in Erin-Osun, Irepodun Local Government Area, Osun State. Together, they had built a life anchored on mutual respect and shared purpose both in their home and in the public service of Osun State where 65-year-old Adegoke had served diligently as an official of the Osun State Sports Council, while his 59-year-old wife was a committed civil servant at the Ministry of Justice, balancing professional responsibility with devotion to family.

    Beyond their careers in public service, the Adegokes were known for their strong bond and quiet affection. They worshipped together, attended church programmes side by side and were regular faces at social gatherings, where their customary laughter and warm interactions conveyed a friendship that went beyond marriage. Friends and neighbours often described them not just as husband and wife, but as companions who genuinely enjoyed each other’s company.

    However, their love stories ended on January 7 with husband and wife sharing a final breath. Needless to say that the circumstances of the uncommon couple’s death has continued to stir awe, grief and deep reflection among residents, one of whom described it as “destiny fulfilled”.

    In a chat with The Nation correspondent, a relation of Chief Adegoke, Mr Oyetade Olayiwola, explained that the deceased was his uncle who cared so much about the people around him.

    Narrating the last moments of the couple, he said: “I had gone to see my uncle on a Wednesday but his wife told me that he travelled, and I told her that I would come back to see them later.

    “But on Thursday night, the wife called to inform me that my uncle was dead.

    “While we were making arrangements with other relatives, one of us rushed to her place with car only to find that she too had slumped.

    “That my brother rushed towards her and tried to revive her but she was not responding.

    “He called me on the phone and I directed him to take her to the hospital where she was certified dead.”

    Olayiwola described the incident as a grievous loss to the family who had enjoyed the love life of the couple.

    He said: “I must confess that we are greatly disturbed and devastated by the death of our beloved uncle and his wife. Both of them died within one hour. We lost the strength to bear the losses.

    “I have never heard it in my life. They were not involved in an accident and they did not take a poison. They were only attached to each other emotionally, and it resulted in this.”

    Speaking about the illness of Chief Adegoke, Olayiwola confirmed that he was bedridden for close to three weeks as a result of malaria for which his wife had been taking care of him.

    Similarly, a childhood friend of the late husband, Mr Olusegun Afolabi could not hold back tears as he was being interviewed by our correspondent. He sobbed as he recalled his memories of Adegoke, especially when he followed him to the family house of Mrs Janet Mojirade Adegoke in Osgbo for the first time.

    He said: “Over 30 years ago, I accompanied Adegoke to the house of the family of Janet in Osogbo. She was living with her uncle who was working in First Bank.

    “I followed him for self introduction. It was great moment for us. We were so happy on that day.

    “After we left their house, we did not see any public transport coming to Erin-Osun, so we trekked from Osogbo to Erin that night.

    “That same year, they wedded each other. They were very close thereafter. I never heard that they ever fought.

    “Their bond was awesome. They had three kids. They attended social events together.”

    Read Also: 27-year-old woman slumps, dies in boyfriend’s house

    Mr Afolabi recalled that they had been friends since 1970s when they attended Oyo State College of Education, Ila-Orangun where he studied Physical and Health Education.

    “Adegoke later left the school in 1988 and we furthered our education at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

    “After that, he made the decision to marry Mojirade of all the ladies that were around him.

    “Since they got married, Mojirade respected all the people around her husband. She was, indeed, a good wife to my friend.”

    The distraught friend continued: “My friend worked with Osun State Sport Council before he retired while his wife, who worked at the Ministry of Justice, was set to retire in 2027.

    “I never heard of them fighting, because they gave each other respect. Nobody can say they ever fought before.

    “They have three children. One of them is not in Nigeria.

    “We did the naming ceremony of Adegoke’s first child together.

    “We use to make fun of each other. It was, indeed, a terrible loss.

    “They loved each other to the point of death.

    “They were buried beside each other in the same grave.

    “I will forever miss my friend.

    “He was the president of UNN Alumni, Osun State Chapter.

    “We were planning our get-together when he died.

    “He had even paid his dues for the event.”

  • Makoko Century-old community faces uncertain future

    Makoko Century-old community faces uncertain future

    Ongoing demolitions in Makoko have left thousands of waterfront residents homeless despite long-standing claims of safety compliance. With no relocation plan in sight, families endure rain, hunger, and uncertainty on the lagoon. It is the story of a community struggling to remain visible in a rapidly changing city, reports Udeh Onyebuchi.

    As the rest of Lagosian wakes up, Makoko is already alive. Fishermen’s wooden canoes glide softly across the lagoon, their paddles slicing through the water with practised ease. A woman balances her goods on the canoe while steering her boat with two hands. Smoke curls from a small stove balanced carefully on a canoe where akara (beans cake) sizzles in hot red oil. Children, bare-chested and laughing, dive into the water, unfazed by the wreckage that surrounds them. Life continues, stubborn and rhythmic, even as Makoko itself is being pulled apart plank by plank

    Makoko is not just a place; it is an idea that has lived for generations in the collective memory of Lagos and Nigeria. Built on water and wood, it is a community where homes rest on stilts driven deep into the lagoon floor—some of those wooden foundations standing firm for more than 20 years, resisting tides. Today, however, the greatest threat Makoko faces is not the water beneath it, but the bulldozers advancing toward it.

    A community standing on history

    To understand Makoko is to understand its long, layered history. Chief Raymond Olaiya Akinsemoyin, the Baale (traditional head) of Makoko, in an interview with Olumuyiwa Ajayi in 2013, said the community’s roots stretch back more than a century. Makoko was originally owned by the Oloto family and later acquired by Ramotu Emmanuel, daughter of Adamo Emmanuel, a descendant of Oba Akinsemoyin of Lagos.

    According to the Baale, Ramotu Emmanuel was a wealthy trader who opened Makoko to commerce, inviting Egun fishermen to bring fish from Ilubirin and surrounding lagoon settlements. What began as temporary resting spaces for traders soon became permanent homes. Over time, Ilaje fishermen followed, as did Yoruba and Igbo families, creating a rare multicultural settlement divided loosely between waterfront and hinterland zones.

    He further narrated that Makoko expanded steadily. Its boundaries once stretched as far as Adekunle, Sabo and Ebute-Meta. Land now occupied by the Lagos State Criminal Investigation Department at Panti, the Yaba Local Council Development Area secretariat, and even the Red Cross site were once part of Makoko land donated by the Olaiya family.

    Yet despite its contributions and longevity, Makoko remained officially invisible—an “informal settlement” in the eyes of government, left without infrastructure, planning or protection. Over decades, neglect hardened into policy.

    Policy came crashing down in December 2025

    Residents say the demolitions began without written notice. Taiwo Ojokuno welcomed her new baby to the house that would be demolished later that day. According to her, “nobody issued a warning. They just came and pulled down our houses. It gave me so much stress. It is really painful.”

    She told The Nation that she had lived in Makoko for more than 10 years, during which Makoko had been relatively peaceful. Security was stable. Water, food, trade—everything needed for daily survival existed within the floating community.

    “Boats were not just transport; they were shops, kitchens. Now, many of those same boats have become bedrooms,” she said. 

    Homes turned to canoes

    Across the waterfront, families sleep huddled together inside narrow wooden canoes. Others erect makeshift tents on demolished land, hoping the machines will not return overnight.

    The Nation touring around approached a sixty-five-year-old fisherman Ayodeji Ogunyemi, who said: “The recent rain that fell, there was nowhere to hide. We were trying to cover our children as water soaked our clothes.

    Read Also: Green Earth Action Foundation Sponsors Major Makoko Waterfront Cleanup Challenge in Lagos

    “By morning, bulldozers resumed their work as though nothing happened.

    “I am arranging what remains of my life.

    “As an old man, where do you want me to go?

    “Some don’t even know where to relocate to.

    “That is the problem.”

    Fishing, trading, and hawking continue, not because life is normal, but because survival leaves no alternative. Women still sell goods from canoe to around the demolished shanties while children still swim. 

    ‘A very peaceful slum’

    To outsiders, Makoko is often reduced to a slum. To those who live there, it is home.

    According to Miriam Kushika, a resident of Makoko, who has been in the slum since the start of the demolition, “our community is very peaceful. No one comes to Makoko and wants to leave. We have a hospital, we have a school. Everything was going smoothly until this demolition.”

    She spoke of families torn apart—husbands lost, children dead, futures uncertain. Since December 21, 2025, demolitions have continued intermittently, swallowing homes and livelihoods while residents wait for answers that never come.

    The uncertainty is perhaps the most devastating blow. “We don’t know what the government wants to use the land for. We only see sand filling places that were once water. We are confused,” she said.

    The broken promise of dialogue

    For Shemede Emmanuel, Baale of Makoko Waterfront, the destruction feels less like sudden violence and more like betrayal.

    He recalls months of meetings with government officials and security agencies after plans were announced to clear areas under high-tension power lines. Residents were told to move 30 metres away, then 50, then 100. Each time, they complied—marking boundaries with Nigerian flags bought with their own money, dismantling homes themselves to avoid chaos.

    He said: “We were told it was about safety. Thirty metres, then 50, then 100. We agreed because we wanted peace.”

    Then the bulldozers crossed the agreed line.

    “They did not listen anymore. They did not call us. They did not explain,” he said as machines crushed homes beyond 100 metres. Churches collapsed. Schools were destroyed. Families who had obeyed watched everything they owned disappear.

    Children, schools and a vanishing future

    Among the hardest hit is the Makoko Children Development Foundation School and Orphanage, founded to provide education for orphans and vulnerable children. The school serves about 650 pupils across 14 classrooms, using a boat as a school bus to pick children from their homes each day.

    The founder described how one of the school buildings was destroyed despite being far beyond the initial demolition zone. Tear gas was fired even with children inside the compound.

    “We are begging the government to stop at 100 metres and allow our people to build their houses. People who are affected should rebuild their houses. Also, look for relocation plans,” he said.

    Today, orphaned children remain in the school because there is nowhere else to take them. The playground still echoes with laughter, but the walls around it are scarred by fire and fear.

    Voices from the rubble

    Residents recount stories that statistics cannot capture.

    According to Olorunwa Agosu, she lost her only child during the demolition. “That was the only child left with me. I don’t even have money to travel,” she said.

    To Ome Musa, the situation is different as she sleeps sitting upright in a canoe through the night, waking in between the night. “I sleep sitting up through the night. This is where I sleep. They have removed everything.

    “We are now sleeping in the canoe with the children. All the Eguns are no longer trading.”

    Hubert Hunye, a young resident, left his job to document the demolitions. He films, photographs, and shares images online, hoping someone, somewhere would see and help.

    “Our daily activities are from here because we are fishermen. We do fishing. There’s no way you would take someone who does fishing from the river and say you want to put them on the land.”

    Government’s position

    The Lagos State Government insists the demolitions are about safety, not eviction.

    Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has defended the exercise, saying it is necessary to prevent tragedy near high-tension power lines and the Third Mainland Bridge.

    Speaking after signing the N4.4tn 2026 appropriation bill into law, the governor said the Makoko demolition was carried out to avert tragedy.

    He said: “The safety of lives and property is paramount and must be safeguarded. I just explained to you that a tanker carrying 33,000 litres of fuel fell on a bridge and spilt fuel, and over 100 people were there scooping it.

    “It’s a similar thing we’re doing in Makoko. Of what interest would it be for the government to demolish anyone’s structure if not for the overall safety of citizens?”

    According to him, a lot of people had built shanties under high-tension wires.

    “What we are doing is not demolishing the whole of Makoko. We are clearing areas to ensure they do not encroach on the Third Mainland Bridge and to keep residents away from high-tension lines.

    He continued: “We’ve been on this for two and a half years and have held meetings with them. We cannot fold our arms and allow calamity to happen.”

    Sanwo-Olu also announced that he had ordered relevant authorities to roll out palliative measures for affected residents.

    Permanent Secretary Gbolahan Oki described the clearance as part of urban regeneration, arguing that wider setbacks are legally required and that 100 metres was already a concession.

    “Those opposing are stubborn boys refusing to vacate. The law requires wider setbacks (up to 250 metres), but 100 metres was a concession.

    “If any power line drops into the water, it is the government they will blame,” he explained.

    Between water and the state

    As night falls again, lanterns flicker across the lagoon. Canoes rock gently, carrying traders, children, and the weight of loss. Makoko is still alive—but for how long, no one can say.

    For the families sleeping on canoe beneath open skies, history is not a museum piece. It is something they are watching disappear, one plank at a time.

  • Taiwan: From autocracy to democracy

    Taiwan: From autocracy to democracy

    • By Olayinka Oyegbile

    In the first part of this travelogue, I gave an insight into how Taiwan passed through its teething period in nationhood. In this continuation, I intend to deal more with its democratic structures and how it handles democratic challenges and continues to work at perfecting it.

    The road to democracy for the country was not smooth. In 1947, the ROC Constitution was promulgated. However, in March, troops were dispatched from mainland China to put down the uprising by residents of Taiwan as a result of what came to be known as the February 28 Incident.

    By 1948, through a mixture of various events and with the full-scale war in China between the Kuomintang-led ROC government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a National Mobilisation for Suppression of Communist Rebellion was enacted. This overrode the ROC Constitution and expanded presidential powers to do lots of things the government thought was necessary to curb or suppress rebellion on the island.

    As a result of the defeat of the ROC government by the Communists, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang-led government moved the seat of its government to Taiwan. He was followed by about 1.2 million loyalists. This was the beginning of the promulgation of the martial law in 1947, which lasted till 1987.

    I have taken the interest in narrating this story because my four-month post-doctoral research fellowship facilitated by the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) was for me to spend those months to research into the effects of the martial law and compare it with the military decrees that we had in Nigeria.

    Taiwan and Nigeria have since become democratic. Taiwan spent 38 years under the martial law with the death of many pro-democracy activists. In 1996, it returned to an elective democracy with Kuomintang’s (KMT) Lee Teng-hui winning the election with 54 per cent of the votes.

    Four years later (2000), the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) under the leadership of Chen Shui-Ban was elected as president, thus breaking the over half a century hold on power by the KMT. It was the first-ever direct transfer of power by the ROC government.

    Eight years later (2008) the KMT came back to power with Ma Ying-jeou taking over from the DPP.  In 2012, he won his re-election. He was succeeded by Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP, who served for two terms from 2016 to 2024 before her party’s candidate Lai Ching-te, the incumbent president, won the general election in 2024.

    The tenure of President Lai has been dogged with tension and increasing palpable fear that China, which has always claimed “Taiwan is a province of China” might launch an attack on the country anytime. This has informed some of the actions that the Taiwanese government has been taking and how it reacts to world events.

    Internally, most of the citizens are aware of this, but they are determined to maintain the democracy the country enjoys and the periodic elections that allow them to vote and express their will.

    Many agree that as much as there might be some similarities in their language and culture with mainland China, they are different, not only because they are a democracy but also because they don’t want to be subsumed under the hegemony of China. One of the sure tests of the country’s democracy was the recall vote of some legislators which was held between July and August, which I witnessed.

    Warming up to the election dates, one could notice at street corners, at entrances to train stations and major public buildings and streets, campaigners trying to convince voters to vote for the recall of the legislators who are mainly members of the KMT, the party that is often suspected of having a sympathy for the Communist Party in China.

    In the 2024 election, the ruling DPP won the presidency but failed to get the control of the parliament (the Yuan), which is dominated by the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). The recall vote was meant to whittle down their power and influence, but it failed.

    While some saw the defeat of the recall process as a failure on the part of the ruling DPP, others saw it as a test of the strength and endurance of the country’s democracy.

    Taiwan is today the world’s biggest player in the semi-conductor industry. Through the Taiwan Semi-conductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), it has dominated over 60% of global chip output and 90% of the most advanced chips.

    A British travel agency which rates cities around the world for their safety and livability, rates Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, as the second safest city to explore at night.

    Talking about safety, Taiwan is perhaps the only country I have visited where surfing of phones in the dead of the night on a lonely street is not a risk. Apart from the well-lit streets, there are no robbers or thieves ready to kill or snatch your phone!

    According to the British travel agency, Taipei is “Known for its clean streets, good lighting, and low crime. The city’s lively night markets and urban areas are safe for locals and tourists alike.”

    It added that travellers particularly enjoy Taipei 101 after dark, “when the iconic tower is beautifully lit and offers stunning nighttime views.”

    However, the recent invasion of Venezuela and the capture of former President Nicholas Maduro and his wife has brought some concern to the international community with the fear that this may embolden China which has been eyeing Taiwan for long to do same under the so called “One China policy”.

    Sabella Abidde, a professor of Political Science at Alabama State University, USA said what President Donald Trump has done “opens the door, for instance, for Xi Jinping to kidnap and try Lai Ching-te; for Vladimir Putin to snatch Volodymyr Zelenskyy; and for Benjamin Netanyahu to abduct Masoud Pezeshkian and Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Iran.”

    Read Also: Taiwan: A country with the most efficient integrated transport system

    Abidde, who is the leading scholar on Africa-China-Taiwan Relations, is of the opinion that “There was and continues to be a misreading of the 1971 UN General Assembly Resolution 2758, which recognised the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the singular representative of the Chinese World, which, for the most part, has resulted in the ‘One China Policy.’”

    Despite the odds however, Taiwanese are solidly behind the democratic system in their island and feel proud of it.

    (to be concluded)

    • Dr Oyegbile, journalist and media scholar just concluded a post-doctoral fellowship at Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD).