The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Imperatives of Tinubu’s second term and transformative initiatives

    Imperatives of Tinubu’s second term and transformative initiatives

    Lagos lawyer, PRINCE ORIOLA ADEYEMI in this piece lend arguments in support of transformative initiatives of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and why he needs a second term to complete the task

    As Nigeria marked the 26th year of unbroken democratic governance on June 12, 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s address to a joint session of the National Assembly was more than a ceremonial speech—it was a powerful reaffirmation of his government’s vision, its achievements, and, above all, its commitment to democratic ideals and national renewal. In a time when cynicism often clouds the public square, President Tinubu offered Nigerians something rare: clarity, purpose, and a sense of enduring hope.

    His address should be seen for what it truly is—a case not just for the endurance of democracy, but for the continuation of a presidency committed to structural reform, national inclusion, and economic revival. As 2027 approaches, the real question before Nigerians is not just who will lead us next, but who deserves the mandate to complete the transformational journey already begun.

    President Tinubu is not new to the trenches of Nigeria’s democratic fight. As he recalled in his speech, he stood alone in 2003 against a ruling party bent on eliminating opposition, refusing to bow to pressure or manipulation. He endured hardships for democracy during military rule, paying tribute to both well-known and lesser-known individuals from various backgrounds who sacrificed for freedom on June 12.

    A man with his pedigree, who has lived the sacrifice of democracy, can be trusted to protect it. He reminded Nigerians that the APC will never become a one-party state and emphatically rejected any moves in that direction. In an era where democratic backsliding is a global trend, President Tinubu’s reassurance on pluralism and open political competition cannot be overstated. For many years, the democratic system in Nigeria has been weakened by unstable institutions and reliance on influential leaders. President Tinubu is changing that.

    By endorsing the National Assembly’s autonomy and pushing for bipartisan reform, he displays a constructive leadership style that is uncommon in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. His recognition of the legislature’s significant role— whether in upholding the constitution against attempts for a presidential third term or ensuring stable leadership during national crises—highlights his profound respect for governmental institutions. President Tinubu governs through dialogue rather than control, exemplifying democratic leadership.

    When President Tinubu assumed office in 2023, Nigeria’s economy was burdened by debt, high inflation, foreign exchange volatility, and dwindling investor confidence. In just two years, the narrative is shifting. GDP growth rebounded to 4.6 pe4r cent in Q4 of 2024—the strongest in over a decade. Inflation is slowing, with food prices stabilising and local production picking up. The naira has stabilised, and foreign reserves have grown fivefold—a remarkable achievement.

    Consumer credit access has expanded rapidly, bringing dignity and opportunity to over 100,000 Nigerians, with a new phase to empower 400,000 youth launching this July. Job creation and skills development are being boosted through bold initiatives like NELFUND, digital fiber expansion, and a credit guarantee company backed by N100 billion. These are not theoretical policies or future promises.

    They are active, measurable reforms lifting Nigerians out of poverty and restoring confidence in our economy. President Tinubu has done in two years what many governments failed to achieve in eight. While acknowledging that national security remains a work in progress, Tinubu’s government has coordinated better intelligence, secured highways, and improved inter-agency collaboration. Rather than engaging in political maneuvering, he has sought to establish a professional approach to national security.

    Read Also: Stakeholders call for review of Nigeria’s health insurance scheme

    He has also shown remarkable sensitivity to national unity, with inclusive policies and recognitions that cut across geopolitical zones and social divisions. Conferring national honors on figures like Ken Saro-Wiwa and Kudirat Abiola, alongside national heroes from the Nigeria South, North, East, and West, shows President Tinubu’s presidency is one of healing and nation-building—not partisan scoring. By aligning his presidency with the spirit of June 12—democracy, equity, justice, and accountability— President Tinubu places himself in the continuum of Nigeria’s democratic struggle.

    His ambition for a second term does not stem from a desire for power in itself; he is committed to completing the vital work necessary for the nation’s transformation. And this work is well underway—from digital infrastructure to tax reform, energy policy to SME financing, and youth development to diaspora engagement.

    In a democratic system, securing a second term should not occur by default; it requires active justification and merit. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has earned it—through sacrifice, service, and measurable progress. He has provided a tested commitment to democracy, even at personal cost and has engaged a disciplined economic policy that is already producing results. Furthermore, he has embraced inclusive governance that honors Nigeria’s diverse peoples and histories and has commenced several forward-thinking infrastructure investments, setting the foundation for long-term growth.

    Nigerians need to rise above distractions and noise. The elections in 2027 will center on themes of continuity versus upheaval, advancement versus decline, and strategic leadership versus ambition lacking direction. Re-electing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not about overlooking existing challenges; rather, it is about building on the progress that has been achieved.

    It signifies a commitment to pursuing the Nigerian dream until it is fully realised. Bola Ahmed Tinubu merits a second term—not solely for his identity, but for the potential transformation of Nigeria under his ongoing leadership.

    • Prince Oriola Olawale Adeyemi is a lawyer and Partner at Adomi Advisory Group

  • Olamide to headline Mainland Block Party’s ‘Mission 26k’

    Olamide to headline Mainland Block Party’s ‘Mission 26k’

    Africa’s youth festival, Mainland BlockParty, has said hip-hop titan, Olamide, will headline its anticipated ‘Mission 26k.’

    Holding on Thursday, January 1, 2026, at Mainland Wonderland, this edition follows up on the success of its ‘Wale in Wonderland’ event on Boxing Day. ‘Mission 26k’ is the platform’s most ambitious target yet, aiming to host 26,000 people for a high-energy music experience that captures the spirit of Africa’s youth scene.

    The choice of Olamide, often hailed as the “Voice of the Street,” signals a major cultural moment. This comes just weeks after the rapper cemented his global dominance by becoming the first African rapper to sell out the iconic OVO Arena Wembley in London.

    Read Also: Competition will favour Nigerians, says NNPC GCEO as market adjusts

    Rebecca Adeyanju, head of Products at The Plug, described the headliner as essential to the platform’s mission. “This is about setting the tone for the year,” Adeyanju said.

    “Olamide connects with our community, and his music speaks to people globally. Few artists embody the growth, sound, and drive of the African streets the way he does. He is a generational talent, and his impact is central to what the Mainland BlockParty represents. Having Baddo headline ‘Mission 26k’ is a major moment for us, and we  will give fans the show they have been waiting for,” she said.

    Since 2018, Mainland BlockParty has grown from a local gathering into a global festival, celebrated for its commitment to accessibility, authenticity, and youth leadership. This yearly ‘Mission’ strategy reflects the platform’s exponential growth. From ‘Mission 24k’ with Adekunle Gold to ‘Mission 25k’ with Seyi Vibez, it has constantly pushed the envelope, connecting music and beautiful people.

    Anticipation for the performance is at a fever pitch, driven by the success of Olamide’s eponymous 2025 album, Olamidé, which featured collaborations with stars like Wizkid, Asake, and Seyi Vibez.

  • FCMB-TLG Fund gets approval for N20b Series II issuance

    FCMB-TLG Fund gets approval for N20b Series II issuance

    FCMB Asset Management Limited (FCMBAM) has received regulatory approval for FCMB-TLG Private Debt Fund (the Fund) Series II Issuance of up to N20 billion, a significant milestone in the Fund’s growth strategy.

    A signing ceremony was held in Lagos to execute the relevant transaction documents, signalling the launch of the Fund’s Series II Issuance.

    James Ilori, chief executive Officer, said: “The approval of the Fund’s Series II Issuance is a validation of the confidence Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has in our ability to manage the Fund, deepen the private debt market, create value for our investors, and support investee companies. Our aim is to support those sectors of the economy that promote economic growth and development.”

    He lauded the professional parties and the regulator for their roles in ensuring the registration of the Fund’s Series II Issuance and assured them of the commitment of FCMBAM, together with its technical partner, TLG Capital Investments Limited, to ensure success of the Series II Offer, expected to open in January, subject to the relevant regulatory clearance.

    Read Also: Nigerians urged on peaceful co-existence

    Isha Doshi, of TLG Capital Investments Limited, also said: ‘’This Series II approval reflects the strengthening partnership between TLG Capital and FCMB Asset Management with a shared focus on building a robust local private credit ecosystem. Through this collaboration, we are deepening the asset class, catalyse domestic capital, and support businesses with well-structured financing that underpins sustainable growth”.

    Similar to the Fund’s Series I and building on its success, Series II has been designed to raise capital from Qualified Institutional Investors (QIIs) as well as High Net Worth Individuals (HNIs) and deploy same as corporate debt to mid-sized corporate organisations in sectors that are aligned to United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    Specifically, Series II will focus on supporting businesses in Agriculture, Clean Energy, Education, Healthcare, IT, and Transport/Logistics.

    In line with global best practices, Series II will integrate Environmental, Social, and Governance principles into its investment strategy. This ensures that capital deployment not only delivers competitive risk-adjusted returns but also promotes responsible investing and long-term impact.

  • Africa’s democratic challenge

    Africa’s democratic challenge

    By Mike Kebonkwu

    History is repeating itself in the self-same manner as it happened in post-independence Africa in the 1960s.  While we were yet basking in the euphoria of freedom and liberation from colonial dominion, some young idealistic military officers zeroed their weapons and sacked the newly elected governments for massive corruption and diversion of state resources for personal aggrandizement.

    Regrettably, the latter day saints’ military interventionists became as corrupt and inept as the politicians that they sacked. With the aggressive campaign of pro-democracy movements of the late 1970s and early 1980s, civilian governments were restored in most African countries.  The politicians soon lost the lessons learnt during the military interregnum and continued with business as usual engaging in all manners of anti-democratic practices while corruption became almost an official policy. 

    Democracy has become severely strained in most African countries with manipulative governments that do not want to relinquish power voluntarily.  Ballots are routinely rigged to maintain their hegemony and hold on power. Democracy is at a cross road and the people have lost faith in our leaders who are professional politicians without democratic credentials lacking in integrity and fidelity.  Elections have become mere rituals and brazenly rigged with official seal. 

    There is mass poverty, unemployment, collapsed infrastructures and insecurity. The economic, social and political situations in our countries are intolerably unbearable due to poor governance. The politicians recruit thugs and hooligans to maintain their hold in the political space.  The political class has constituted itself into a cartel that mocks the poverty of the masses by their ostentatious lifestyles, amassing obscene wealth while citizens have become beasts of burden. 

    In the West African sub region alone, about four countries are under effective military dictatorship; Mali, Niger Republic, Burkina Faso, while the republic of Chad is wearing  a façade of democracy.  In other parts of Africa, Gabon, Sudan and Madagascar are under military regimes.    Recently, there was rumour of coup plot discussed in hush and whispers in Nigeria that some military officers are being detained and investigated. Just a fortnight ago, some military officers attempted to forcefully take over government in Benin Republic which was foiled with the support and assistance from the Nigerian Air Force that scrambled its jet to dislodge the coup plotters who had already taken over the air waves and occupied the radio house. 

    Elections are gradually becoming mere rituals to validate the power of incumbency.  There is mass rigging, disenfranchisement of people and other anti-democratic practices. There are no longer institutional checks and balances; the legislatures and the judiciary have become appendages of the executive.  The sub-regional bodies of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and African Union (AU) routinely condemn undemocratic change of government and are quick to suspend the countries under military regimes and impose economic sanctions.  However, they ignore the root cause of the failure of good governance and abuses giving rise to coup d’état.  The reason why officials of ECOWAS and AU do not condemn the anti-democratic practices of governments is because they are also appointed by these unpopular governments as political compensation and patronage by the same corrupt regimes at home. 

    Political leaders elected under democratic government are not behaving in any way better than military dictatorships. These are civilian governments that have also used the coercive power of the state, the police and the security forces to oppress the people. 

    Military coup d’état is not the threat to democracy but the dictatorial tendencies of elected governments and abuse of power by politicians.  We are sadly at the nadir of democracy in Africa without any renaissance in focus because we dig in to defend the cartel that has taken over the political space for tribal and religious reasons.  Now our political leaders are signing out our independence to global powers for loans and defence contracts for short term gains without interrogating the consequences on the long run. The suspension of countries under military dictatorship from the regional umbrella body of ECOWAS has led to the formation of the association of the Sahel States and they are mostly former French colonies.  If the trend continues, we will soon find out that there would be self-dissolution of the regional bodies as there will be no membership left due to erosion of democratic tenets by our politicians.

    Read Also: Nigerians enjoy cheapest domestic airfares globally, says Air Peace boss 

    History teaches us that those who fail to learn from history will become victim of circumstances of the same history.   On intervention to restore elected government through military intervention, we have to be careful also not to erode the principle of meddling on the internal affairs of sovereign nations.  In particular, Nigeria as a sub-regional power should be very reflective on its posturing to protect democracy through the application of the use of force in the sub region.  We must be careful at the risk of the backlash of such actions because our situation is not very different from those countries that we are rising up to defend. We should first deal with those issues that make people to rise up against elected government.  The rule of law must be seen to be observed and the electoral processes must work and the votes of the people must count.  We must resist violent change of government by the way we play politics of exclusion. 

    Elected or appointed officials should not become emperors themselves.   The wealth of the nation must trickle down.  Africa is very rich and the people remain amongst the poorest in the world by every index of global institutional rankings. The problem of underdevelopment in Africa is crises of leadership and erosion of democratic values. Democracy and rule of law are inseparable phenomena and one reinforces the other.  The threat to democracy is abuse of power by elected government, and military coup is only the consequence.

    •Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney. He writes via mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • First Lady Remi Tinubu’s impressive exertions

    First Lady Remi Tinubu’s impressive exertions

    By Ray Epku

    When Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was on exile abroad during the Abacha days of iron-fisted dictatorship, his wife Remi was with him. They were not sure when they would return to Nigeria but they made a big push for Nigeria to return to civil rule. While they were pushing for people of goodwill all over the world to join in the fight for the replacement of military rule with constitutional rule, some cowardly politicians in Nigeria chose to surrender to Sani Abacha by making him a presidential candidate in five parties.

    In the column I wrote at the time, I called it political polyandry. The Cicero of Ibadan, Chief Bola Ige described the five parties as the “five fingers of a leprous hand.” While on exile, the idea of a foundation that would help the helpless germinated in Remi’s head.

    When Abacha died and General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over as Head of State, Tinubu and Co knew it was time to come home. Tinubu contested for the governorship of Lagos State and won. Remi became the First Lady of Lagos State. She gave birth to her Foundation which she called New Era Foundation (NEF), a vehicle that she used in promoting the wellbeing of women, youths and vulnerable persons. And when she became the First Lady of Nigeria in 2023, she gave birth to a bigger foundation called Renewed Hope Initiatives (RHI). The RHI has as its focus women, youths, the elderly and the vulnerable in the 36 states and Federal Capital Territory (FCT). This foundation is helped by three factors (a) her experience as the First Lady of Lagos State (b) Her three term tenure as a senator and (c) her role as a pastor in a prominent Pentecostal church. These three factors have enriched her qualifications for compassion and made her a stand-out First Lady.

    The only First Lady that I can remember, who distinguished herself admirably in the pursuit of improved life especially for women was Maryam Babangida whose mandate was Better Life for Women. That focus on women was very important then as it is now because in Nigeria, women are generally very badly treated by men. They treat girls and women as second class citizens while they treat boys as royalty. If a poor man has two children, a boy and a girl, he prefers to send the boy to school and the girl into marriage. If a man has a wife who has delivered all girls, he may send her away or choose to marry another wife in the hope that the new wife will give him a male child. This male child syndrome has set many homes on fire.

    The very little importance that many men attach to women is also the reason for early marriage for women in many states of the federation. Some of them use religion as an excuse for early marriage. They say that if Prophet Mohammed married Aisha at an early age, it means that Allah had given approval for early marriage. But that was in an era where there was no respect for human rights. Today, the world has developed enhanced rights for all human beings and early marriage is forbidden in most developed and developing communities.

    Renewed Hope Initiative is striving to increase opportunities for women, youth, children, the elderly and the vulnerable across the nation in such areas as education, health, agriculture, economic empowerment, food outreach and social welfare. The First Lady works in collaboration with state governments, ministries and private sector donors.

    She has done remarkably well in various sectors. She has donated one N1 billion to the National Cancer Fund to fight the scourge of cervical cancer. She is providing support for 250 persons with disabilities in each state for them to use in recapitalizing their already existing businesses. She has donated various sums of money to victims of disasters in various states. She has empowered female farmers in various states. Under the Flow with Confidence Initiative, she is distributing tons of disposable sanitary pads to girls whose education could be stymied by the lack of such pads. She also provides food and financial relief to thousands of poor Nigerians in order to break their cycles of poverty, kill hunger, alleviate hardship and improve their living standard generally. She also provides scholarships and skills acquisition programmes for young persons to enhance their employability.

     There is also the Oluremi Tinubu Gender and Public Policy Studies Centre of the National Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPPS) at Kuru Jos. This institute named after her is for the enhancement of fair gender issues and research. Its importance lies in the fact that gender issues can no longer be swept under the carpet but can be openly discussed and debated so as to enhance inclusivity and unity between the sexes.

    Read Also: Navigating Nigeria’s $1 trillion roadmap

    In executing these projects, the First Lady has exhibited exemplary courage by travelling to various places in the country generally considered unsafe for such visits. Naysayers may say that she is always generally surrounded by security operatives, but the truth is that even the most heavily protected politicians in the world have been tormented by people who don’t like them, their policies or their guts. So travelling to such places, all things considered, is a risk, a big risk.

    In our society, elderly people are generally very badly treated by young people. It is as if the young are saying “why are these ones still hanging around? Why don’t they go and give us space to operate?” Most states in Nigeria do not have programmes for taking care of the aged. The exceptions are Ekiti and Akwa Ibom. Perhaps there are a few others that I do not know about but it is certain that most of the states do not give some soul-lifting attention to the aged. That makes the attention that the First Lady is paying to the aged worthy of emulation by First Ladies in all the states of the federation if their husbands do not have such programmes in their states. If implemented, such programmes have the effect of giving immense joy and fulfilment to these elderly citizens in the evening of their lives. Such joy is immeasurable, because the aged constitute a huge chunk of the persons that are generally ignored in our country. They can be found among the retired military personnel, retired civil and public servants whose pensions and gratuity are often delayed or withheld or paid in bits and pieces or not paid at all for years. And these are people who had served the nation for many years in various capacities until they retired. Why should we pay them back with ingratitude at a time that they deserve our love and affection. The First Lady is showing us the way to treat them. We should in our individual and corporate capacities show them love too.

    The First Lady’s rhetoric is partly derived from her work as a pastor. She told some young persons: “Faith without work is dead. Go and work for this country. Let this country grow.” While President Bola Tinubu and the opposition are having exciting exchanges on such issues as insecurity, economy, hardship, poverty and one party state, the First Lady’s exertions are obviously adding some value to Tinubu’s achievements. That will be Mrs Tinubu’s most important contribution to 2027.

  • Washington’s Taiwan card: Poking China in the eye

    Washington’s Taiwan card: Poking China in the eye

    By Charles Onunaiju

    The U.S latest and most provocative escalation on the Taiwan question; an unprecedented $11.1 billion arms sales to China’s Taiwan region, have drawn China’s decisive countermeasures on U.S. military-linked companies and senior executives and which is neither impulsive nor symbolic but a calibrated step to the provocations.

    The provocative actions of the U.S once again expose a fundamental contradiction at the heart of U.S.-China policy—professing adherence to the one-China principle while steadily hollowing it out in practice. In doing so, the United States is playing with fire in one of the most sensitive fault-lines in global geopolitics.

    The Taiwan question is not a peripheral issue for China. It lies at the very centre of China’s core interests, touching sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national dignity. It is the political bedrock upon which China–U.S. relations rest and the first red line that cannot be crossed. Yet Washington continues to test this boundary, step by step, weapon shipment by weapon shipment, as if erosion through repetition could somehow rewrite political reality.

    The one-China principle is not a concept merely devised by China for diplomatic convenience, but a mainstream norm of international relations that underpins the post–World War II international order. It is copiously reflected in United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 in 1971, which restored the lawful seat of the People’s Republic of China at the United Nations and recognized it as the sole legitimate representative of China. By decisively resolving the question of China’s representation and rejecting any arrangement involving “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan,” the resolution provides an essential international legal and political foundation for the one-China principle. This principle constitutes the political basis of China’s relations with all countries, including the United States.

    When China and the United States normalized relations, Washington explicitly acknowledged this reality. Such acknowledgment was neither ambiguous nor optional, but was formally codified in a series of joint political documents that continue to define the parameters of bilateral relations. Any attempt to hollow out or undermine the one-China principle, therefore, goes beyond a diplomatic disagreement; it strikes at the very foundation upon which China–U.S. relations were established and sustained, and put the U.S political credibility and integrity to test.

    The premise governing China–U.S. relations on Taiwan is cast on the pillar of the three Joint Communiqués, each carrying clear obligations for the U.S. side. The 1972 Shanghai Communiqué marked the starting point of normalization between the United States and China. In it, the United States stated that it “acknowledges that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China.” This was a political acknowledgment of China’s position, reflecting a serious step toward recognition and was never a mere rhetorical courtesy.

    The 1979 Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations consolidated this position and further, the United States formally recognized the government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government of China and committed itself to maintaining only unofficial relations with Taiwan. Official diplomatic recognition of Beijing and military support for Taiwan are inherently incompatible, a game, the U.S has played overtime and cannot sustain without an injury to its credibility.

    The 1982 Communiqué addressed the arms issue directly. In it, the United States pledged that it did not seek a long-term policy of arms sales to Taiwan and that such sales would neither exceed previous levels nor grow in quality or quantity. It also expressed an intention to gradually reduce and ultimately resolve the arms sales issue.

    Today’s reality could not be further from those commitments. Far from reducing arms sales, Washington has expanded them in scale, sophistication, and frequency. What was once portrayed as “defensive” has steadily morphed into systems with clear offensive and strategic implications. The gap between U.S. words and actions has become so wide that credibility itself has fallen through the cracks and the Washington elite must bear responsibility to increasing tensions in one of the world’s most important economic arteries with implications for seamless trade and other crucial economic intercourse to the global community.

    The United States claims that its arms sales are meant to preserve “peace and stability” across the Taiwan Strait collapses under scrutiny and cannot stand the rigour of basic scrutiny. Pouring advanced weaponry into a sensitive region does not extinguish flames; it fans them. It emboldens separatist elements on the island, distorts threat perceptions, and raises the risk of miscalculation.

    Encouraged by U.S. backing, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) authorities in the Taiwan region have increasingly indulged in the dangerous illusion of “seeking independence with external support.” Arms purchases are framed as security guarantees, yet in reality, they turn Taiwan into a forward outpost and a potential battlefield. The island is being transformed into a pawn on a geopolitical chessboard, its safety wagered for Washington’s strategic games.

    Meanwhile, Taiwan residents are asked to foot the bill—billions diverted from social welfare, infrastructure, and public services into overpriced weapons that line the pockets of U.S. military contractors. It is a textbook case of selling fear at a premium, offering sugar-coated poison under the guise of security.

    To understand Washington’s behaviour, one must look beyond rhetoric and examine the driving logic behind its actions. In the context of the lingering Cold War mind-set, Washington sees China as a strategic rival and treats Taiwan not as a people to protect, but as a pawn to contain China’s development—a convenient lever along the so-called first island chain. Its massive arms sales are not about Taiwan’s security; they are designed to slow China’s development and obstruct national reunification; a strategy doomed to failure but with considerable latitude to sow chaos in the region.

    Second is the grip of the military-industrial complex. U.S. arms sales to Taiwan are a lucrative treadmill of tension: political figures approve deals while in office, then walk through the revolving door into defence corporations, ensuring that profit continually outbids prudence. Taiwan’s billions are funnelled into weapons that serve Washington’s interests, not the island’s; a Socratic hemlock disguised as protection.

    A perpetually tense Taiwan Strait allows the United States to justify its military presence, assert influence over regional allies, and maintain its self-styled role as the “stabilizer.” Such brinkmanship may serve American ambition, but it does so at the expense of regional stability and the well-being of the Taiwanese people. The popular rhetoric among the Washington elite that Taiwan is deliberately framed as a strategic ambiguity, to provoke Beijing is turning into a poisoned choice, as Washington get served with its own delicacy.

    Read Also: Hakeem Shitta: Why Nigeria must cherish, preserve arts, cultural history — Curator

    China’s principled countermeasures are neither excessive nor arbitrary. They are fully grounded in domestic law, particularly the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law, and align with international legal principles.  The measures are precisely targeted at U.S. entities and individuals directly involved in arms sales to Taiwan, sparing ordinary citizens and legitimate commercial activity. This restraint underscores China’s responsible and lawful approach, sending a clear message: actions undermining China’s sovereignty will have proportionate consequences.

    More broadly, these countermeasures reveal the true cost of U.S. provocations and expose the pretence of “defensive arms sales.” They curb the overconfidence of separatist forces in Taiwan and reaffirm that external interference cannot alter China’s historical trajectory or determination.

    China’s commitment to peaceful reunification, dialogue, and development, is not passive, and restraint does not imply surrender. On matters of sovereignty, China’s position is firm and uncompromising. The reunification of China is not a question of if, but when—anchored in historical legitimacy, law, and the collective will of the Chinese people.

    China’s resolve is clear, its patience measured, and its determination unwavering. The red line has been drawn. Crossing it will not halt history—it will only hasten the consequences.

    Africa countries, whose muscular cooperation with China are adding crucially to rewriting the region’s prospects, as it strives for economic recovery, inclusive and sustainable development must raise their voices and act in concert to the universal consensus of the “One-China Principle” with its implications for a peaceful and stable international system under which Africa’s renaissance can be sustained and enjoy even brighter prospects.

     •Onunaiju is research director of Abuja based think tank.

  • Africa’s reparations drive; new phase in post-colonial realignment

    Africa’s reparations drive; new phase in post-colonial realignment

    By Stanley Olisa

    For most of the post-independence era, debates over colonial reparations were confined to university halls, activist statements, or sporadic diplomatic remarks. That is no longer the case. In recent months, African leaders have begun to articulate a proposition that moves beyond rhetoric: a coordinated continental claim for reparations from the United Kingdom and other former colonial powers.

    The latest indication of this shift came at a conference in Algiers, where diplomats and policymakers gathered to advance an African Union (AU) resolution calling for colonial crimes to be formally recognised, criminalised and addressed through reparations. As Algeria’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf put it, this is about asserting that “Africa is entitled to demand the official and explicit recognition of the crimes committed against its peoples during the colonial period,” and that such recognition is “an indispensable first step towards addressing the consequences of that era” that still weigh heavily on the continent’s political and economic landscape.

    This is neither symbolic nor academic. The AU resolution builds on discussions earlier this year in Addis Ababa, where member states debated, formally defining colonialism as a crime against humanity. That framing, if codified within international law, could reshape the legal architecture for claims against former colonial powers, allowing African states to pursue claims collectively rather than piecemeal.

    One of the most notable contributions to this emerging climate came from Nigeria in September, when Senator Prince Ned Nwoko submitted a formal demand for $5 trillion in reparations to the British government, not as an isolated plea but as a potential blueprint for a broader AU strategy. While London rejected the claim, the incident highlighted that the moment has moved from the periphery into active diplomatic exchange.

    The British government has consistently resisted legal reparations, asserting that its modern relationships with African nations should be viewed in terms of partnership rather than historical liability. But, official positions and public sentiment are increasingly at odds. Across Africa and the diaspora, there is a growing insistence that colonialism be treated not as a distant chapter but as a foundational force whose legacies persist in contemporary governance, economies and social structures.

    Economic historians estimate the scale of colonial extraction in Africa in the trillions of dollars, as European powers siphoned natural resources- from gold and diamonds to rubber and agricultural commodities- with little benefit returned to local populations. What remains less debated but increasingly visible is the institutional design left behind: borders drawn without regard to ethnic or social realities, financial systems oriented towards external investors rather than internal development, and legal frameworks that privileged extraction over equitable governance. These structures did not dissolve at independence; they were inherited.

    The reparations conversation is not limited to Africa’s borders. Caribbean nations, organised under the CARICOM Reparations Commission, have for years pursued reparatory justice from former colonial states, including Britain. Their 10-point plan encompasses a range of measures from formal apologies and debt cancellation to educational programmes and cultural restitution. Although European governments have largely rejected these claims, the persistence of the Caribbean agenda has kept reparations within the global diplomatic discourse.

    For many African policymakers, the Caribbean example demonstrates both the complexity and the potential of a sustained, structured reparations strategy. A unified African approach could harness legal expertise, diplomatic leverage and historical research to make claims that are difficult to dismiss as purely symbolic.

    There are also concrete legal precedents that illustrate how historical injustices have been addressed. A notable example is the settlement between the British government and Kenyan victims of the Mau Mau uprising, in which the UK agreed to pay compensation to thousands of former detainees and issued an official expression of regret. While not framed as reparations for colonial rule per se, it shows that legal avenues exist to acknowledge past wrongs and provide redress.

    Beyond legal considerations, the cultural dimension remains potent. Artefacts removed during colonial conquests, such as sacred objects and royal treasures that now reside in European museums, continue to spark debate over cultural ownership and restitution. For many Africans, the return of such items represents a reclaiming of historical narrative and identity, an attempt to redress the erasures that often accompany conquest.

    Read Also: Hakeem Shitta: Why Nigeria must cherish, preserve arts, cultural history — Curator

    Another indicator of this broader intellectual shift is how younger generations are engaging with history. Access to digital archives, documentaries and online discussion has changed how young Africans view empire and its aftermath. Works like ‘From Slaves to Bond’ have circulated widely on social media, connecting historical events to present-day political and economic questions without reducing them to simplistic grievances. The impact of such content reflects a deeper public interest in understanding how the past shapes the possibilities of the future.

    Critics argue that focusing on reparations could distract from domestic governance challenges. However, this framing obscures the fact that many of those challenges, like underdevelopment, debt dependence, and institutional fragility, are tethered to systems designed in the colonial period. Addressing historical injustice, therefore, is not a detour from development but part of disentangling post-colonial states from structures that have impeded self-determination.

    The path ahead will not be linear. Legal definitions must be clarified, diplomatic strategies calibrated and political will sustained across diverse African states with differing priorities. Former colonial powers are likely to resist far-reaching claims, and there is no guarantee of swift or substantial material restitution.

    But the significance of the current moment is not limited to financial equations. What is unfolding is a continental assertion that history cannot be compartmentalised or deferred. The conversation in Algiers and the ensuing discussions among African capitals demonstrate a growing consensus that the economic, political, and cultural legacies of colonialism still matter in concrete ways.

    Whether Britain and other European states choose to engage with these claims seriously remains an open question. What is clear, however, is that the dialogue has shifted: from isolated national appeals to continental coordination and from moral lament to strategic planning. In doing so, African states are staking a claim not just to compensation but to a more equitable understanding of global history and its ongoing consequences.

  • Why NWDC should not be hampered by funding delay

    Why NWDC should not be hampered by funding delay

    Sir: The North West Development Commission (NWDC) was established to address one of Nigeria’s most pronounced developmental disparities. Encompassing seven states, 186 local government areas, and serving over 54 million people, the Northwest represents nearly a quarter of the nation’s population. It is also the region most afflicted by insecurity, poverty, educational deprivation, climate pressures, and youth unemployment.

    In this context, the NWDC transcends the remit of a conventional intervention agency, functioning as a stabilisation mechanism whose effectiveness has direct implications for the Northwest and Nigeria’s broader stability, prosperity, and cohesion.

    Almost a year after the appointment of its board, the commission has yet to attain full operational momentum. Oversight engagements with a joint committee of the National Assembly revealed persistent internal governance tensions that have impeded progress. The Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer, Professor Shehu Abdullahi Ma’aji, disclosed ongoing disputes regarding statutory responsibilities between the Board and Management. These disagreements have constrained decision-making and delayed the execution of essential initiatives.

    Although such frictions are not unusual during the early stages of new public bodies, they should not obscure a more pressing concern: the non-release of the commission’s take-off grant. Without this critical financial foundation, the NWDC remains structurally limited in translating its statutory mandate into tangible and measurable developmental outcomes.

    During oversight proceedings, the National Assembly emphasised the vital importance of the commission’s mission. Lawmakers noted that the Northwest bears a disproportionate share of Nigeria’s development challenges, including the highest numbers of out-of-school children, widespread banditry, kidnapping, drug abuse, arms proliferation, and environmental degradation. These challenges are not abstract; they are lived realities that disrupt livelihoods, displace communities, and escalate security expenditures.

    The NWDC was established specifically to tackle these complex and interconnected challenges. Its mandate is deliberately expansive, covering security, agriculture, education, infrastructure, health, youth and women empowerment, ecology, and mining. The commission’s approved budget, with roughly 75 per cent allocated to capital projects, demonstrates a commitment to action over bureaucratic inertia. Yet budgetary approval alone, without timely disbursement, represents legislative intention without practical implementation.

    The managing director has underscored the foundational work already undertaken. These include engagement with state governors, participation in national and international development forums, the establishment of functional organisational structures, and partnerships with major development institutions such as the World Bank, African Development Bank, Islamic Development Bank, UNDP, JICA, GIZ, and the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Strategic initiatives, including the creation of a Northwest Investment Company and the development of power, transport, and commodity exchange platforms, reflect foresight and readiness to deliver.

    Nonetheless, strategic frameworks and partnerships cannot replace execution. Roads cannot be constructed, schools rehabilitated, security infrastructure deployed, nor agricultural productivity enhanced without adequate funding. The protracted delay in releasing the take-off grant has confined the commission to preparatory activities, reinforcing the perception that visibility has taken precedence over tangible impact.

    Read Also: Stakeholders call for review of Nigeria’s health insurance scheme

    The urgency of disbursing the take-off grant extends beyond administrative convenience; it is a matter of national interest. The Northwest functions as Nigeria’s agricultural backbone, and instability in the region undermines national food security. Insecurity diverts federal security resources, while educational deprivation contributes to chronic unemployment and social fragility. Financial empowerment of the NWDC is not a regional concession but a strategic instrument of prudent national risk management.

    The release of the grant would enhance accountability. Access to funds would enable the establishment of clear performance benchmarks, enforceable timelines, and meaningful legislative oversight. Withholding, by contrast, obscures responsibility and allows underperformance to be attributed to structural limitations rather than managerial competence.

    Addressing governance challenges and releasing the take-off grant must proceed simultaneously, as development imperatives cannot wait for administrative perfection. Equally critical is managerial cohesion. Harmonious collaboration between the Board and Management is indispensable for accelerating decision-making, optimising resource deployment, and delivering measurable results. Disunity at the top will only prolong delays, undermine public confidence, and restrict the commission’s capacity to fulfil its mandate.

    Ultimately, the success of the NWDC will be measured not by the sophistication of its strategies but by the improvements in the lives of those it serves. For the Northwest, the take-off grant represents a crucial opportunity to tackle entrenched challenges through coordinated action. For Nigeria, it is a timely and strategic investment in stability, productivity, and national cohesion that can no longer be deferred.

    •Abdulrashid Sani Gimi, PhD, Kaduna.

  • Gains, pains of Nigeria telecom sector in 2025

    Gains, pains of Nigeria telecom sector in 2025

    Sir: In 2025, Nigeria’s telecommunications sector finds itself at a defining moment. Once celebrated as one of the country’s most successful liberalisation stories, the industry now sits between resilience and public discontent.

    While operators are recording higher revenues and data usage continues to grow, consumers are increasingly frustrated by rising costs, inconsistent service quality and controversial billing practices. The story of Nigeria’s telecom sector in 2025 is therefore one of gains, pains, and an urgent need for a clearer path forward.

    Despite economic headwinds, inflation, naira depreciation and rising operational costs, the telecom industry has remained one of Nigeria’s most resilient sectors.

    Data consumption continues to surge. Even after a significant upward review of tariffs in early 2025, Nigerians did not reduce their reliance on mobile internet. On the contrary, data usage recorded double-digit growth within months, underlining how deeply connectivity has become embedded in daily life, from business and banking to education, entertainment and social interaction.

    Operators also benefited financially from the long-overdue tariff adjustment. For more than a decade, telecom prices remained largely static while costs soared. The 2025 tariff increase improved cash flows and strengthened the balance sheets of major players, enabling them to better absorb forex pressures and rising energy expenses. Industry analysts estimate that data services alone could generate trillions of naira in revenue this year.

    In addition, Nigeria’s teledensity remains strong, and mobile broadband penetration continues to expand, reinforcing telecoms as a critical pillar of the digital economy and a major contributor to GDP.

    While operators speak of sustainability, many subscribers feel the burden has shifted squarely onto them.

    The 2025 tariff hike, affecting voice, data and SMS, sparked widespread backlash. For millions of Nigerians whose incomes have not kept pace with inflation, the cost of staying connected has become increasingly painful. Students, small businesses and low-income earners are particularly affected, as connectivity is no longer a luxury but a necessity.

    More troubling for consumers is that higher prices have not translated into better service. Complaints about slow internet speeds, frequent network outages, dropped calls, and inconsistent coverage remain common across major networks. In many areas, especially outside urban centres, service quality remains unreliable.

    Infrastructure challenges play a major role. Frequent fibre cuts, vandalism of base stations, power shortages and high diesel costs continue to undermine network performance. Operators spend billions annually repairing damaged infrastructure, costs that ultimately find their way back to subscribers.

    This disconnect between price and performance has eroded trust. Many users now question whether the industry’s gains are coming at the expense of service quality and consumer welfare.

    Another flashpoint in 2025 has been the controversy surrounding USSD services, which are widely used for mobile banking and financial transactions.

    Read Also: Stakeholders call for review of Nigeria’s health insurance scheme

    Under a new billing model, telecom operators now charge subscribers directly for USSD sessions, rather than billing banks. While the move brought clarity and ended years of opaque deductions, it also introduced new costs for users, particularly those who rely heavily on USSD for daily transactions.

    For low-income Nigerians and those without smartphones or mobile apps, USSD remains the most accessible gateway to financial services. Even modest per-session charges can quickly add up, raising concerns about financial inclusion and affordability.

    The USSD debate highlights a recurring theme in Nigeria’s telecom space: reforms that make business sense but risk alienating the very consumers the sector depends on.

    For Nigeria’s telecom sector to thrive sustainably beyond 2025, several issues must be addressed decisively.

    First, service quality must improve. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) must enforce stricter quality-of-service benchmarks and ensure that tariff increases are matched by measurable network improvements. The NCC has barked enough; it must now show that it can bite. Consumers deserve value for money.

    Second, infrastructure protection should be treated as a national priority. Telecom assets are critical infrastructure and should be safeguarded accordingly. Reducing vandalism and fibre damage would significantly improve service reliability and reduce costs.

    Third, regulatory and operating costs need reform. High right-of-way charges, multiple taxation and inconsistent state-level policies continue to inflate operating expenses. Harmonising these costs would ease pressure on operators and, in the long run, subscribers.

    Fourth, affordability and inclusion must remain central. Targeted data plans for students, small businesses and rural communities can help ensure that higher tariffs do not deepen the digital divide.

    Finally, consumer engagement and transparency are key. Clear billing, responsive customer service and honest communication will go a long way in rebuilding trust between operators and subscribers.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Reconsider ban on buses and tricycles in Enugu

    Reconsider ban on buses and tricycles in Enugu

    Sir: One decision taken by Enugu State government which will hit everyone like thunder bolt come January 1, 2026 is the ban placed on buses and tricycles in most major roads within the state. The introduction of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) powered buses for intra-state transportation by government is highly commendable. CNG buses are environmentally friendly.

    However, any attempt to prevent other stakeholders from plying major routes within the city transport ecosystem by invoking the powers of state to take over substantial chunk of the sector providing employment for individuals and struggling group of people stifles competition. It shrinks further the informal sector potentials, daily and family incomes.

    Nigeria is a vanguard of free market economy where forces of demand and supply converge to drive businesses. Let it not be seen that Enugu State government tends to avoid healthy market competition.  This government should not be seen to have reinforced monopolistic tendencies. Nothing stops government vehicles from operating side by side existing buses and tricycles. It will offer ndi Enugu better options to choose among many lots. That is practical democratisation of the transport system in practice.

    Read Also: U.S., Nigeria get kudos on joint strike on terrorists

    For the avoidance of doubt, previous administrations of Chimaroke Nnamani and Sullivan Chime had done things similar. Today, the impacts of such policies can be seen in the absence or worse still, relics of those vehicles parked for years in mechanic workshops.

    What is needed from government is the creation of enabling environment and infrastructure to drive the system like the bus terminals already constructed in selected locations in the state. It is left for government to charge affordable transport fare very competitive with other buses. There should be robust mechanism which ensures that statutory levies are paid as at when due by bus drivers while a directive for everyone to patronise the Bus Terminals and decongest blocked access roads by commuters within the area will bring the needed sanity.

    There are hardly jobs opportunities available at the moment in Nigeria nay – Enugu. Therefore, limiting the potentials of individuals striving to survive through transport entrepreneurship should be totally discouraged.

    If government goes on with its plan in January, the act will put more strain on the already strained lower stratum of the society and artisans who eke a living through private sector driven transportation system. Moreover, the relative peace and security ndi Enugu take for granted may be ruptured as a result of resurgence of  crimes and criminality. The old aphorism that an idle mind is the devils workshop should not be taken for granted. Government should not be seen as an enabler of unemployment.

    •Sunday Onyemaechi Eze, Uzo Uwani LGA, Enugu State.