Author: The Nation

  • Parliamentary ‘coup’

    Parliamentary ‘coup’

    •Togo’s example shows how not to effect change in governance system

    A group of Nigerian lawmakers is presently plying a campaign for a change from presidential to parliamentary system of government in the country. But the experience of Togo in recent weeks shows how not to go about such a change. Even with regards to the Nigerian experience, the political actors and not the model of government are the problem.

    President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, early in May, signed into law a new constitution that swaps the tiny West African nation’s presidential system with parliamentary system, adjusts the presidential tenure and creates a new position of head of government. By the recalibration of the law, the presidential tenure is raised from five to six years, a single-term limit is imposed on the presidency instead of three terms hitherto prescribed, and the president will no longer be chosen by direct elections involving Togolese voters as the country’s parliament will now have that power. The new framework also creates a previously non-existent office of head of government to be known as ‘president of the council of ministers’ – a position reserved for the leader of the ruling party or coalition in parliament. The occupant of that office will, of course, also be chosen by parliament.

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    The catch to all these is that the nearly 20 years Gnassingbé has been in office would not count, and he is eligible to take office under the new law when his current tenure expires in 2025.

    The Togolese president signed the constitution into law on the heels of the country’s electoral commission announcing his ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) party as having won the parliamentary poll held on April 29 by landslide. That victory places the power to be exercised by Togolese parliament under the new law in the hands of Gnassingbé’s party and positions him as first line beneficiary of the changes.

    For instance, there will be no presidential poll in the country next year when Gnassingbé’s current tenure expires and he is likely to be handed a new term by the parliament in which his party holds overwhelming majority.

    The president’s supporters argue that the reworked constitution curtails his powers by changing the presidency into a ceremonial role. One of his ministers was reported saying the move would “improve democracy” in Togo, while an adviser to the president claimed the constitutional changes would strengthen political stability because “the aspirations of our people are not served by the current constitution.”

    But opponents of the amendment argue that Gnassingbé is looking beyond the 2031 expiration of the presidential tenure to an indefinite stay in the newly-created position of ‘president of the council of ministers.’ Under the new framework, the presidency will become a largely symbolic role and power will reside with the president of the council of ministers – a sort of prime ministerial office that Togolese opposition suspect Gnassingbé aims to take up so he could bypass the presidential term limit. The post is reserved for the leader of the party with the majority in parliament, and it is 57-year-old Gnassingbé who fits in that profile.

    Togo, a French-speaking country of about nine million people, has been ruled by the same family for nearly 60 years. Faure Gnassingbé came to power in 2005 after the death of his father, Gnassingbé Eyadema, who seized power in a 1967 military coup and ruled the country with iron fist for 38 years. It was the military that installed Faure Gnassingbé as president upon his father’s death; but following intense domestic and international pressure, he called an election that he won against fierce protestations by the opposition that were suppressed by harsh security crackdowns. Gnassingbé has since won three more elections: in 2010, 2015 and 2020 – all of which were disputed as sham by the opposition.

    Togo is implementing a change of governance system when the principal operator of that system – Gnassingbé – is apparently digging in for the long haul. The regional body, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has a role to play in dissuading the Togolese leadership from this constitutional coup.

  • Drug war and Thai testimonial on Nigeria

    Drug war and Thai testimonial on Nigeria

    Sir: In an unexpected yet deeply gratifying commendation, the Royal Thai Embassy in Nigeria praised the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) for its relentless efforts in combating drug abuse and trafficking. This accolade underscores the positive impact of NDLEA’s rigorous enforcement strategies. Such international recognition significantly boosts Nigeria’s image, long marred by its notoriety as both a production and transit country for illicit drugs.

    Kriwat Pharmorabuta, Charge d’affaires of Thai Embassy in Nigeria, recently delivered the commendation when he paid a visit to the Chairman/Chief Executive of NDLEA, Brig. Gen. MB Marwa (rtd.), at the agency’s headquarters in Abuja. According to the envoy, “There were around 800 prisoners from Nigeria in Thai prisons, but right now the number has decreased greatly; it is less than 200. That means it’s very difficult now for them to get out with the drugs. So, I congratulate you and the Nigerian people”.

    For years, Nigeria has grappled with the dual stigma of being a major drug production hub and a convenient transit point for traffickers. This reputation was compounded by the alarming number of Nigerian nationals incarcerated abroad for drug-related offences, a situation that has painted the country in an unflattering light. The spike in Nigerian prisoners, particularly in places like Thailand, was a stark indicator of the pervasive reach of drug traffickers exploiting Nigerian routes. Yet, amidst this gloomy scenario, the NDLEA’s sustained efforts have led to a remarkable reduction in the number of Nigerian prisoners in Thailand—from around 800 to less than 200 in recent years.

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    The decline, a statistical anomaly, can only be a reflection of a broader, more systemic change. It signifies that Nigeria is gradually shedding its image as a drug haven. The NDLEA’s strategic operations, bolstered by effective leadership, have started to yield results that are reshaping perceptions and realities. The commendation is not merely about numbers; it is about the narrative changing in favour of Nigeria. This progress, however, must be seen as a clarion call for more support rather than a signal to rest on laurels.

    Patriotism also requires that we all contribute to the fight against drug abuse. For the sake of a safer and healthier country, every Nigerian should see the value in supporting this battle. It is not merely a fight for the agency but a collective effort to secure a brighter future for our nation. Community engagement, public awareness campaigns, and grassroots participation are essential components in this war. The NDLEA’s mission transcends enforcement; it is about building a society free from the scourge of drug abuse, where every citizen plays a part.

    • Abdullahi Sani, Yola, Adamawa State.

  • Anthem blues

    Anthem blues

    Frankly, “Nigeria We Hail Thee” (the renewed National Anthem), is no more glorious than “Arise O Compatriots” (the junked one) is rotten.

    Each has its own strong points — which makes the point: if nothing was wrong with “Nigeria We Hail Thee”, why its change, under Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, in 1978?

    If 1978 was military hubris — that decreed a change-for-change-sake — that same logic (or illogic) just thundered too in 2024, though under preening democratic rule.

    If one indeed cancelled out the other, why the hoopla in some quarters, particularly those you expect to react to issues more logically than emotively?

    The reason seems clear: they react to other matters but use the renewed National Anthem as hysteric fob.  Still, it’s a democracy, and hysterics are no crime!

    Nevertheless, you would worry — or wouldn’t you? — about an Oby Ezekwesili (the Obasanjo presidential-era Madam Due Process) blowing her tops.

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    “Let it be known to all and sundry,” she howled, “that I, Obiageli ‘Oby’ Ezekwesili, will, whenever asked to sing the National Anthem, sing: ‘Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey’ …” Again, wilful delusion is no crime in a democracy!

    But shouldn’t our Oby have reserved her clinical dissent for the IPOB sit-at-home (May 30) that could have robbed some Igbo kids of writing a critical public examination, than for a National Anthem change (May 29) that really changed nothing, in real terms?

    In the one, she was mute.  In the other, she was shrill.  Yet, both events happened a day apart!  Hypocrisy?  Again, no democratic crime! 

    Still, you’ll wonder what had befallen Oby’s Due Process credo.  1978 was pure military fiat.  2024 is parliamentary law.  Yet, by Oby’s skewed logic, a parliamentary act was “obnoxious” while a military diktat was divine!

    Madam Due Process, indeed!  More of Madam Skewed Process!

    But to another impassioned opposer, Is’haq Modibbo Kawu, who signed off his piece as “Broadcaster, Journalist and a Political Scientist.”

    Indeed, Kawu tried to marshal his points, though the entire piece almost sank into name-calling, with Kawu progressively seeming to have a personal grudge with Opeyemi Bamidele, the Senate Leader.

    Kawu scoffed at “tribe and tongue may differ”: an evocative part of the renewed anthem. Yes: “tribe” as connotation could assume some racial slur — a valid stand. But that hardly cancels its basic denotation: a social category of distinct peoples.

    Besides, his take on demographics is really and truly rich. 

    He posits that since — by his own statistical calculations — those born in 1960 (now over 60 years) are just 2.56% of the present population, and the median age today is 17.2 years, so the wordings of the renewed anthem have no relevance to Nigeria’s young population, of 30 years and under — 70% of living Nigerians today!

    That is mere stacking of statistical cards, which cannot be true.  At best, it’s alarmist.  At worst, it’s a clever ploy, hoping to game the naive.

    By comparison: Britain’s “God Save the King” was composed in 1745.  The US “Star-Spangled Banner” was written in 1814 but adopted as national anthem, by the US Congress, in 1931. 

    Using the Kawu quaint logic, both anthems would not only be alien to young Brits and Americans, they would also be irrelevant to the dreams and aspirations of Brits and Americans unborn.

    That’s clear baloney! 

    But even that again points to the more fundamental question: would all this quibbling have arisen had the military not changed the 1960 original in 1978?

    This piece won’t even touch the callow, shallow social media children of anger, bred on Bring-Back-Our-Girls (BBOG) campaigns and EndSARS protests.  Those ones know neither history nor introspection.  Hare-brained reflex is their eternal god.

    But away from all the bedlam: should any unelected band, no matter how conceited, have tinkered with a sacred national heirloom, as the National Anthem? 

    That’s the historical significance of this reversion.  The democratic order — for the first time lasting all 25 years, and still counting — is weaning us off the last vestiges of junta imposition.

    That cannot be bad — can it? — even if you love “Arise O Compatriot” or scorn “Nigeria We Hail Thee”?

    Obasanjo, the nettling symbol of military arrogance, still lives. But before his very eyes, his grand pretence of 1978 just crashed! His 46-year grand delusion just sank!

    Now, a brief foray into Nigeria’s unfortunate military rule history.

    Gen. Thomas Aguiyi-Ironsi’s tenure (15 January 1966-28 July 1966) was too volatile to bear a fair assessment, though his naive Unification Decree of 1966, which abolished the regions for unitary provinces, would unleash Nigeria’s crisis of federalism. That has endured till today.

    Gen. Yakubu Gowon (1966-1975) had his faults.  But that quintessential officer and gentleman defined his dealings with the state with utmost decorum — at least in settled issues, as the Nigerian National Anthem.

    Not so, the breed that came after him: Murtala Muhammed/Olusegun Obasanjo (1976-1979), Muhammadu Buhari (1984-1985), Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993) and Sani Abacha (1993-1998). This coarser power clan became cockier and recklessly more iconoclastic.

    That was the “too-know” complex that brewed a new National Anthem in 1978, when the old one suffered no especial defectiveness.

    By the way, the trajectory of the post-Gowon junta quad is rather interesting: Murtala died a glorious death that wiped off his alleged past sins in the public mind.  Abacha expired in office but still oozes a deep stench of sleaze.

    IBB is living out his last years in tame surrender that power rascality does not pay. 

    Muhammadu Buhari regained democratic power (2015-2023) during which he made June 12 Democracy Day, buried Obasanjo’s earlier imposition of May 29, and retired into dignified quiet.

    Only Obasanjo still snorts at everyone in bad grace.  Yet, after three years as junta head, and eight years as elected president, his cumulative 11 years in power made no difference in the lives of Nigerians.  It rather boosted his personal fortunes. 

    If you doubt, link how the Land Use Decree, the law Obasanjo made as junta head, drove his twin post-power fortunes — Obasanjo Farms Nigeria (OFN) and Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL)!

    But maybe the most telling of the historic symbolisms: “Arise O Compatriots” was junked, without much ado, on May 29 — the personal glory day of Obasanjo’s second coming that the former president tried to impose as Democracy Day!

    Nigeria We Hail Thee!  For burying military hubris and neo-military grand folly, the renewed National Anthem has my support!

  • A note to Ajaero and company

    A note to Ajaero and company

    For a leadership only too eager to display how much bite (as against reason) it could muster, I was not particularly surprised that the organised labour finally hit the nuclear button on Sunday night. As if to prove that they meant business, they have trained their attacks on vital public utilities in what could only have been a calibrated measure to blackmail and thereby force the hand of the government.

    Confirming the swoop on the company’s facility in the wee hours of Monday morning, the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN)’s General Manager, Public Affairs Ndidi Mbah cited the Independent System Operations unit of TCN as reporting the shutdown of the Benin Area Control Centre with their operators driven out of the control room while those staff that resisted were beaten with some wounded in the course of forcing them out of the facility. The TCN spokesperson also named other transmission sub stations affected as those in Ganmo (Kwara), Benin, Ayede (Ekiti), Olorunsogo (Ogun), Akungba (Ondo) and Osogbo (Osun). The ensuing disruption led to the Jebba Generating Station shutting down one of its generating units with three others in the same substation subsequently forced to shut down on very high frequency. The high frequency and system instability would later eventuate in the shutdown of the national grid at 2:19am.

    There have been similar reports of the air space being closed to traffic as a result of the strike by air traffic controllers and allied workers. As at 5 pm yesterday, no single domestic airline was reported to have flown while the fate of international flights remained uncertain. For the financial services sector, it was a mixed grill with banks in Lagos carrying as if nothing happened; those in Port Harcourt were said to have complied with the directives of their union to join in the strike. Health and other social services, for the most part, are still in a wait-and-see mode – with those whose gates are still open working sub-optimally. Over all, the reports across the country were of substantial compliance with the NLC/TUC decreed shutdown, the costs of which in the long run, would be difficult to determine. And all of these because organised labour could not find a common ground on the issue of the new minimum wage. 

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    Unfortunately, whereas the leaderships of both the Nigeria Labour Congress and its Trade Union Congress counterpart have all been too eager to press the point about the rightness of their cause as against the assumed obduracy as indeed what they perceive as lack of seriousness on the part of the federal government to address concerns that had become somewhat existential; what Nigerians daily see are their unbridled lawlessness and contempt for the rest of the silent majority.  As if being out of touch with reality is not bad enough, their specious understanding if not entirely lack of grasp of basic economic issues is as revealing as it is astounding. 

    No thanks to the NLC/TUC alliance, Nigerians are increasingly told that might is right; that a party in a negotiation is at liberty to hold the gun to the head of the other party so long as it is convinced that its case is just. Never mind that there is a third party –a silent party whose acquiescence is not only expected to count, but whose nod is expected to make the outcomes effective and enduring. 

    Yes, it’s been a little more than five months since the 37-man Tripartite Committee on National Minimum Wage was inaugurated by the federal government. The committee, chaired by the former Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Goni Bukar Aji, has members of the organised labour, the private sector, the federal and state governments represented. Surely, if Nigerians understood that the work of the committee would not be easy, it is most certainly, a far cry from suggesting that it is not doable. Nigerians, not least the governments across all levels, surely understood and still understand the imperatives of a fairer deal for the producers of wealth.

    Of course, they do not disagree that the current minimum wage has become obsolete, or that it has, in the current circumstances of unprecedented inflation and the generalised spiral in the cost of living, become a joke. The main issue in contention is what the parties in negotiation are able to agree as reasonable, fair and affordable.

    Fair is of course what those who pronounce on it says it is. In other words, it is subjective. But then, we do know also that what is fair may not necessarily be reasonable. From what we know, the organised labour has oscillated between an initial 615,000 to N494,000, which it considers both just and reasonable. The government and the other interested party – the private sector – on their part have put up differing figures of N60,000 and N57,000 respectively – which they deem to be fair and realistic. Even that government’s offer, which is 100 percent above the current one, will, according to Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, cost the federal treasury a hefty N500 billion. This is against labour’s proposal, which by comparison, would cost the federal government a whopping N9.5 trillion annually for its 1.2 million-odd army of workers.

    Not too long ago, the NLC President Joe Ajaero was on a courtesy visit to this newspaper. His explanation on the occasion of how the NLC and TUC came up with their figures was as interesting as it was fascinating. What his team did, he explained, was to draw a bucket list of the basic needs of a typical household with figures attached to them to arrive at their proposal on minimum wage! Talk of a specious econometrics, which proposes a 1,547% increase on the wage bill, being sold as product of rigour by a once-upon-a-time fire-brand labour movement – a body once powered by a research department that could, at a time hold its own as a beacon of scholarship?

    I imagine the top brass at the Labour’s elite training institute – the Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies – shaking their heads in wonder at the depth to which negotiation and collective bargaining have sunk! 

    If one may ask – where will the funds come from? And all of these to pay those on the federal payroll – representing 0.006 percent of the population? Assuming the federal government can afford to pay – which is doubtful – can the states – most of whom are struggling to pay the old rate – afford it? What of the private sector currently reeling under the inclement operating environment; would they be able to pay? Has the NLC and its TUC agitator-counterpart considered the possible effects on inflation, which ironically is one of the fuels at the heart of their agitation?

    So much for the Unions and their love for drama; labour’s weaponisation of the strike tool at every turn cannot be acceptable any more than their penchant to scoff at the laws to press their cases is tolerable. It is time, in my humble view, for new tools and perhaps new rules of engagement if they desire to be taken seriously. No one denies that they have every right to voice their displeasures on everything under the sun – from wages of political office holders to the outrageous executive compensation by occupants of our corporate suits. What NLC/TUC cannot do is burn the edifice just for the pleasure of getting their way! Yesterday’s shutdown of the power grid and the air space comes dangerously close to that!

  • Urgent action needed to address food inflation

    Urgent action needed to address food inflation

    Sir: According to the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, “In April 2024, the food inflation rate reached 40.53 per cent on a year-on-year basis, marking a substantial increase of 15.92 percentage points from the 24.61 per cent recorded in April 2023.”

    People across the length and breadth of the country have adopted (and are adopting) various strategies to cope with soaring food prices. It’s a picture that should worry everyone.

    A simple scan of households reveals that many families are shifting from more expensive food items to cheaper, less nutritious alternatives. This often means reducing protein intake and relying more on carbohydrates. This is inadvertently compounding the nation’s protein deficiency woes.

    Reports indicate that some households are reducing the number of meals they consume daily. Instead of three meals, many now eat just once or twice a day. Take a closer look at your driver, security guards and other domestic staff today, do their necks appear thinner?

    Fortunately, community support appears to be on the rise. This refers to informal community networks that play a crucial role in augmenting family meals. It can be neighbours or extended families sharing food and resources to provide a buffer against acute shortages.

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    There is an increased reliance on street food. Street food vendors, offering relatively affordable meals, have become an essential part of daily sustenance for many urban poor. They are a good reason many people are surviving. They provide a life-giving service.

    Many people have equally resorted to the time-honoured pattern of borrowing money or buying food on credit from local vendors. While this ensures people can live to fight another day, it equally perpetuates the cycle of debt.

    It is time to mitigate the adverse effects of food inflation. The government, the major driver of inflation through its policies, must now take several urgent measures to help curb it and provide immediate and long-term relief to Nigerians.

    The government must provide food subsidies. I believe that implementing subsidies for essential food items and controlling prices can help make basic foods more affordable. Subsidies on fertilizers and seeds can also reduce production costs for farmers.

    Two, it needs to urgently strengthen food security programs. This includes expanding food aid programs and school feeding schemes that can ensure that vulnerable populations, particularly children, receive adequate nutrition.

    Three, agricultural support initiatives must be pursued relentlessly including security. There are several states where farmers can’t go to farm because of fear of bandits and kidnappers. The government must stop treating the security situation with kid gloves.

    In line with the first point, emergency relief funds should also be on the card. Establishing emergency relief funds to support households in dire need can provide immediate financial assistance to purchase food. The Lagos State government, earlier in the year, spoke of a mass resident feeding program through local bukas. Who knows how that initiative is progressing?

    I’ll be the first to admit that the government cannot possibly do everything by itself.

    Private organisations also have a vital, even if, complementary role to play in addressing the food crisis.

    Companies can launch CSR programs focused on food distribution, nutritional education, and support for local agriculture. They can, in addition, collaborate with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to fund and implement food relief projects to expand the reach and impact of aid efforts.

    The food inflation crisis is real. The hunger in the land is pervasive. The government cannot afford to pay lip service to the situation. Concrete action is required, urgently.

    While the government take the lead in implementing policy measures to stabilize food prices and support agricultural production, private organisations can play a significant role in providing immediate assistance and promoting sustainable solutions. By working together, we can help mitigate the impact of food inflation on the most vulnerable populations and ensure food security for all citizens.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Local Govt. autonomy and Oyo Speaker’s faux pas

    Local Govt. autonomy and Oyo Speaker’s faux pas

    Sir: It’s a popular belief that the development of any nation in the world starts right from the basic level. No nation can confidently boast of accelerated advancement without the impact of the government at the lowest level. The challenge, as we witness today, facing growth and development in Nigeria is how to harness the abundant resources, through the government at the local level, to develop society and make life meaningful for millions of Nigerians, most especially the masses who form the main part of the country.

    If local government councils are seen as viable instruments for development and for delivery of social services to the people as a result of their closeness and proximity to the grassroots, I cannot imagine why it’s so difficult to allow them to enjoy full autonomy. I do not see the reason local government councils cannot operate within their domains without any interference from the state governors. How do we expect a separate section of government to function creditably when it isn’t administratively independent and financially liberated?

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    The debate on the autonomy for the 774 local government councils across Nigeria has been the leading issue for quite a long time. Why it’s taking eternity to resolve the issue is what many are yet to understand. Many Nigerians believe that the independence of the local administration, if allowed, will definitely go a long way to solve many problems that millions of Nigerians, most especially people at the grassroots, are facing at the moment.

    Recently, the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), on behalf of the federal government, brought the issue of the LG autonomy back to the fore. Fagbemi approached the Supreme Court with a suit seeking to force governors of the 36 states to grant full autonomy to the local government in their respective states.

    Meanwhile many Nigerians, including the Nigerian Union of Local Government Employees hailed the move by the federal government. The opposing views, unfortunately, are being propagated by those who represent the same people the autonomy stands to benefit.

    One such is the submission of the speaker of the Oyo State House of Assembly, Adebo Ogundoyin.  To Ogundoyin, granting financial autonomy to local government would engender massive corruption at the local level. He hinted that the state might not allow local government to have administrative and financial autonomy because of the fear that the federal government might use the local government chairmen against the state governors.

    As a speaker who wanted people to believe that his major concern was to make laws that improve the living conditions of his constituents, Ogundoyin was expected to be more concerned about the welfare of the people. He wasn’t expected to speak against the autonomy. The benefits the people he represents in the Oyo State House of Assembly will enjoy if government is brought closer to them were expected to guide Ogundoyin’s agitation. It is unfortunate that those whom people believe will be their voices are the ones speaking against their, desires.

    Is there no massive corruption in the local government even now that the governors interfere in their affairs? It’s even believed that the reason no local government chairman is yet to be held accountable for mismanagement of funds is that their allocations are not directly given to them. How can they be held accountable when they aren’t the direct receivers of the allocations?

    Ogundoyin, in another argument against the autonomy, believed that the autonomy would grant federal government the power to use local government chairmen against the governors. Isn’t it appropriate to challenge the speaker to clearly state in what way the federal government will use the heads of local councils against the governors? How many times had the federal government used the senators, members of House of Representatives and state House of Assemblies of the 36 states against their governors?

    I had assumed before now, that the Speaker would be one of the advocates of the autonomy for local governments; it was disheartening to hear him agitate against it. If Ogundoyin had known the kind and amiable comments the history would make about him as one of the speakers whose tenure witnessed the signing into law the local government autonomy, he would have been more careful about railing against the autonomy; he would have commended the federal government for bringing the issue of the autonomy to the fore.

    •Ademola ‘Bablow’ Babalola, babalolaademola39@gmail.com

  • Fairer labour expectations

    Fairer labour expectations

    The Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, has declared the strike called by the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC), on Monday, as illegal. And he is right. But over the years, the Labour Unions do not rely on the legality of strikes to press home their demand. This is because, the rigorous procedure provided by the relevant laws to legally call a strike, makes it near impossible, to call a legitimate strike. So, the unions rely on strongarms tactics, to get government to accede to their demands.

    The letter by the AGF succinctly put forward the case of the federal government. Section 31(6) of the Trade Union Act, as amended, provides that no person, trade union or employer shall take part in a strike or lockout, if operating an essential service. The section goes on to list several other requirements, like the nature of the dispute, the requirement on arbitration, and democratic process of the affiliate unions. If those requirements are not met, any person, trade union or employer who participates in strike, commits an offence, and on conviction, is liable to imprisonment or fine.

    The AGF also referred to sections 41(1) and 42(1) of the Trade Disputes Act 2004, which requires certain categories of workers, to give a 15-day prior strike notice before embarking on strike, which the Labour Unions failed to do in the present circumstance. Of course, the unions usually don’t obey those rigorous measures, and that explains why one of the conditions to call off any strike, is that none of their members should be punished for acts done in furtherance of the strike.

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    So, invariably the solution to the strike is political, not judicial, except President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) administration is willing to drag the union leaders through the courts, damn the fallouts. That is not advisable. But as I argued last week, the NLC and TUC must be realistic in their demands, unless they have other motives, beyond getting a fairer wage for their members. The amorphous N494,000 minimum wage demand, is grossly unrealistic, whether for government employees or private sector workers. Agreed that inflation has made mincemeat of the naira, it has not gotten to the level of demanding such an amount as the minimum wage.

    The Information and National Orientation Minister, Mohammed Idris, has warned that the proposed minimum wage would balloon the wage bill to N9.5 trillion annually. Meanwhile, the estimated revenue for the 2024 fiscal year is N18.32 trillion. If the information minister is correct, that means that about half of the entire projected revenue would be used to pay the wages of the workers. According to the 2024 budget plans, even without the new wage bill, the country may need to source extra N10 trillion, to meet its budgetary estimates.   

    Should the government agree to pay the proposed minimum wage, the federal and state government may have to borrow massively to be able to pay, even when the glaring infrastructure deficit, plaguing the country would largely be left unattended. Meanwhile, the debt stock of Nigeria, made up of external and domestic debt, stood at N87.38 trillion, as at quarter two, of 2023. One can imagine what additional debts the government would incur, to meet the wage increase at N494,000, should labour have their way.

    Notably, any wage increase, usually leads to inflationary pressure, as the markets instinctively react to the news that there is more money in the system, chasing the available goods. Also, traders, artisans and sundry service providers, naturally increase the prices of goods and costs of services, to make up for the increase in wages for paid workers. So, while any wage increase ordinarily impacts inflationary pressure, it would certainly get worse, should the change be so astronomical as the unions are demanding.

    This column agrees that if that demand is made the minimum wage, inflation will further worsen the national currency. Indeed, many private companies would retrench their workers, while some may simply close down business. Even the federal and state governments may also resort to retrenchment, as a way out of the quagmire, with all the attendant impacts on the national economy. While those who survive may have more money in their pockets, a lot of their colleagues will lose their jobs, necessitating another round of strikes.

    But on its part, the federal and state governments, as well as the private sector, have to offer an improved minimum wage to the workers, to avert a prolonged strike action, which would have severe impact on the struggling national economy. Even a one-day strike, is not good for the economy, which grew by mere 2.98 percent, in the first quarter of the year, a drop from the 3.46 percent recorded in the fourth quarter of 2023.  Should the strike go on for days, the second and third quarter growth will be adversely affected.

    I call on the minimum wage tripartite committee to call the unions back to the negotiating table, in the larger interest of the national economy. The state governments representatives who have been acting as if the minimum wage is the challenge of the federal government alone, must come to terms that together they owe the nation as much responsibility as the federal government. Even though by section 34 Part 1, of the Exclusive Legislative List, 1999 constitution (as amended), the federal government has exclusive legislative powers on “Labour, including trade unions, industrial relations, conditions, safety and welfare of labour, industrial disputes, prescribing a national minimum wage for the federation or any part thereof, and industrial arbitrations.”

    The indifference to the negotiation, shown by the six governors representing the six zones, is unbecoming. Perhaps, because Nigerians are fixated on the federal government to resolve the wage palaver, the states act as if the fortunes of the federal government can be separated from the fortunes of the sub-nationals. Otherwise, how can one explain that majority of the state governors have shown insignificant concern about the burning issue of wage increase, as if it does not concern them?

    The Labour union has called for the direct intervention of PBAT, believing that he has the magic wand to resolve the impasse. This column hopes he has, and that when he waves it, the labour leaders would be operating on the same wave length, to positively receive his communication. In closing this column, let me reiterate the need for a fairer wage structure, across all sectors of the economy. For instance, it is absurd to have some fresh university graduates earn monthly, what the professors who taught them, don’t earn in three months. 

    Finally, the political class must tame their insatiable appetite, to leave enough resources, to gift every Nigerian worker, what is reasonable and a fair wage.

  • The protracted wait for a fresh census

    The protracted wait for a fresh census

    By Chekwube Nzomiwu

    Nigerians are waiting eagerly for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) to make a proclamation on the new date for the rescheduled Digital National Population and Housing Census. The immediate past administration of President Muhammadu Buhari earlier scheduled the exercise to hold between May 3 and 7, 2023. However, in the course of the transition of power from the former to the new government, Buhari deemed it fit and proper to put the exercise on hold, to allow the incoming administration to make inputs and determine the date of the census.

    A year after taking over, President Tinubu is yet to announce a date for the exercise. Nigerians who know the importance of census are bothered by the delay in the announcement of the new date. They are more worried that no provision was made for it in the N27.5 trillion 2024 budget. Furthermore, information in public domain shows that prior to the rescheduling, the National Population Commission (NPC) had concluded the implementation of all the necessary preparatory activities. They include the Enumeration Area Demarcation (EAD), conduct of pre-test and trial census, recruitment and training of census field staff, procurement and configuration of Personal Digital Assistants (PDAs), and the establishment of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructure across the country.

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    According to the NPC, all the processes of the census are going to be technology-driven. As the enumerators are getting information in the field using the PDA, it would be transmitted automatically from the system to the server. The use of technology would make the fresh census more credible, transparent and acceptable than previous censuses conducted in the country.     

    The commission equally conducted robust advocacy and publicity campaigns across the country, to sensitise Nigerians on the exercise. They were in the process of recruiting enumerators when the immediate past administration rescheduled the exercise. Given that Tinubu promised during the campaigns to continue where Buhari stopped, many Nigerians thought that the census would be handled with sense of urgency, considering its immense benefits to the country. So far, our expectations on the exercise have not been met.

    Conducting census is a very capital intensive exercise. There is no doubt about that. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) described the census as “the most expensive data collection activity a country can undertake, involving thousands of workers and millions of dollars of cost.” The process of conducting census involves many events and stages. However, in considering the cost and the rigorousness, we should also look at the numerous benefits. 

    The census is the spine of the national statistical system. For example, development planners need population information for all kinds of development work, including assessing demographic trends and analysing socio-economic trends and economic conditions. Similarly, data generated from the exercise are vital to budgeting and the implementation, monitoring, as well as evaluation of the effectiveness of government programmes and policies, including immunisation and Universal Basic Education (UBE) programmes. 

    Likewise, census data could be used for tracking the progress towards national and international agreed development plans, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), designing evidence-based poverty reduction strategies and empowering local communities with information to enable them to participate in decision making.

    In the political sphere, census data are used for the creation of federal and state constituencies to enhance effective representation in government. Nigeria practices representative democracy and the constitution makes population a prerequisite for the creation of federal and state constituencies, which constitute a critical basis of representation in the country. The Senate and House of Representatives have passed resolutions, asking the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to carry out its mandate of creating new federal constituencies in line with Section 73 (1) of the constitution. The electoral umpire often used the prolonged non-conduct of population census as an excuse for refusing to do so.

    In addition, data generated from census could be used for academic research and feasibility studies by Research and Development (R&D) departments of companies and corporate organizations, for promotions, programmes and projects. These are to mention but a few.

    Regrettably, Nigeria, the widely acclaimed “Giant of Africa” has been deprived of these benefits for almost two decades, as a result of her inability to conduct census. The last population enumeration in the country took place in 2006. Since then, Nigeria has been planning based on population estimates and projections, using outdated data. We should also not lose sight of the fact that the last census was marred by controversies like previous ones. 

    By international convention, a census exercise should be held in a country at least once every 10 years. The United Nations recommends at least once every five years to guarantee better and more current data. Nigeria held its last census 18 years ago. If we should go by the UN recommendation, Nigeria ought to have held at least three censuses and should be preparing for the fourth one by now. We are, however, lagging behind our peers. South Africa conducted its most recent census in 2022. Ghana, Nigeria’s next door neighbour, conducted the same 2022. Kenya held in 2019. We pride ourselves as citizens of the most populous black nation on earth. Yet, we don’t know our population.

    The current administration should prioritise the conduct of the Digital National Population and Housing Census. If the Federal Government could afford to spend N6 trillion on infrastructure in the past one year, there is nothing wrong with spending N500 billion to conclude the rescheduled census. If you know the size, location and characteristics of the population, it will enable you to plan better.

    Thankfully, the president re-appointed a good number of the federal commissioners in the commission who have been part of the planning and execution of the preparatory activities over the years. Shortly after his assumption of office, he promised to support the NPC to conduct a credible and acceptable census for the country. The time has come for him to match his words with action by announcing the new date for the census and empowering NPC financially to conclude the process that was started many years ago.

    Luckily, on May 29, he told the Joint Session of the National Assembly to expect a supplementary budget soon. Nigerians expect that the funds for the conduct of the census will be part of the supplementary appropriation. If the president does the needful, he will take the glory as the man who broke the jinx of not conducting census in Nigeria for 18 years. This year (2024) has gone half way. We have six months left. The census is a five-day exercise. There is no need for further procrastination.

    •Nzomiwu, a policy analyst wrote from Awka, Anambra State.

  • The return of a hustler

    The return of a hustler

    In a curious failure of judgment that almost ruined the epochal event, former British prime minister Tony Blair —  Phony Tony or Tony Bliar (rhymes with Liar) to most of his countrymen — was invited as keynote speaker at ceremonies to herald the inauguration of Muhammadu Buhari as Nigeria’s 15th president.

    On the eve of his scheduled outing, he scurried out of Nigeria, and his one-time secretary of state and ideological soulmate, Peter Mandelson, was ferried in to take his place.       

    Last May, he hustled his way into Abuja, wangled an audience and a photo opportunity with President-elect (as he then was) Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, and offered gratuitously to help the in-coming Administration launch Nigeria on the path of democratic governance and development at home and as a respectable international actor. 

    Granting Blair an audience was a misstep in an otherwise calibrated countdown to the Inauguration that culminated in yesterday’s inspiring rite of renewal. 

    He has no core convictions.  He has no political or moral capital that he can deploy for Nigeria’s benefit.  President Bola Tinubu and his Administration must not allow him to indulge in that pretence again.  But there he was in Abuja again last week in an audience with Tinubu, unctuous as ever, as Tinubu marked the anniversary of his administration. 

    Abuja is one of the few capitals where Tony Blair can still count on a polite welcome.  His 2015 visit was the third in just a little over four years.  Since then, by my count, he has visited Nigeria twice. What about Blair guarantees him a hospitable official reception in Nigeria, whereas he is much despised in his own country and elsewhere in the world?

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    I was reminded the other day that it was my column for May 19, 2015, “An unwelcome visitor,” that scuttled Blair’s scheduled presentation before Buhari’s inauguration.  I would like to take the liberty to draw substantially on it for this.

    In February 2010, his hands still wet with the blood of tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis he liberated from this world and from their relations in a military invasion that he helped gin up with a raft of lies, he was invited – along with fellow war criminals former U.S. president George W. Bush and his former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice – by one Nigerian newspaper proprietor basking in the illusion of influence and affluence to speak at a ceremony in Abuja purportedly honouring distinguished Nigerians past and present.

    On a different occasion, Blair even got to meet a star-struck acting President Goodluck Jonathan, as he then was, to discuss “matters of mutual interest” between Nigeria and Britain, and his desire to keep that relationship strong.

    Nine months later, declaiming with the unctuousness that becomes him so well, he claimed that the “international community” was nursing a great deal of interest and excitement in Nigeria’s elections scheduled for 2011.

    More to the point of his new career as a money-grubbing influence peddler, he declared, with JP Morgan chief executive officer Jamie Damon in tow, that the global financial giant’s decision to upgrade its Nigerian office to a full branch was a demonstration of confidence in Nigeria and in President Jonathan’s effort to transform the economy.

    Shortly after that visit, JPMorgan bagged a huge chunk of Nigeria’s controversial Sovereign Wealth Fund, even as it recorded huge losses resulting from reckless transactions.

    Blair’s 2015 visit was no accident.  It was designed to secure future access in the Buhari dispensation for the major players in international high finance, for which he is a well-paid lobbyist

    It was entirely in character that Blair should have presumed at every stop to speak for the “international community,” though he held no public office and was in fact a hugely discredited politician who, in a just world, should be in prison serving time for war crimes.

    So resented and discredited had he become at the end of his record tenure as prime minister that he could not embark on a farewell tour of Britain, where he was sure to be greeted with shouts of “Liar, Liar” and pelted with tomatoes and eggs. They even re-christened him BLIAR, And so, he went instead to bid farewell to British troops in Basra, in Iraq, and in Afghanistan.

    Blair’s quest to become president of the European Council ended in humiliation. The British Government withdrew its backing when it became clear that member-states wanted nothing to do with him.  The Middle East for which Blair was designated international mediator has rarely witnessed greater turmoil. 

    When Blair went to testify before the Chilcot Inquiry into how the UK entered the unholy alliance that invaded, occupied, and destroyed Iraq, he had to be smuggled into the Committee Room through a back door, to save him from the wrath of protesters.

    More recently,  I should add,  more than one million Britons signed a petition against his being conferred with a knighthood by King Charles the Third.

    This was not the way the script was supposed to end for the youngest prime minister of the UK since 1812, the skilled politician who rescued Britain from the exhausted Tories, redefined its place in world politics,  and led his Labour Party to three back-to-back election victories.

    He seemed destined for greatness.

    But hubris and delusion soon set in, and glory turned to ashes.

    Blair seized the  September 1,  2001 terrorist attacks on the United States as a lifetime opportunity to project himself as a statesman of global reckoning.  The United States would not fight alone, he assured Americans.  Britain would stand “shoulder to shoulder” with America as it confronted the terrorist threat.

    -From then on Blair made it his business to confect a casus belli, just in case the United States could not come up with a compelling one.  First, he published a dossier on what he said was Iraq’s weapons-of-mass-production programme.  It was a “dodgy” document, copied in part from a sophomoric doctoral dissertation that an American university had rejected.

    Next, he put it out that Iraq had sought to buy uranium cake from Niger Republic.  The document detailing the alleged transaction was a transparent forgery.  The minister who purportedly signed on behalf of the Niger Government had left office at least eight years earlier.   It is as if Federal Government documents dated May 2014 were to surface today bearing the signature of Olu Adeniji as Nigeria’s foreign minister.

    Blair also claimed, again falsely, that Iraq had developed nuclear weapons that could be assembled and deployed for combat within 45 minutes — the same Iraq that could not shoot down a single plane from the armada that had been patrolling its air space and since the end of the Gulf war and bombing military and non-military assets at will.

    The United States quickly latched on to the document as proof that its homeland was imperiled and that it could not afford to have its skies darkened by a mushroom cloud before striking.

    For his domestic audience, Blair declared that Iraq had developed missiles capable of hitting British forces in Cyprus. Why Iraq would want to attack British troops that had been garrisoned in  Cyprus since the 1970s.

    So determined was Blair to take Britain to war that even when Bush offered him a chance to change course, fearing that the British parliament might not share America’s enthusiasm for war, Blair deployed his forensic skills to stay the course, with no consideration for the massive anti-war demonstrations in London and around the world.

    Whenever he prefaces a statement with “to be perfectly honest” or “to be absolutely candid,” which he does very often, you could be sure that he was going to zap you with a falsehood, a barefaced lie.

    He did just that when he claimed in a debate in the House of Commons that “weapons of mass destruction” would be found in Iraq within two weeks.

    Contrived earnestness, evangelical fervour, and the ability to tell a blatant lie with a straight face: That is the quintessence of Tony Blair.

    No weapons of mass destruction were ever found in Iraq.  But by the time British forces pulled out, hundreds of thousands of Iraqis had been killed.  Hundreds of thousands more had been displaced, and Iraq lay in ruins.  Hundreds of British soldiers had also been killed – all for a lie.

    Blair says he is not sorry for that lie because other countries – Australia is the example he and George W Bush frequently cited — also believed it.  True, Britannia no longer rules the waves.  But when did Britain become just another country?

    Germany did not believe it.  France did not believe it  China did not believe it.  Russia did not believe it.

    Blair compounds his war crimes each time he asserts that removing Saddam from power was “the right thing to do.”  But at what cost?

    The hundreds of thousands of Iraqis whom Blair’s warmongering removed from this world, and the hundreds of thousands of innocent Iraqis it turned into refugees or otherwise brought to ruin have no place in Blair’s consciousness.

    He condoned or turned a blind eye to torture.  To head off trials that would have embarrassed the authorities, the British Government in 2011 paid out millions of pounds to persons tortured by officials in parts of Iraq occupied by British forces.

    No wonder, then, that when Blair offered to donate the earnings from his memoir to the families of British troops killed or wounded in Iraq, they rejected it angrily, calling it “blood money.”

    In a just world, Tony Blair would be serving a long jail term — my aversion to capital punishment is total and unconditional, unlike his — for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

    In the meantime, the Federal Government and other institutions must stop inflicting this hustler on the Nigerian public.  He needs them more much more than they need him. They must realize that he comes here for one purpose and one purpose only:  To obtain.

  • Vera’s cruise

    Vera’s cruise

    When on 14th April, she was humiliated while sharing her testimony at an Abuja-based church, many Nigerians rallied to Vera Anyim’s side because she did earn what she was dismissed as not having earned – a Bachelor degree in Law. Senior Pastor of Dunamis International Gospel Centre, Dr. Paul Enenche, had been put off by her incoherence, poor diction and inadvertent claim that she obtained a ‘BSc in Law’ at the National Open University (NOUN) while sharing her testimony at the church’s headquarters, and he ordered her off the stage as having told a lie.

    Anyim, a policewoman by career who is active on social media, gained instant fame that she wasted no time milking. Emergency fame became for her a tiger on whose back she rode to cash on public compassion and generosity. But she seems to have ended up in the belly of that tiger:  when last she was in the news, she was reported arrested by her employer, the Police, for alleged breach of etiquette.

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    Pastor Enenche and Dunamis church did retract somewhat on the humiliation of Anyim when netizens posted proofs of her in her graduation robe and her name on NOUN’s graduation list to back up her testimony. The church said her disgrace was never intended, and the pastor convened a truce parley with photo opps that Anyim made sure to publicise on her social media handles. She was offered lavish gifts by members of the public in apparent compensation for her emotional hurt. Among these was a sponsored vacation at a Port Harcourt resort from which she shared videos of her pleasure ride. She took it all in so fully that she proclaimed herself a celebrity, and was reported demanding meetings with A-list entertainers.

    Anyim simply couldn’t handle fame and she soon hit upon the elastic limit of public charitableness. In a video appeal posted on her Facebook page, she said her Abuja residence no longer befit her “celebrity status” and she needed to move house. “I never dreamt of being a celebrity. It just came all of a sudden, I did not prepare for it,” she said inter alia as she appealed: “I want to use this medium to urge us to assist me with accommodation because I am not buoyant now to rent a house. Where I am staying now is risky and insecure. It is a very open place and everybody already knows I am a celebrity.” The fierceness of public rebuff against that request has since made her withdraw and apologise for making it.

    Now that the Police pulled her in, Anyim may well have become a celebrity mishap.