The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

  • Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo—A lovely man

    Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo—A lovely man

    By Kolade Mosuro

    The conference call came in on the morning of May 24, from his daughters, Bunmi and Yinka, that their father, Prof Ayo Banjo, had passed on. The news was met with a moment of silence, my heart missed a beat, but I composed myself enough to comfort them. To the world, Prof Ayo Banjo, a star academic, had passed on. To them, it was their father who had passed, and these were two different matters. They sobbed from the weight of the loss. The personal bereavement was bound to transcend family because Prof Ayo Banjo was distinguished not only for his academics but also equally distinguished and lovely for his friendliness and the sweetness of his general disposition.

    I met him for the first time in 1963 at Government College, Ibadan, where he was a teacher. He briefly taught us English in 1964.

    Prof Ayo Banjo was an unmistakable personality. He was tall, sprightly and elegant. His writing was neat and clear. The writing had a special calligraphic loop to it which made it uniquely different and legible. It gave the picture of a reflective, precise and organised mind. And he was. In voice, he had a baritone, acquired from his father—deep, calmly, assuredly and inviting. It was a voice that characterised his persona. It was also a voice that distinctly conveyed his profession. English had to be enunciated with flex, tenor and tone. With him, the delivery was with a distinct voice.

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    I was in one of his many presentations as the vice-chancellor of the University of Ibadan, where he stood, as usual, tall while his voice reverberated, bouncing off the walls of Trenchard Hall, commanding the full attention of the audience and fascinating the listener. Late Professor Tunde Bajah, sitting next to me, was enraptured. He looked at me, ‘I will follow this man blindfolded’, he submitted. He was under the spell of good leadership and so was the entire university when Professor Banjo led them. There was that aura about him. He exuded leadership, grace, humility and charm. Whatever the assignment, you knew Prof Banjo was deep, measured and balanced in action. For that reason, the academic community across the country took their problems to him and he gladly obliged.

    In 1994, about thirty years after our first interaction, we met again, this time professionally. He had, of course, gone on to seal an outstanding career and considerable reputation as an academic and an administrator in the university while I was a burgeoning publisher. I was going to be publishing a book for him and Prof Ayo Bamgbose, another academic titan, titled New Englishes: A West African Perspective. That publishing assignment formed the beginning of a re-invigorated friendship that was to last to the very end.

    Some 22 or so years ago, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of Britain, as part of her global cost-cutting measures asked the British Council to close down some of its libraries worldwide. For Nigeria, the libraries in Calabar, Kaduna, Ibadan, Enugu and Port Harcourt were marked to be closed. When word reached me, Dr Victoria Okojie, the British Council Librarian in Ibadan, and I went to see the late Prof Ladipo Akinkugbe, another academic giant, and then Prof Ayo Banjo. I argued rather than close the Ibadan British Council Library that we should take the British Council Library over. We should form a Society to run it. This gave birth to the Initiative for Information, Arts and Culture Development in Nigeria (IACD). Happily, the British Council acceded to our proposition and handed the Ibadan library to us. We turned it over, better than what it was, and it became more than a library for us. It became a Library and Resource Centre. At the start, the late Prof Ladipo Akinkugbe was our president, and then Prof Ayo Banjo before the baton was passed on to me.

    I remember vividly at its inception that Prof Ayo Banjo insisted that our mandate include a vision for the promotion of civilisation espoused through the written word. In very shrouded language, he was promoting the intercourse of knowledge across the world. Man’s advancement has been through rigour of thought and ideas, most of which have been documented. The library aspired to provide access and space for intergenerational interaction. That the Library and Resource Centre remains today, the only one out of the five marked to be closed 22 years after is a testament to his vision and an enduring legacy of his commitment to scholarship, his doggedness, and the resilience of the Society.

    About nine years ago, General Muhammad Buhari won the election for his first presidential term in office. As a result of this election victory and prior to assuming office, Buhari embarked on a goodwill trip around Nigeria to notable Nigerians who may have played a part in his success or whom he would be leaning on for support when he assumed office. The tour took him to Ijebu-Ode for a visit to the Awujale. To receive him, the Awujale, in turn, invited his chiefs and a few of his subjects to join him. I ran into Prof Banjo on the appointed date as we approached the big circular Lion Conference Room of the Awujale. This room was going to serve as a holding bay before proceeding to the Banquet Hall, all in the palace. By the time we got in, the room was filled up with only one empty seat available, which I nudged Prof Ayo Banjo to take. He moved to the seat and a few people came around to greet him while I stood by his seat so that we could engage in some conversation. Not long after, two courtiers from the palace politely approached him to let him know the seat he was on was the Awujale’s. Prof Banjo immediately sprang to his feet and joined me standing. For a brief moment, I told him he occupied the exalted throne, and I teased that in the presence of witnesses, he could well be described as a Temporary Awujale. He laughed heartily and those around who always thought he wore an unflappable mien were surprised to see him in that mood. Prof Ayo Banjo was full of humour and he could take a joke.

    A year after Prof Ladipo Akinkugbe died, about three years ago, there was going to be a memorial reception. I approached Prof Banjo as he alighted from his car at the reception hall. Suddenly, his legs gave way under him, and we both fell on top of one another. It was a wet day, and the dampness of the grounds cushioned our fall. We were helped up by onlookers. As he got up, he said to me, ‘Kolade, I want to sit at your table.’ ‘No, Sir. You are chairman of the event, and I will watch over you from a distance,’ I said to him. Those sturdy and agile legs that held firmly between the posts at Igbobi College, nimble feet that made runs between wickets at cricket, feet that moved stridently across the campus at the University of Ibadan were now wobbly. Age now was beginning to tell.

    If you were close to him, one of the most common words he used was, lovely. If you did anything right, he would say lovely. If you brought him anything, he would say lovely. If he engaged you in conversation, in closing, he would say lovely. He used the word lovely interchangeably as a synonym for good, thanks, affirmation and beauty. The truth of the matter was that he was the loveliest man you could ever find. What we will miss most about him is this boundless love for all and sundry. Love rang out loud, from mouth to mouth throughout the land on his demise, for the scholarship and happiness he supplied, in and outside the university, and for his pleasing disposition. He was a lovely, lovely man.

    •Dr Mosuro is a publisher and bookseller

  • Remembering Malam Aminu Kano

    Remembering Malam Aminu Kano

    By Abdu Abdullahi

    “Better to fight for something than live for nothing” George S. Pattern

    A political catastrophe occurred and engulfed Nigeria’s political environment on April 17, 1983. On that fateful day, the late political genius, Malam Aminu Kano departed to the great beyond at the age of 64. He left behind political thoughts, practices and philosophies which are still echoing, laden with great lessons for our contemporary politicians to deepen democracy and attain heroic status.

    Forty one years ago, his death marked the end of an intensive ideological operation to rescue Nigeria from chronic socio-political epidemic. Like a ‘political earthquake’, his exit was trailed by large scale dislocation of the political domain in terms of messianic vision and constructive mission. The politics of freedom which he championed, elevated and ultimately defined his life struggle was completely wiped out of the Nigeria’s political space in the aftermath of his demise. The giant striving for the enthronement of masses -oriented government had, therefore, been buried with the late Aminu Kano. Since then, it has been archaic and prosaic to canvass and spearhead a similar politics devoid of political brigandage.

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    Aminu Kano’s philosophical ‘ monopoly’ was never a false attraction but a planned redemption process to rid the talakawa of all forms of oppression. This propelling passion for his philosophical will could not weather the storm eventually owing to the reactionary forces’ busy occupation of the greater size of the political landscape. Albeit Aminu Kano’s entrenched ‘political fundamentalism’ did not yield a new nation, yet he succeeded in spreading the universal gospel of social re-construction.

    While showcasing his unbreakable desire of dislodging the established order, he lived the life of others instead of living his own life. This was his vested interest of subjecting himself to substantial self-denials in return for an egalitarian and vibrant society. His abundant ideological resources were the pillars of the masses’ hopes and aspirations. Political opponents were never his foes but the decadent systems, practices and beliefs which imprisoned the people and looted their real citizenship. The feudal system prevalent in Northern Nigeria then was included in Aminu Kano’s battle against conservative forces.

    These were his stupendous achievements of nurturing strengths in emotional resilience. Demonstrating his valid wisdom that never supported public betrayal, his insatiable desire for a masses-oriented government boosted with sustainable pains and endurance. His penchant for cementing ‘party supremacy’ acted as the bulwark of resisting the temptation of capturing power by all means. To provide a befitting platform to safeguard his towering politics and make it mandatory for a national re-birth, he profiled his politics to transcend ordinary challenges. This made the power of his political integrity more intimidating and its aura well fitted for the purpose of the changing times.

    Right from adolescence, radical politics began to find its way into his blood and running like water. Luckily, such politics neither looked ugly nor harmful, though it was destructive to the reactionary elements but awesome to the progressives. His proclivity to politics of irresistible ideology was designed as a function of noble purpose and direction. Aminu was captured deeply in romance with ideological ‘stubbornness’ to make his politics a thematic concern for generations.

    Consequently, some broad-minded Nigerians were captivated by this developmental politics and would not let it vanish without lending him their unwavering loyalty. The interesting list included Professors Chinua Achebe and Wole Soyinka. Others were Dr. Junaid Mohammed, Dr. Yusuf Bala Usman, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, S.G. Ikoku, Uche Chukwumerije, Balarabe Musa, Michael Imoudu, Abubakar Rimi and Sule Lamido among others.

    Aminu’s articles of humanitarian faith and service were not in ‘monetary’ value but were resounding and effective in resolving the profound crisis of political insincerity. He spoke with a larger purpose thus: “In my attempt to practicalise politics, my lifestyle seems to indicate some self-denial. I feel that the needs of the body are simple and that devoting time and emotional energies on opulent lifestyle wastes the human spirit, thus distracting the self from realising full potential. So, pleasures of the flesh and self- indulgence are unimportant to me.”

    Aminu’s politics was highly moralistic in fulfilling our democratic needs and wants. His moral benchmark for a desirable leadership was incisive and resonating with powerful effects. He declared: “State leadership is not a source of amassing wealth, pomposity or self-complacence, but a trust for which the bearer will be accountable to both people and God. The true leader of a people is one who served them like a butler.”

    Sometimes, circumstances forced Aminu Kano to live with frustrated hope. However, his persistent ideological crusade remained the hope of the hopeless.  Aminu generated hard earned reverence which made the political opportunists too envious. Thus, the erstwhile Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) were the main chapters of life and times of Aminu Kano. To further navigate through his worthy political adventure, he emphasised: “A practical politician is one whose political reputation has reached a messianic proportion. My political philosophy includes making the world a better place to live through the exaltation and uplifting of life. I believe that self-sacrifice is for the collective good”.

    Aminu Kano was often labelled as the Gandhi of Nigeria. Drawing a similarity between Aminu Kano and Gandhi, Professor Chinua Achebe had this to say, “Gandhi was real; Aminu Kano was real. They were not angels in heaven; they were human like the rest of us in India and Nigeria. Therefore, after their example, no one who reduces the high purpose of politics which they exemplified down to a swinish scramble can hope to do so without bringing a terrible judgement on himself.”

    Eventually, Aminu Kano’s productive life conferred on him the prestigious rank of a revolutionary. Alan Feinstein, an American actor and researcher on African politics had documented a positive view about him in his well-orchestrated and famous book, ‘ African Revolutionary: The Life and Times of Nigeria’s Aminu Kano’. At their first meeting in New York, Feinstein was moved by Aminu’s formidable force of ideological persuasion. To back up this assertion, the one-time colonial Governor of Northern Nigeria, Sir Bryan Smith in his book, ‘But Always As Friends’, depicts him as “compelling conversationalist with an original mind and considerable organising ability”.

    It was, indeed, the end of political discussion when the late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe paid a condolence visit to the family of the late freedom fighter. Zik was astonished that Aminu had only one house, two sets of ordinary clothes, one television set and an old Peugeot car. In high bewilderment, Zik then turned to the late Adeniran Ogunsanya and whispered to him, ‘We ought to have come here and learn politics’. In the same vein, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, also moved by Aminu’s Spartan life, declared, ‘Nigeria has cheated this man’. Influenced by Malam Aminu’s political decency and legitimacy, some foreigners concluded that Aminu Kano was ‘too good to be a Nigerian’.

    In a brilliant tribute to Malam Aminu, Professor John N. Paden observed: “He will be remembered for many contributions and qualities. He was truly extra-ordinary in both his political and personal life. He served as a bridge or gateway within Nigeria and beyond: between young and old, rich and poor, men and women, nations and regions, Western and non- Western, African and non- African, Muslim and the People of the Book.”

    In the end, Aminu Kano lived for us and gallantly fought for the restoration of our stolen dignity. He will be remembered for the following prophetic statement: “Nigeria will know no peace until the son of a nobody can become somebody without knowing anybody”. Where are we now?

    •Abdullahi writes via aaringim68@gmail.com

  • Of grades over learning

    Of grades over learning

    Sir: The Nigerian schooling system prioritises grades over knowledge thereby resulting in relentless pursuit and pressure to achieve high academic success. It is disheartening that the grading system that ought to enhance gradual development of students has now been made to promote unhealthy competition and hatred among students.

    It is so distressing seeing prospective leaders of tomorrow question the essence of reading when they have no examination to take. You are likely to have heard Nigerian students say “books on strike and pen go rest” after taking their final exams.

    Now, tell me the essence of grading system which only forces students to cram and fails to prepare them ahead for the betterment of humanity at large?

    If Nigerian students are groomed to take learning and knowledge seriously the way they take grades and examinations, Nigeria will become one of the most thriving countries with functional and practical education. Rather, grading system has been reduced to serve as a major determinant of knowledge. Even a student of English that cannot tell the nine parts of speech apart when used in context now believes he/she knows grammar because his/her result shows “Grade A” in grammar.

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    Students must be made to realise the value of education beyond cramming for excellent certification. It must be made clear that education is the acquisition of knowledge and not acquisition of certification.

    Witnessing the type of schooling system Nigeria is nurturing won’t leave you in shock when you hear a student commits suicide because of low grade/ CGPA. Yes, the Nigerian educational system has been made to appear like a battle ground where students compete with one another to get the highest CGPA. Invigilators witness students collect extra sheets during exams but they hardly see them do extra reading after exams.

    Sadly, students are no longer motivated by the intelligence and brilliance of even their lecturers let alone their fellow classmates. To many students, if you can’t give them a test or examination, you don’t deserve to lecture or give them notes because they see lecture notes as nothing but ordinary papers whose internalisation only guarantees them excellent grades. Indeed, in the rat race for grades, the very spirit of education has lost its value.

    Ours will be a great country with functional and practical education, if proper orientation is given to students on the real essence of schooling beyond acquiring certification. Students must be made to understand that education is the acquisition of knowledge, skills, attitudes and values and schooling is one of its agents. Students’ orientation should uncover the fact that education helps reveal the hidden potential of students thereby making them explore the pleasure that comes with learning without necessarily being under pressure while reading to take school exams.

    Most importantly, Nigerian grading system must, to some reasonable extent, be made to watch over gradual intellectual improvement of students. Consequently, grading system must encourage popular intellectual participation among students and not be made to appear like a monster whose aim is to snatch breath out of students.

    If learning is to enhance personal growth, students should be encouraged not to prioritise grades over brilliance. They must be motivated to ask themselves the essence of distinction if it cannot help push poverty into extinction.

    The prioritisation of grades over knowledge is detrimental and unhealthy to the overall development of education in Nigeria. The alarming rate of depression and suicidal thoughts over grades can be drastically reduced when Nigerian schooling system makes students see the value and essence of education beyond acquiring excellent certification.

    •Kenny Ola, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

  • Regulate food prices and establish national food bank

    Regulate food prices and establish national food bank

    Sir: While the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration grapples with possible measures to address food inflation in Nigeria, there is an immediate need for it to review past efforts that have been introduced by successive governments that failed to meet the desired expectations. Recall, that President Muhammadu Buhari, in a bid to encourage local production of rice banned the importation of rice and also provided some levels of incentives to farmers to increase rice production in Nigeria. The policy led to the increase of rice farmers but it did not succeed in bringing down the prices of rice. It is believed that such a policy failed to meet the expectations of the government because the government did not take advantage of the incentives it provided to farmers to regulate the final price of rice.

    The Tinubu administration also plans to remove VAT on food items and some other essential commodities. This is a coomendable move; it should however be tailored towards bringing down the prices of such commodities as such government must enforce some level of regulation in the final prices of those commodities in the market. The government also intervened recently to prevent the scarcity of food and bring down its price by giving directives for the release of millet, grains and rice from the national food reserves unfortunately such gestures did not stop the continuous increase in the prices of food items in the market simply because there was no price regulation from government on what should be the final cost of food items.

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    In an economic emergency being experienced by Nigeria, stringent measures must be taken by the government to stabilize the market rather than relying on the commercialization of the market by producers who then hijack the forces of demand and supply.

    It is time the federal government boosted its national food reserves by establishing government-owned farms across the country. The farms should produce essential items like grains, millet, wheat, cassava and livestock and they should be located in each of the six geopolitical zones of the country. This would also require adequate storage and processing facilities to be located in those regions. Such establishments will not only contribute to reducing unemployment but serve as a buffer stock for food supply in Nigeria. Such measures would also play a vital role in regulating the prices of these commodities in the market because producers would have to compete in line with the government’s price. It would also boost the revenue generation of the government.

    The federal government should also provide incentives such as subsidies on fertilizers, modern farming equipment and soft loans to farmers. However, to avoid the pitfalls of the past, these incentives must be tied to government prices. This would serve as a price control measure. In other words, many of the farmers or investors that benefit from government incentives should be subjected to the price control and regulation of the government on those commodities. The government will also need to set up a monitoring and enforcement task force to monitor compliance at the various markets.

    The government must not also abdicate its responsibility of providing security to farmers in the rural areas. Flashpoints in various states and local governments where bandits and terrorists regularly terrorize farmers should be identified and the federal and state government must work harmoniously to secure those areas. Government must also put measures in place to tackle the effect of climate change on farm produce. Flood prevention and mitigation measures should be implemented in agro-communities. 

    • Victor Emejuiwe, Centre for Social Justice, Abuja

  • Mambilla

    Mambilla

    In the last few months, Mambilla has been in the news. The news isn’t a true representation of the Mambilla I visited some years back; it is a representation that stinks, it is about a corruption trial over a messed up federal project.

    Mambilla is more than what we now hear in the news. Mambilla is one of Nigeria’s many unexplored gold. Mambilla is uncut diamond, a jewel in the raw. Even with its glooming buildings, unvarnished walls, broken fences and hectares upon hectares of wasting land, the goodness in Mambilla is discernible.

    Mambilla Plateau sits pretty in the committee of the unfortunate. This is a land that should be swimming in dollars from all over the world, it should be a place where the high and the mighty all over the world die to visit and many should be willing to see Mambilla Plateau and die!

    Mambilla, which borders Cameroun, has the capacity to spring surprises— if only the right investment is made. Its weather is akin to what you have in Europe. The ‘hottest’ it ever gets is 20-degree centigrade. Here people wear winter jackets all the time and their heads are covered with head warmers. Gloves are not uncommon to keep the cold away. Apples, tea, and any kind of fruits, including those believed to be exclusive to European soils, grow on its fertile soils. They hardly experience sunshine. Fridges are not necessities. Drinks chill anywhere you put them. All thanks to their land being 1,840 metres above sea level— the highest point in Nigeria.

    It is no less than six hours by road from Jalingo, the Taraba State capital. It was no fun until I was reminded that it used to take three days. The terrain is difficult and for the road to be constructed, engineering wizardry had to be applied.

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    If not for a 1963 referendum, it would have been in Cameroun. The people chose Nigeria after the then Premier of the Northern Region, Ahmadu Bello (the Sardauna of Sokoto), convinced them to stick with Nigeria. Their local government is known as Sardauna in honour of the man who made them see the goodness in Nigeria. But have they much to show for it?

    In 1991 when Ibrahim Babangida was military president, the people were enraged and one day chased away Nigerian policemen and declared the area a United Nations territory. They hoisted a UN flag. This made Babangida gift them the road which turned the journey from Jalingo to six hours instead of three days.

    During my trip, I found out that the Mambilla Plateau had been partitioned by influential Nigerians, especially those who were in the military. I was told acres of land were acquired by these goons in anticipation of the Plateau taking its pride of place.

    The people I met felt more affinity with Cameroun, where many had relatives. They crossed the border easily. Cameroonian music, television stations, and radio stations are popular with them.

    Photographers and cinematographers will jump for joy at the ending rolling green hills of the Plateau.

    The road to the Plateau is not one where you speed; it is so curvy a speeding car can end up in the many deep gorges around it. Rocks, mountains and highlands had to be drilled or quarried before Babangida could gift them the road that shortened the distance from Jalingo to six hours instead of the three days.

    Like Mambilla Plateau and its neglected gifts of nature, Nigeria seems to be a grave of potential money-spinners. We have forest reserves, waterfalls, dams and other scenic beauties all over the country, but we carry on as though we are bereft of how to make them cough out money like they do overseas. We run abroad for everything that we have but have failed to make the best of.

    A hydro-electric project initiated by the military remains unrealised some two decades later. Mrs. Yorte Sorandi was 18 years in 1980 when the project was conceived.

    “I was only 18 years then. With my small body, I was not married yet. I watched as my father assisted the white men who put the instrument. They said they were going to construct for us a hydropower dam.

    “Today, I am 58, and no block has been laid, no iron has been cast. When will they start the project?” she asked The Nation some years ago.

    Dahiru Abdulkadric, whose father was employed to lo okafter an instrument on the site, sees it as a dream.

    He said: “This Mambilla dam project has been to me like a dream. My father used to talk about it. Now he has gone and I am doing his job.

    “They told us they are coming to compensate and move us to new places. We have waited and become tired. But we are ready if the government is sincere and serious about the project.”

    When President Muhammadu Buhari was in the state capital for his campaign rally on January 28, 2015, he said the previous governments were only doing politics with the Mambilla hydropower project.

    He said: “If I become president, I will revive and complete the Mambilla hydropower dam, which has been moribund,” he said.

    On August 30, 2017, Buhari awarded the contract for the engineering work on the Mambilla dam, through a joint venture with a Chinese civil engineering company for $5.792 billion (N2 trillion) to be partly funded by China Export-Import (EXIM) Bank as a concessionary loan. However, EXIM, after its survey, reduced to $3 billion.

    My final take: We need to explore the unexplored, we need to tap the untapped, we need to milk the ‘unmilked’ and we need to do everything possible to make Nigeria equal if not better than the nations that catch our people’s fancies.

  • Lessons from South Africa’s election

    Lessons from South Africa’s election

    By Paul Ejime

    The results of South Africa’s 2024 elections further illustrate what pro-democracy groups have always affirmed: good governance/leadership is tribe and race-blind.

    South Africa comprises people of diverse origins, cultures, languages, and religions, including Indian South Africans, who constitute 2.7% of the population, the 8.2% coloured South Africans, and the indigenous majority Blacks who make up more than 81% of the nation’s estimated 62 million inhabitants.

    Much of the atrocities wrought by the authoritarian, minority white regimes that dominated the political, social, and economic life in the former apartheid enclaves of South Africa and South-West Africa (now Namibia) from 1948 to the early 1990s, are irreversible. Indeed, no one expects the damage of the institutionalized racial segregation unleashed by the White South Africans on the Black majority population to disappear within 30 years.

     After decades of anti-apartheid struggles waged internally and internationally, led by African countries, the then-Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth, the African National Congress (ANC), an off-shoot of the liberation movement, emerged as the dominant political party in South Africa from the first multi-racial elections of 1994.

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    The legendary Nelson Mandela, alias ‘Madiba’ the icon of the anti-apartheid struggle gave expression to the axiom “from prison to the presidency,” by winning the presidency in the 1994 elections after his incarceration for 27 years for challenging the apartheid system.

    Revered and praised for his conciliatory, non-violent philosophy even in the face of inhumane provocations, Madiba did not only succeed in relatively uniting a racially divided South Africa to create a “Rainbow Nation” that attempted to harness its diversity, he also led by example, stepping aside after serving for just one four-year term in office. He died a global statesman in December 2013.

    Unfortunately, African leaders, including those from Mandela’s home country, have failed to emulate or follow his example.

    Under South Africa’s constitution, the party or coalition that wins a majority vote and at least 201 of the 400 parliamentary seats produces the president of the republic.

    From the 1994 elections, Mandela became South Africa’s President as the flag bearer of the ANC with a majority vote of 62.5%. The Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), which also draws much support from the black homeland of KwaZulu, came third, with 10.54%.

    The then-main opposition white-dominated National Party (NP) came second with 20.39% vote, and later morphed into the Democratic Party (DP) and now the Democratic Alliance (DA).

    Given the dynamism of politics, there have been realignment of political forces since 1994, when the voter turnout was 86.87%, but the much expected positive transformation of black lives under the ANC has failed to materialise.

    Mandela’s then-deputy, Thabo Mbeki, more an academic than a typical politician, succeeded his boss as president of South Africa following the 1999 elections, after an ANC win with 66.36% vote. This was at a time when the opposition parties were in disarray, with the IFP getting 8.54% and the DP, just 9.54% of the vote, from a record voter turnout of 89.30%.

    Mbeki was re-elected president in 2004 but could not complete his second four-year term due to serious disputes within the ANC. This resulted in Mbeki’s replacement as ANC leader and president of South Africa, by Kgalema Motlanthe from 2008 until the election in 2009.

    At the 2009 election, the ANC fielded veteran and combative trade unionist Jacob Zuma, President Mbeki’s deputy who led the move for his boss’ ouster. Internal wrangling within the ruling party worsened, resulting in the formation of the Congress of the People (COPE) by disgruntled ANC members and the strengthening of the opposition.

    Consequently, the ANC got 65.9% of the vote in the 2009 election, while COPE ate into Black votes with 7.24% leaving the main opposition DA with 16.66%.

    A combination of the intra-party differences exacerbated by ANC’s inability to deliver on its promises of Black empowerment and the creation of equal opportunities to make the lives of the majority population better have dealt a lethal blow to the black-dominated ruling party.

    Zuma was re-elected as South African President in 2014 but, as a controversial persona dogged by scandals, his vigorous attempts to stamp his authority on the ANC divided the party the more.

    The erstwhile party of the Great Madiba has thus, seen its share of popular votes in steady decline, to 62.15% in 2014, while that of the main opposition DA rose to 22.23% with another ANC breakaway group, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), getting a slice of 6.35%.

    Voter turnout declined to 73.48% in 2014 as a further demonstration of disaffection among the population towards the ANC-led government.

    However, even after being replaced as leader of the ANC by deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, a business mogul, who succeeded Zuma as President of South Africa after the 2019 presidential election, the veteran labour leader does not want to go down alone.

    In the 2019 election, the ANC won with a further reduced majority of 57.5%, while the DA got 20.77% and the EFF 10.8%, with voter turnout of 66.05% – the lowest since 1994.

    Meanwhile, with several allegations of corruption still hanging on his neck and after serving a term for contempt of court, Zuma would appear to have reinvented himself politically.

    In his determination to become a life-long ANC member, the 82-year-old hijacked the uMkhonto weSizwe (Zulu for ‘Spear of the Nation’), or MK Party founded in 2023 and named after the paramilitary wing of the ANC.

    At the 2024 election last Sunday, Zuma ran as the presidential candidate of the MK Party, and came fourth with 7.62% of the vote, according to provisional results announced by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).

    The main opposition DA, which had John Steenhuisen, 48, as its flag bearer, made further gains by scoring 26.34%, while the EFF, led by Julius Malema, 43, got 8.1% of the vote.

    Ramaphosa is seeking re-election on the platform of the ANC and as widely expected, the black-dominated ruling party has for the first time since 1994 failed to win parliamentary majority of votes in South Africa. The ANC managed less than 43% of the vote, and will now be forced to enter into an uncomfortable arrangement with rival parties to form a government, an uncharted course in the country’s political history.

    Even by South African standards, the ANC’s 2024 electoral performance from some 27.6 million registered voters and a turnout of 58.64% from the country’s estimated population of 62 million speaks volumes.

    There was great hope and expectations that Madiba’s would re-write South Africa’s dark history. But it has failed most spectacularly to deliver good governance after wresting political power from the apartheid minority white rulers.

    Acknowledging the party’s underwhelming performance as a development with potentially dire consequences for its relevance and continued existence as a big player in South African politics, ANC senior officials are now suggesting the formation of a National Unity Government even as the main opposition parties position themselves as king-makers.

    The world is watching with a keen interest the political development of South Africa.

    A strong message for African leaders is that as the majority of Blacks in South Africa voted out the obnoxious apartheid minority White regime in South Africa, people of all races can/will punish bad governance/leadership, anywhere irrespective of race or colour!

    •Ejime is a global affairs analyst

  • Nigerian appointed Secretary of global humanitarian organization

    Nigerian appointed Secretary of global humanitarian organization

    Ranti Jacobs Agbaminoja, a Nigerian residing in the United States of America (USA), has been appointed as the Secretary of the Board of Directors at Waterlight Save Initiative, a non-governmental organization (NGO) dedicated to alleviating global poverty, particularly through sustainable water management.

    Agbaminoja’s appointment marks a significant milestone for the organization, coinciding with Waterlight Save Initiative’s recent attainment of Consultative Status by the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) during the 18th meeting of the UN Committee on Non-governmental Organizations.

    According to a statement from the NGO, the ECOSOC recognition has paved the way for enhanced participation in global policy dialogues, advocating for sustainable water practices, and promoting innovative solutions to combat water scarcity and achieve other sustainable development goals.

    The statement further elaborates on Agbaminoja’s responsibilities as the Secretary of the Board of Directors, which include maintaining accurate records of board meetings and decisions, facilitating communication among board members, staff, and external stakeholders, contributing to strategic goal development and implementation, and ensuring compliance with regulatory requirements and non-profit governance best practices.

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    Agbaminoja’s appointment is expected to inject new energy into the organization’s initiatives and extend its influence in global water sustainability endeavours, addressing urgent water scarcity and environmental conservation challenges. The recent ECOSOC approval underscores the international significance of the Waterlight Save Initiative’s mission, empowering it to advocate for water sustainability on a broader scale and effect lasting change internationally.

    Agbaminoja is recognized for her dedication to community development and her commitment to positively impacting people’s lives. With a solid background in communication, she is poised to provide strategic guidance and foster collaboration within the board and the wider community.

    Her leadership is anticipated to rejuvenate the organization’s endeavours and amplify its impact on global water sustainability. With Agbaminoja at the helm, the organization is well-positioned to confront the critical challenges of water scarcity and environmental conservation. Her previous engagements with community-focused organizations have equipped her with the requisite skills to navigate the intricate landscape of environmental advocacy and community engagement.

    Waterlight Save Initiative’s primary focus is on advancing global water sustainability, aiming to influence international policies, forge strategic alliances, access funding opportunities, and raise global awareness on imperative water-related issues.

  • Biden, Macron pledge continuous support for Ukraine

    Biden, Macron pledge continuous support for Ukraine

    United States President, Joe Biden and French President, Emmanuel Macron have advocated for unwavering support for Ukraine, emphasising the importance of standing against tyranny and defending freedom.

    Speaking at the American cemetery in Normandy in commemoration of the 80th anniversary of D-Day, Biden delivered a resolute message to Moscow, asserting that the U.S. and its allies refuse to capitulate to bullies or dictators.

    He underscored the significance of honouring the sacrifices made on the beaches of Normandy and reiterated the commitment to safeguarding Ukraine from subjugation, emphasizing that the threat posed by Russian aggression extends far beyond its borders.

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    Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and his wife, Olena, were warmly received by Western leaders at an international event on Omaha Beach.

    Macron lauded Zelenskiy for his courage, drawing a standing ovation from the assembled dignitaries. Despite the absence of UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, Zelenskiy’s presence elicited expressions of solidarity and support from the gathered leaders.

    Macron’s tribute highlighted the bravery of those who fought for freedom and condemned attempts to redraw borders through force, emphasising the need to honour the sacrifices of past generations by remaining steadfast in the face of modern challenges.

    Russian representatives were notably absent from the commemorations, a decision justified by French officials citing the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. However, the events were marked by strong displays of solidarity with Ukraine, reaffirming the international community’s commitment to its sovereignty and security.

  • EU’s Spotlight initiative bankrolls new film on gender based violence

    EU’s Spotlight initiative bankrolls new film on gender based violence

    The European Union’s Spotlight Initiative has bankrolled a new film, ‘Deafening Silence,’ to sensitise and create more awareness on sexual and gender based violence in Nigeria.

    This was made known recently at a media screening of the film, which had the trappings of several film practitioners and eminent personalities in Nigeria.

    ‘Deafening Silence,’ features Toni Tones, Bimbo Akintola, Chidi Mokeme, Daniel Etim Effiong, amongst others. The film was directed by Biodun Stephen while Emem Isong took the seat as the producer.

    In a brief chat with Ruben Alba Aguilera, Head of EU Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, the film was a collaboration with other agencies including the United Nations Development Programme, UNDP, and Foundation for Resilient Empowerment and Development.

    “Deafening Silence is a production in collaboration with UNDP. It is a movie showcasing examples of gender based violence in Nigeria with a wonderful team and very well known actors in Nigeria, who are showcasing stories of sexual and gender based violence.”

    Aguilera also explained the motive behind the film saying, “The idea is basically to raise awareness and make sure we reach every corner of Nigeria to break the silence and to open a debate about the effects of gender based violence to bring about change.”

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    On the reason EU has decided to take the film route in creating awareness, Aguilera said, “So, this is part of a broader initiative which we call the EU/UN Spotlight initiative for which we have, together, mobilised a funding of more than N1 billion and this part of prevention initiative is about raising awareness, breaking the silence, making sure that people are aware that violence exists in our society and we need to play our role. We need to create awareness that it is not just okay to just accept violence against our mothers, sisters, daughters, aunties, or nieces, we all have to fight and play a role. And the movie is part of that initiative, we also make sure these victims have access to different services such as health services and we have set out 41 sexual assault referral services across 30 states in Nigeria.”

  • Constructive criticism key to filmmaking success, says Bolanle Austen-Peters

    Constructive criticism key to filmmaking success, says Bolanle Austen-Peters

    Multiple award-winning film director and producer Bolanle Austen-Peters has shared her thoughts on how film critics can help filmmakers improve.

    Austen-Peters emphasised that lashing out at filmmakers for a supposed bad movie is unproductive unless the criticism is constructive.

    “There’s no growth in life if nobody is critiquing you or correcting you. Your parents do that, your teachers do that in school. The most important thing is to be constructive. If you go to a cinema and you don’t enjoy the movie, and then lash out at the personality behind it, that’s not constructive and it’s not helping anybody,” said Austen-Peters.

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    “If you are thorough and understand why you didn’t enjoy the movie, give feedback. I’ve produced stage shows, movies, and services in restaurants where people have condemned and criticised me. But out of all the nastiness, I pick out those with sound reasons. Why are you critiquing me? This story jumped – why did it jump? Some people just say, ‘I don’t like the movie.’ Why? You can’t even articulate what you don’t like; you’re just being nasty. That’s not useful. If you want growth in life, you must be open to constructive criticism. If you don’t want to grow, then be averse to it.”

    Bolanle Austen-Peters is the founder and artistic director of BAP Productions and the arts and culture center Terra Kulture in Lagos. She is also the producer of the ‘Funmilayo Ransome Kuti’ biopic.