Author: The Nation

  • MAX lauds Senate on petrol vehicle phase-out

    MAX lauds Senate on petrol vehicle phase-out

    Mobility and clean energy company, MAX, yesterday commended Senate’s advancement on the bill proposing the gradual phase-out of petrol-powered vehicles, which has now scaled its Second Reading.

    The company also restated its commitment to Nigeria’s clean mobility future, saying the development marked a significant milestone in the nation’s transition toward sustainable, affordable, and future-ready transportation.

    As Nigeria faces mounting challenges from rising fuel costs, carbon emissions, and urban congestion, this proposed legislation signals a bold step toward a cleaner, healthier, and more economically inclusive future.

    Speaking on the development, Co-founder and CEO of MAX, Adetayo Bamiduro, said: “This policy direction is not only timely, it is essential. Nigeria has an opportunity to leapfrog into a green mobility future that improves public health, strengthens economic resilience, and creates millions of dignified jobs. We commend the Senate for advancing this bill and stand ready to support the next phase of implementation.”

    Also speaking, Co-founder and President of MAX, Chinedu Azodoh, said the transition must be accessible, inclusive and powered by practical solutions.

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    He said: “The transition to clean mobility must be accessible, inclusive, and powered by practical solutions that work for everyday Nigerians. At MAX, we have already demonstrated how electric vehicles, battery swapping, and innovative financing models can lower costs for riders and businesses while reducing our collective environmental footprint. We look forward to collaborating closely with policymakers to scale this transition nationwide.”

    For nearly a decade, Africa’s leading clean energy company has championed this transition, pioneering electric mobility, developing Africa’s largest EV ecosystem, and financing thousands of riders through innovative clean-energy solutions tailored to local realities.

    MAX currently operates Nigeria’s largest electric vehicle fleet, supported by decentralized battery-swapping infrastructure, solar-powered charging hubs, and a financing model that enables riders to own EVs without collateral or upfront payments. The company’s work has contributed to lower emissions, improved rider earnings, and expanded economic opportunities in Nigeria, Ghana, and Cameroon.

    As Nigeria advances this defining public policy conversation, MAX remains committed to sharing data, insights, and technology to support a just and sustainable transition, one that protects livelihoods, unlocks new economic pathways, and positions Nigeria as a leader in Africa’s clean mobility revolution.

  • TY Logistics to tackle supply chain inefficiencies

    TY Logistics to tackle supply chain inefficiencies

    The Chairman of TY Logistics Park FZE, logistics facility in the Lekki Free Zone, Lagos, Mr. Theo Danjuma Jr., yesterday, said its purpose-built state-of-the-art facility will solve Nigeria’s long-standing supply chain inefficiencies and position the country as a competitive hub for regional trade.

    Speaking at the commissioning of the facility in Lagos, yesterday, he added that the facility, which is West Africa’s first grade-A free zone contract logistics facility in the Lekki Free Zone, will also position Nigeria as a competitive hub for regional trade.

    Danjuma Jr. who is the son of elder statesman, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd), said the company’s advanced Warehouse Management System ensures full inventory transparency, real-time stock control, and error-free order processing — critical for high-velocity sectors and essential for products with shelf-life sensitivities.

    He explained that this technology allows goods to move faster, with greater accuracy and significantly reduced operational friction.

    “Our strategic location in the Alaro Free Zone just minutes from the Lekki Deep Sea Port positions us to offer unmatched import and export efficiencies.

    “This includes importer-of-record solutions, duty deferment, tax optimisation, and enhanced regional distribution into West African markets.

    “But beyond the infrastructure and systems, our true focus is partnership. We see ourselves not just as a logistics provider, but as an extension of our clients’ business — taking on the logistical complexities so they can focus on what truly matters: growing their footprint, strengthening their brand, and increasing market share,” he said.

    He further stated that under the leadership of its CEO, Arno Van Der Merwe, TY Logistics Park FZE is positioned to deliver full contract logistics solutions to medium and large businesses across Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCG), electronics, automotive parts, fashion, pharmaceuticals, and many other industries.

    Also speaking at the event, Founder & Group CEO of Rendeavour, Mr. Stephen Jennings, highlighted the strategic role of industrial and residential ecosystems like Alaro City in attracting investment and strengthening Nigeria’s global trade competitiveness.

    On his part, Managing Director of TY Logistics Park FZE, Arno van der Merwe, emphasised the impact the platform will have on the broader West African market.

    “Every hour lost to poor logistics is a cost to businesses. This facility was built to eliminate those inefficiencies by providing a reliable, centralised, systems-driven logistics engine for Nigeria and the region,” he said.

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    In his goodwill message, Lagos State Governor Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, reaffirmed the state’s commitment to enabling private-sector-led industrial growth, noting that the Lekki axis is becoming Africa’s new manufacturing and logistics powerhouse.

    Highpoint of the launch event included a facility tour, unveiling of the park’s digital operations suite and a demonstration of its end-to-end contract logistics capabilities.

    With client onboarding already in progress, TY Logistics Park FZE is set to commence full commercial operations.

    Present at the commissioning were Gen Danjuma (rtd), and his wife, Sen Daisy Danjuma, Taraba State Governor Dr. Agbu Kefas (represented), Chairman of Lekki Worldwide International Limited, Mr. Biodun Dabiri, traditional rulers, and captains of industry.

    Built to international standards and designed as a fully integrated contract logistics platform, the park marks a major milestone for Nigeria’s logistics and industrial sector, by introducing a new operational benchmark for warehousing, inventory management, and regional distribution in West Africa.

    The 29 ,000 sqm facility, which is located beside the Lekki Deep Sea Port and within minutes of the upcoming international airport, offers over 45,000 pallet positions, advanced storage systems, and a fully automated Warehouse Management System (WMS) providing real-time visibility and audit-ready operations.

  • Govt targets grassroots growth in 2026 spending plan

    Govt targets grassroots growth in 2026 spending plan

    The Federal Government has disclosed that the 2026 budget will prioritise ward-based development, infrastructure expansion, security strengthening and increased domestic production as Nigeria prepares for a future with sharply reduced global aid flows.

    Speaking at a stakeholders’ engagement with the Nigeria International Non-Governmental Organisation (INGO) Forum in Abuja on Monday, Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Senator Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, said the next fiscal plan is anchored on the Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) approved by the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

    According to him, the new framework sets out revenue assumptions, production targets and growth strategies designed to push Nigeria toward its ambition of becoming a $1 trillion economy.

    Bagudu told participants that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and state governors have agreed on a new approach that takes development directly to communities. “Mr. President and the state governors have met and approved the Renewed Hope Ward Development Plan, where in each of the 8,809 wards, the programs will be designed ward-specific to ensure that economic prosperity in those wards is enhanced,” he said.

    He added that the President and governors also agreed to launch the Renewed Hope Infrastructure Fund to increase capital spending nationwide. “There is an irreducible minimum of infrastructure investment that we need to continue making in order to sustain the trajectory of macroeconomic reforms that we are achieving,” he said, noting that the three tiers of government will also scale up investment in security.

    Part of the plan includes improving the capacity of security agencies. Bagudu explained that “training institutions of security agencies are being assessed under a committee led by the governor of Enugu State,” adding that an initial report has already been submitted. “They indicated that an initial sum of $100 billion will be required to boost some of those training institutions,” he said. He recalled that the President had earlier directed the recruitment of more security personnel and the recall of officers serving in non-operational roles.

    The minister further disclosed that President Tinubu and the National Economic Council have approved measures to reduce revenue losses in the crude oil, gas, and solid minerals sectors. He said there are persistent “allegations that a lot of our precious stones, a lot of our gold are being mined illegally,” and assured that steps are being taken to curb the losses.

    He stressed that the Federal Government and governors also resolved to intensify support for domestic production. “Last but not the least, the President agreed with the state governors that we should embark on more measures to support domestic production,” Bagudu stated.

    Bagudu explained that the engagement with INGOs was part of a broader effort to improve coordination with development partners and strengthen local capacity for the country’s 2026–2030 growth plans. The government, he said, is using the forum to review existing partnerships and identify what should change going forward. He noted that INGOs play a significant role in helping the public better understand ongoing economic reforms and in helping Nigeria learn from global experiences.

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     “We are here to show appreciation on behalf of our nation to all the International Non-governmental Organisations that are engaged in one way or the other with our country’s progress, to hear from them what we can do differently, what we can do better, and how we can learn more from them, particularly given our federal structure,” he said. “They are instrumental in the way that we can do better as a country, because they have experienced how some countries, where they either come from or they have been engaged with, have solved the problems that we are dealing with currently. We have embarked on bold, tough reforms under the able and courageous leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. We couldn’t have done those reforms without their support, because we need public acceptance,” he added.

    Earlier in the meeting, Director of the Nigeria INGO Forum, Camilla Higgins, warned that Nigeria is among countries facing a faster transition away from foreign aid despite rising humanitarian needs. She said the global decline in development assistance is occurring at a time when Nigeria’s humanitarian situation remains severe.

    Higgins disclosed that the 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan sought $910 million but had only achieved 24 percent of the target so far. According to her, this makes it urgent to help Nigeria develop stronger domestic financing systems. “What we are experiencing in Nigeria is an example of what’s being experienced globally, that international overseas development assistance is shrinking dramatically,” she said.

    She explained that Nigeria has operated an internationally coordinated humanitarian system for over a decade, but that structure will soon wind down. “We’re now going to see that structure dismantled in Nigeria in order to hand over responsibility more to national actors. The point that we are stressing here is that this is not a reflection of a reduction in need in Nigeria, quite the opposite,” she said.

    Higgins cautioned that as international resources decline, needs across the country are rising. She said the priority now is “to partner very strongly with the government of Nigeria to put in place alternative systems and structures that can continue to meet the needs of people across the country,” adding that building national capacity and redirecting more domestic resources will be critical in the years ahead.

  • PDP’s roforofo fight

    PDP’s roforofo fight

    By Ray Ekpu

    The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was in power for 16 years (1999-2015) and even boasted that it would keep the power trophy for 60 years. Its rhetoric turned out to be an empty boast when it was trounced in 2015 by Muhammadu Buhari who had done the race three times unsuccessfully before then. Since it lost power, it also lost its direction and has been running from pillar to post trying to get back its sanity and soul. It hasn’t succeeded so far despite several attempts. That failure has led to the party being in tatters. A couple of weeks ago, a faction of the party met in Ibadan in a move to do some panel-beating and get its soul back. It expelled some of its important members including Nyesom Wike, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Samuel Anyanwu, national secretary of the party and several other persons that they probably thought were roadblocks to the smooth functioning of the party.

    The amazing thing here was that two prominent persons, Governor Seyi Makinde and Wike who were together in a rebel club called G-5 were now in separate camps. That was an early sign that whatever would be done in Ibadan, Oyo State, would, most likely, be countered by the other group that did not attend the Ibadan conference. That has now happened. Wike and his gang have also expelled some members from the opposing gang. So the crisis has now morphed into a conflagration. The two camps went to take over the headquarters of the party and a fist fight occurred and the police had to use teargas to disperse the unruly crowd of political heavyweights. Now that office has been sealed by the police.

    What happened there has been described by some media in a sexy alliteration as “Wahala at Wadata.” We saw this kind of roforofo fight in a different setting during General Yakubu Gowon’s era. An activist called Godwin Daboh had accused one of Gowon’s ministers, Joseph Tarka of corruption. The public had to force Tarka to resign. Friends of Tarka also went after Daboh and filed some corruption allegations against him. So the prevailing political jargon at the time was “if you Tarka me I will Daboh you.” That is what has just happened in the PDP between the Makinde and Wike camps.

    Both sides were simply obeying Dirkeen’s Third Law of Politics (a) Get elected (b) Get re-elected and (c) Don’t get mad, get even. The G-5 is now in shreds. Makinde who was with Wike is now without him. Each group is on its own and we are left to figure out which BOT is valid and which is not; which NWC is legitimate and which is not and which NEC is legal and which is not. What we now have is a rebellion within a rebellion, some kind of illegal republic within an illegal republic. As things are now it is only the Supreme Court that will sort out the mess.

    In this roforofo fight, the PDP leaders have put the courts in a quandary. Any keen observer must have noticed that the strategy was that each gang selects in a partisan manner the court in a state where he can hope to get favourable judgement. He goes and files a case there and does what he must do to get the judgement he wants. The other party does the same thing and gets the judgement it wants. That is the name of the game. And these are the same people who will turn around and accuse the courts of corruption when the courts of equal jurisdiction give conflicting judgements. For them leadership does not depend upon being right. It depends on acquiring power by hook or crook. That way they can justify what Henry Kissinger said namely that “power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.”

    I am sure that many right thinking Nigerians would be shocked that one of the PDP leaders had the temerity to ask America’s President Donald Trump to come and save Nigeria’s democracy. Isn’t that a foolish remark? It is. Is it not he and his irresponsible colleagues who are turning Nigeria’s democracy upside down? Is it not his responsibility to work with his colleagues to clean the mess that they have created in our democracy and governance? It is.

    By the way is Trump a global magician? He is not. Is he a global Mr Fix it? He is not. In his own country he has problems, enormous problems that he is struggling to solve. He is being challenged by his citizens from time to time in various courts. There are various groups of demonstrators parading the streets of various American cities, people who are vigorously opposed to his policies. He is grappling with those problems without calling on foreign leaders to come and solve them. The leaders of the PDP are those who have done considerable damage to our democracy. The party had the strength to be a viable opposition party but it failed to rally its members into one big tent for that purpose because of the greed for power. They lacked the morality that was needed for that assignment and the test of morality is what you do when you have power.

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    Now they are busy crying that Nigeria is becoming a one party entity. If it becomes a one party entity they must hold themselves responsible for it. If they had stood firm to build their party into a formidable organ their members would not be leaving in droves. Their members are leaving because the greed for power and vaulting ambition had prevented the managers of the party from bringing themselves into the path of reason. Instead of working for two solid parties to emerge they started creating micro parties that had no chance of being big enough to be convincingly competitive. And now some of them have decamped to ADC, a party that has been there but not there. That party is like a false pregnancy. All the signs are there but no baby. The ADC is just a gathering of the disgruntled, of people who have been moving from one party to another since 1999 looking for pepper soup, also known as stomach infrastructure. Those in ADC are just hanging in the air like birthday balloons; they are in the middle of nowhere, going nowhere except political perdition. Their feet are not on the ground. They have no tap roots. All that they have are fanciful flags. That’s all. ADC is not a new party. It has been there for ages and has achieved nothing or to put it kindly next to nothing. Which state does it control? None.

    One of the ADC leaders said recently that the people will vote President Bola Tinubu out in 2027; that their party doesn’t need to control any state before winning. This is evidence that he doesn’t know how people vote in elections in Nigeria. They do not vote based on issues. They vote because their leaders, governors, legislators, commissioners and local government chairmen tell them which party and which candidate to vote for. Any analyst who has watched the voting pattern in Nigeria’s elections can testify to this. So parties that do not control these institutions have very little chance of success in the 2027 elections. Mark my words.

    The other peg on which one of the ADC chiefs is hanging the possibility of driving Tinubu out of office is the issue of hardship in Nigeria. Yes, there is hardship in Nigeria just as there is hardship in many other countries in varying degrees. No country in the world has yet completely eliminated hardship. But the fact is that the federal and state governments are combating the problem with various strategies including giving cash or food items. This has been made possible by the fact that the removal of fuel subsidy by Tinubu has put more money in the pockets of all the governments who now take home almost twice the sum of money they got before fuel subsidy was removed. Now, three or four state governments have trillion naira budgets. Life has become a lot easier. We can get petrol without having to sleep and snore at petrol stations as we used to do for almost a decade when all our refineries were dead; they are still dead. And our politicians did nothing. They just allowed us to suffer interminably for years, while workers in those dormant refineries were being paid for idleness. And with the birth of the Dangote Refinery, our petroleum products palaver has been largely resolved. The Dangote Refinery is the greatest thing that has happened to Nigeria in decades, yes in several decades. And Nigerians, honest Nigerians, must stand up to defend the organisation against the corrupt antics of some corrupt marketers and some corrupt labour leaders.

  • Trump trumping democracy

    Trump trumping democracy

    The last 30 years or thereabout saw the resurgence of democracy in Africa, principally because of pressure from the United States of America (USA) and other western European countries. With the USA and its allies breathing down the neck of despots across Africa, the local pro-democracy activists courageously pursued their democratic enterprise. In Nigeria for instance, the maximum ruler, Sani Abacha out of fear of the western alliance turned into a recluse and when he suddenly died, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar who took over power foreswore any hanky-panky and quickly handed over to a democratically elected president in 1999.

    What happened in Nigeria happened across several African nations as any undemocratic country was treated as a pariah. Trump’s predecessor, on two different occasions, Barack Obama and Joe Biden, both of the Democratic Party, never ceased to use the banner of democracy to further American interests across the world. It was substantially the same with those who came before them in the 1990s and beyond. With America breathing down the neck of African despots, democracy of all sorts began to take place in the continent and before long, all nations were considered as running some form of democracy.

    But that hard earned “democracy” across Africa, especially in West Africa, is now in retreat because the hitherto moral leader of the world, the USA, now has President Donald Trump, who is somewhat amoral in charge. Donald Trump, the world famous dealmaker, who has cut peace deals between nations in the Middle East, Asia and Africa, appears ready to make deal with democracy. Between Israel and Palestinians, Trump was able to make peace at very heavy cost of human lives. This writer doubts if there is any other leader in modern history that would have the courage Trump had to allow the carnage that took place in Gaza, just to achieve relative peace. 

    Using Israel as a lightning rod, in the Middle East, the ambivalent Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthi rebels, and Syrian despotic leadership, are all in retreat. In Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda, who have disgustingly been fighting over control of natural resources, in DRC, were arm-twisted to make peace deal. Trump is also arm-twisting Russia and Ukraine to make peace at any cost, against the weaker Ukraine. He barely listens to the anguish of Europe that sacrificing Ukrainian territory to make peace amounts to submitting to Russian expansionist militancy.

    Trump also has very demeaning regards for poor third world countries, especially those whose citizens have become some form of nuisance in the USA. He has no diplomatic niceties in describing them. He called Nigeria names and most recently called Somalians ‘garbage’. He had used worse epithets for other nations on the same pedestal with Nigeria and Somalia.

    So, the world may not be surprised that despite the turmoil democracy is facing in West Africa, the USA President has not taken any strong stance against the military adventurists that have been ravaging the region. It will be strange to his predecessors that democracy in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Guinea Bissau were overthrown without any threat or even warning from the USA state department. In the past, the state department would have sent strong warning to the coup plotters in Mali and perhaps the follow up in Burkina Faso and Niger would never had happened. 

    Unlike his predecessors, Trump apparently ranks democracy lower than his other interests. His undemocratic policies at home suggest that. Take for example how he tried to browbeat the USA Congress to do his bidding, with respect to the recent budget impasse. When a congressman or woman of even his party disagrees with him, the least the person gets is severe tongue lashing. Clearly, Trump does not suffer any person he disagrees with gladly, and he surely believes the third world countries should stay in their ‘shit hole country’.

    Trump also flirts with autocratic leaders, and has no complaints about the lack of democracy in their respective countries. In all his dealings with Russian leader, Vladimir Putin, he never waves the lack of democracy in that country; rather he uses words that depict the leader as strong. Even the more autocratic despot, the leader of North Korea, Kim Jong Un is called smart, without any denunciation about his despicable repression records against his country men and women. Trump has even shown willingness to do deal with the Korean leader, without minding the poor state of rule of law in that country.

    Unlike his predecessors, Trump rarely questions the human rights integrity of the nations’ across the world. May be he sees those democratic principles as empty sloganeering by the western nations? Recall that former President Obama, insisted that Nigeria should not use military aircraft bought by Nigeria, to fight insurgency in certain parts of the country in defence of human rights, and because the bandits have not been declared terrorists. This strange posture was pursued by America, even when glaringly, the bandits were doing as much or more grievous damage to Nigeria’s security than the terrorists.

    In faraway Afghanistan, while Trump is mad against his predecessor, Joe Biden, for authorizing the USA military to leave that strategic country, he has not raised any complaint about the ongoing repression against the citizens especially women by the Taliban regime. Even now he is threatening to invade Afghanistan again, he does not give the excuse that he wants to save the human rights of the citizens, rather he says he wants to have a military base in the country so he can from there confront the Islamist extremists and other enemies of his country in that part of the of the world.   

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    So, with Trump as president of the world’s most powerful democracy, that preferred system of government across the world is clearly in retreat. Sadly, because of the economic challenges facing most countries in Africa, the young and unknowledgeable youthful population foolishly see the military intervention in governance as the solution to the socio-economic problems of their countries. But as most citizens of the military-led Mali and Burkina Faso may have seen, the economic challenges facing their country have gotten worse than before.

    It was that supposed preference for military adventurism that led the young military officers in Benin Republic to attempt to topple democracy in their country, last week. But for the swift intervention of the Nigerian military, those misguided soldiers would have been lying to their country men and women that they have solutions to all their economic and social challenges. As some have rightly argued, it would have been strategically risky for Nigeria to allow itself to be encircled by undemocratic nations, more so with Cameroon tethering under pseudo democracy.

    This column urges African democratic leaders to understand that it is Africans that can save democracy in their continent. The way to go is to practice real democracy and not the quasi-democracy we see in many countries. If they ignore the warning signs, the alternative sadly may be the military interventions that we now see.

  • Why Edo State’s forest reserve claim doesn’t add up

    Why Edo State’s forest reserve claim doesn’t add up

    Sir: The recent declaration by the Deputy Governor of Edo State that the territories around Ajakurama and Abére fall within government-owned forest reserves has generated widespread confusion and unease. For many of us who know the history, the geography, and the lived realities of these communities, the claim is not only surprising but deeply troubling. Land disputes anywhere can inflame tensions, but when they involve centuries-old ancestral spaces, the stakes become even higher. It is therefore essential that matters of such gravity be handled with clarity, accuracy, and respect for historical truth.

    The people of Ajakurama and Abére have inhabited their lands for generations. These are not makeshift settlements carved out in recent years; they are communities with cultural identities rooted in these very spaces. Elders pass down stories of their origins, festivals are tied to specific locations within the landscape, and family histories are etched into the soil. Across Edo State, the concept of ancestral land is not a sentimental notion—it is a lived reality that shapes identity, economy, and tradition. That is why the sudden assertion that these same lands are state-owned forest reserve lands with such force and bewilderment.

    Within Ovia South-West LGA, it has always been common knowledge that the officially designated forest reserves lie far from the Ajakurama–Abére corridor. Past administrations have operated with this understanding; community records reflect it, and even routine field knowledge—known to hunters, farmers, surveyors, and local administrators—reinforces this fact. At no point in history were these communities listed, gazetted, or legally designated as part of any forest reserve. No notices were issued, no compensation was paid, and no boundary adjustments were ever announced by the state. To claim otherwise today requires clear, verifiable documentation, not vague assertions.

    The Edo State government has, over the years, made commendable efforts to govern transparently and uphold due process. This makes the current situation all the more puzzling. When government statements contradict historical and geographical facts known to the communities, they create an atmosphere of distrust that benefits no one. The deputy governor’s pronouncement has already triggered anxiety among residents who fear that their ancestral rights are being quietly rewritten without consultation or evidence. Such a sensitive matter cannot be left hanging in ambiguity.

    For the sake of peace, clarity, and justice, it is both reasonable and necessary to request that the state government act with openness. If documents exist showing that Ajakurama and Abére were at any time absorbed into forest reserves, these should be made public. Maps, gazettes, acquisition notices, and boundary delineations must be shared so that the truth can stand on its own.

    Conversely, if such records do not exist—as community knowledge strongly suggests—then the state should openly correct its position to avoid further misunderstanding.

    In resolving this dispute, it is equally important that the government clearly define the current boundaries of all forest reserves within Ovia South-West LGA. Boundary certainty reduces conflict, prevents administrative errors, and protects both government assets and community land rights. Moreover, direct engagement with leaders of Ajakurama and Abére is essential. These are peaceful, law-abiding communities that recognise the authority of the state. They are willing to dialogue, willing to cooperate, and willing to listen. What they cannot do—and should never be expected to do—is surrender their ancestral heritage to a claim they know to be inaccurate.

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    It bears repeating that the people’s demand is simple: truth. Their loyalty to Edo State remains intact, but loyalty does not cancel history. It does not erase community memory, nor does it negate legal and customary rights that predate modern governance systems. As the state continues to pursue development, investment, and modernisation, it must ensure that these aspirations do not come at the expense of the very communities whose cooperation is essential to progress.

    This is not the first time that land designation issues have surfaced in Nigeria, and history shows that transparency always produces better outcomes than unilateral declarations. The Ajakurama and Abére situation should be no different. The state government now has an opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to fairness by clarifying its position, sharing its evidence, and engaging the affected communities constructively.

    In the end, what is at stake is not just land but trust. And trust, once strained, requires deliberate effort to restore. The government must rise to this responsibility by ensuring that official statements reflect documented facts, not assumptions.

    The people of Ajakurama and Abére seek only justice, clarity, and respect for their heritage. No more, no less.

    •John Amabolou Elekun, Iju-Ajuwon, Lagos.

  • Sharia, sovereignty, and Nigeria’s constitution

    Sharia, sovereignty, and Nigeria’s constitution

    Sir: Recent commentary from foreign circles, particularly from the United States, has once again put Nigeria’s implementation of Sharia law under global scrutiny. In the rush to judge, many external observers overlook a crucial fact: Nigeria is a sovereign republic with a constitution that fully protects religious autonomy and diversity. Any criticism that ignores this reality is not only misinformed but also risks intruding into matters that Nigerian people have already resolved through democratic consensus.

    Nigeria is not a religious battlefield; it is a federation of diverse cultures, faiths, and traditions, united by a constitution that guarantees freedom of worship. Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly states that every Nigerian has the right to believe or not believe, to worship, to teach, and to practice their religion without fear. This is not a privilege granted by the state; it is a fundamental right.

    This constitutional protection is precisely why Sharia law exists in Muslim-majority states across the North. Sharia is not a national imposition; it is not forced upon Christians or adherents of other faiths. It applies only to Muslims who voluntarily adhere to its principles. Just as Christians organize their internal doctrines without interference, Muslims also have the constitutional space to govern their personal religious affairs. This is how religious coexistence works in Nigeria, not just in theory, but in daily life.

    Those who accuse northern states of violating Nigeria’s secular nature often fail to look beyond the headlines. Section 10 of the constitution firmly states that no government, federal or state, may adopt a religion as the state religion. This safeguard is what allows Nigeria to remain a secular political entity while permitting cultural and religious expressions at the state level. Therefore, Sharia is not a challenge to national unity; it is a recognized reflection of Nigeria’s federal identity.

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    Foreign governments need to appreciate this delicate balance. Nigeria’s constitutional order was not drafted in Washington, London, or Brussels. It was negotiated by Nigerians who lived through military rule, political tension, and religious misunderstanding. The result is a framework that respects differences while insisting on equality before the law. To dismiss that achievement is to assume that Nigerians cannot manage their own affairs.

    Nigeria values its partnerships, including with the United States, but such partnerships must be grounded in respect, not condescending lectures about a system that many critics hardly understand. The United States would never tolerate foreign interference in its internal policies; Nigeria should expect the same courtesy. While dialogue is welcome, it must acknowledge that Nigeria’s sovereignty is not up for debate.

    The implementation of Sharia law does not weaken Nigeria’s democracy; it demonstrates its maturity. It shows that different regions can express their identities without tearing the nation apart. Those who speak of religious conflict should visit the North and see for themselves Christians attending church freely, Muslims observing their faith, and markets bustling with both communities trading side by side. That lived reality is more powerful than any foreign report.

    Nigeria’s Constitution is a shield that protects every believer, every non-believer, and every minority. Any conversation about Sharia must begin there, not in the pages of foreign think tanks or the assumptions of distant commentators.

    A nation that understands its laws should never hesitate to defend them. Likewise, a friend who respects Nigeria must take the time to understand it.

    •Ishaq Adam Magama, Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.

  • Lagos’ 2026 ‘Budget of shared responsibility’

    Lagos’ 2026 ‘Budget of shared responsibility’

    By Tayo Ogunbiyi

    With the growing pressures for enhanced service delivery in Nigeria and the challenges of budgetary crises and fiscal shocks, the need for improved budget processes and innovative financial management techniques is especially critical more than ever before. The increasing significance of budgets in the economy has obliged the use of new techniques in managing them. It also calls for transparency and clarity of vision on the part of political leadership.

    In Lagos State, especially in the past six years, prioritization of developmental needs and earmarking resources commensurate with the importance of each sector has been the compelling factors in budgetary estimates. In the last six and a half years, the Lagos State government has changed the paradigm not only in budgeting but in its implementation. The state has not only effectively monitored budget implementation; it has consistently delivered a budget performance of over 75%.

    It has been the policy of the government to embark on periodic budget reviews. Repeated monitoring, critical examination, and diligent application of the process have positively impacted budget performance in the state.

    The idea of periodic budget assessment speaks volumes of the pro-activeness of the government as it affords it a scientific basis for measuring its performance consistently while putting pressure on government departments and agencies to meet budgetary targets.

    This amply reflects the commendable form of progress that is being made in terms of budget monitoring and implementation at the ‘Centre of Excellence’. More importantly, it is inspiring that the result of a recent impact assessment done by the government shows that critical sectors as health, education, the environment and security are experiencing marked improvements. Also, in terms of literacy level, the level in the state is above the National Average.

    The implication of this is enhanced security, improved healthcare, and, invariably better quality of life. The number of patients to doctors is also improving, as reflected in life expectancy. Equally, the number of stillbirths and deaths is also gradually reducing.

    Since the inception of the current administration, the government’s programmes, policies, and activities have been firmly anchored on the T.H.E.M.E.S+ Agenda — a framework that continues to guide the transformation of Lagos into a safer, smarter, greener, and more inclusive megacity.

    Year after year, the administration’s budgets have been structured to move the state from stability to reform, from reform to expansion, and now, from expansion to shared and enduring prosperity.

    In the past six years, the administration’s fiscal journey has followed a clear and deliberate progression. In 2020, its ‘Budget of Awakening’ laid the foundation for a Greater Lagos, while the 2021 ‘ Budget of Rekindled Hope’ stabilized the economy after unprecedented disruptions.

    In 2022, the ‘Budget of Consolidation reinforced systems and institutional reforms, and the 2023 ‘Budget of Continuity’ connected the administration’s first-term gains to its long-term vision.

    The 2024 ‘Budget of Renewal’ aligns with the national Renewed Hope Agenda, while the 2025 ‘Budget of Sustainability safeguarded progress and strengthened resilience.

    Each of these budgets has served as a building block —supported by discipline, rigorous planning, and the steadfast partnership of all stakeholders. Collectively, they have delivered measurable improvements in mobility, healthcare, education, housing, agriculture, technology, environmental management, and public safety.

    It is, thus, quite cheering that the State’s N4.237 trillion Appropriation Bill for the 2026 is coming at a time when the focus of the government is on sustaining and surpassing the gains of the past six and half years through the completion of several ongoing projects such as the Massey Street Children’s Hospital, General Hospital, Ojo and Opebi-Ojota Link Bridge among others.

    The budget is a bold and forward-looking financial plan designed to consolidate the current administration’s legacy in its final full year.

    The Y2026 Appropriation Bill, ‘Budget of Shared Prosperity,’ is a reaffirmation of the government’s collective belief that Lagos can continue to rise, continue to lead, and continue to create opportunities for every resident of Africa’s preferred megacity.

    The budget has a total revenue estimate of N3,993,774,552,141, supported by Internally Generated Revenue of N3,119,774,552,141 and Federal Transfers of N874 billion. This revenue projection leaves a deficit financing requirement of N243,332,457,167.

    Capital expenditure for the year is proposed at N2,185,085,419,495, while recurrent expenditure is estimated at N2,052,021,589,812 the recurrent component includes overheads, personnel costs, and debt obligations.

    From all indications, with the availability of the required financial resources, the government will accomplish its objective of sustaining a rising Lagos. Over the years, it has demonstrated enough capacity to implement projects.

    Ironically, however, the successes of the state have created some socio-economic challenges as reflected in the number of people coming into the state to benefit from what it has to offer. It is quite similar to the case of Nigerians travelling abroad in search of the proverbial greener pasture.

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    In order to ensure the total success of the state’s 2026 budget, the people need to be fully involved in its implementation. For instance, they need to speak up whenever they notice any anomaly in the implementation of projects in their localities. The projects in their localities are theirs and are principally meant for them, so they should monitor them to ensure that the money being spent is well spent.

    Similarly, existing structures for programme monitoring should be supported with proper evaluation systems, especially where existing ones are weak. It is important, equally, that evaluation provides evidence-based information that is credible, reliable, and useful, enabling the timely incorporation of findings, recommendations, and lessons learnt into decision-making.

    Perhaps, more notably, all MDAs in the state need to be more creative in their revenue generation drive by focusing on untapped areas of revenue.

    On a final note, it is important to stress that every resident of the state has an important role to play in the full implementation of the budget. After all, the human challenges that confront implementation of budgets are both behavioural and attitudinal, particularly with people still refusing to comply with the laws of the state. The effect of this is to increase the cost of running the government in many ways because of compulsory compliance, which the people will not accede to, often leaves the government spending more money on law enforcement than it probably would have.

    For instance, people driving against traffic, people not managing their refuse properly, refusing to use the PSP, and patronizing cart pushers who are not registered to operate, and people selling along the road, and so many other unwholesome behaviours are all parts of the human factors working against the budget.

    So, as the state government embarks on the implementation of the 2026 Budget, there is a need for all residents of the state to embrace attitudinal change that would enhance accelerated growth and development.

    •Ogunbiyi is Director, Public Enlightenment & Community Relations, Ministry of Information and Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

  • Malami: When the past comes haunting

    Malami: When the past comes haunting

    By Abubakar Sani

    Last week, former Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, SAN, confirmed through his verified Facebook account that he had been invited by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). In that short, somewhat predictable post, he restated his commitment to honouring the invitation, and as expected, reaffirmed his loyalty to the rule of law. Moments later, he followed up with an update that he had been released on bail after what operatives at the EFCC described as “a grilling session”.

    For many Nigerians, Malami getting invitations from the EFCC is neither shocking nor new as this is not his first encounter with the EFCC. And, from the look of things, it certainly won’t be his last. The details of the fresh accusations against him have not yet been made public, but the very idea of Malami answering questions at the EFCC hardly qualifies as breaking news. If anything, it feels like a chapter long overdue.

    Anyone who lived through the Buhari years, especially those who paid attention to the inner workings of government would find it difficult to feign surprise. Malami, during his prime, was arguably the most powerful Attorney-General Nigeria had ever seen, and perhaps the most politically entrenched.

    For years, he was alleged to have operated like a law unto himself: the master of selective justice and the undisputed godfather of some of the most curious administrative decisions ever issued in the name of the Nigerian state. That he is now being asked to account for some of those actions is, frankly, nothing more than the past paying a long-delayed visit.

    Across Nigeria’s political grapevine, Malami’s name has hovered over a long list of allegations. There are whispers of shadowy deals, controversial directives, and curious legal manoeuvres that conveniently aligned with the interests of a small circle around him. Whether every allegation is true is for investigators to determine, but the volume and consistency of these claims paint a picture that cannot be dismissed with the usual political PR.

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    Any country serious about building a culture of leadership based on integrity, would never entertain a person carrying this kind of political and ethical baggage. For their own sake, such people should not even be entertaining the thought of contesting for public office. Yet, here we are, Malami, with a trail of unresolved questions behind him, boldly pushing for the governorship of Kebbi State as though morality, decency, and public perception were mere inconveniences to be brushed aside.

    What is even more baffling is the audacity with which he carries on. This is a man dragging a bag so heavy that it weighs down not only him but also everyone willing to tag along. Yet he persists in this political macabre dance, insisting on testing the waters of public sentiment in a state he barely cared for when he held power.

    Eight years at the peak of influence, and Kebbi State, his own home could hardly boast of his footprint. No major intervention, no remarkable project, no whisper of developmental impact. Even his presence in the state was scarce, almost symbolic. But now, suddenly, Kebbi matters because the governorship seat has become a potential safe haven.

    This is where we must be brutal with the truth. Kebbi cannot, and must not, become a retirement home for people seeking immunity from prosecution. Leadership in our state must never be reduced to a shield for political fugitives. The governorship is not a hiding place for anyone trying to outrun the consequences of past actions. And the people of Kebbi, who are known for their sense of dignity and straightforwardness, will not embrace a candidate whose past smells louder than his promises.

    Those close to Malami owe him honesty. They should tell him plainly that the baggage he carries is not just heavy, it is leaking maggots. The stench of unresolved scandals follows him everywhere, and no amount of political perfume can mask it. People in Kebbi are not blind, neither are they desperate. They can see what is playing out: a man battling legal shadows desperately trying to drape himself in political garb to appear untouchable.

    And the truth is simple: the more he insists on running, the more he draws attention to the very things he hopes Nigerians will forget. The more he talks about leadership, the louder the echoes of his past missteps bounce back. This is not the kind of storyline any serious candidate should be working with. It is certainly not what a state like Kebbi should be forced to entertain.

    Kebbi deserves leadership built on clean hands and a clear conscience. This fact can never be overemphasised! The state is already battling economic challenges, rural insecurity, and infrastructural deficits. Therefore, it cannot afford a governor who will spend his days worrying allegations hovering over his head, or worse, manipulating institutions to evade accountability. The people deserve a leader who comes to serve, not one who arrives with the desperation of someone running from ghosts.

    Malami may genuinely believe he can talk his way through this storm or ride it using the usual political playbook, but he is grossly misreading the mood of the people. These are not the Buhari years when power was concentrated in the hands of a few who operated behind closed doors. The people have been browbeaten by adversity and have become more vocal, more observant, and far less forgiving. What passed as normal a few years ago now provokes serious questions. And Kebbi State like the rest of the country is watching.

    For his own sake, and for the integrity of the political environment, Malami should pause and rethink. Power is not therapy; neither is public office a laundromat for reputational stains. This governorship ambition of his carries an air of entitlement that does not align with what leadership should be. Governance is a privilege, not a refuge.

    If Malami truly believes in the rule of law as he claims, then this is the moment to prove it, not by insisting on a political adventure, but by submitting fully to the process of clearing his name. That is a more honourable path, one that may even earn him some measure of respect down the line. But forcing himself onto the political stage in Kebbi State while his past still knocks at the door is nothing short of arrogance.

    In the end, it will do him and everyone else a world of good if he simply shelves this inordinate gubernatorial ambition and channels his energy towards addressing the multitude of questions hanging around his neck. Because, while leadership can wait, accountability cannot.

    •Sani writes from Birnin Kebbi.

  • Ebonyi Cement plant and industrialization

    Ebonyi Cement plant and industrialization

    Sir: Domestic cement manufacturing has helped turn Nigeria from net importer decades ago to now among Africa’s leading producers, particularly with companies like Dangote, Lafarge Africa and BUA Cement that have invested in large-scale local plants, ensuring a consistent supply of quality cement and driving down import dependency.

    Yet, Nigeria faces a persistent gap between demand and actual supply. While the combined installed production capacity is substantial at around 65.6 million tonnes annually, actual production often falls short due to operational challenges and infrastructure limitation. With Nigeria facing a significant housing deficit, estimated at 17 million units in urban areas, there is an urgent need for new, structured and well governed market entrants. Experts suggest that Nigeria requires as much as $5 billion in further investments to fully meet local demand.

    With vast deposits of limestone, gypsum, and clay, which are key raw materials required for cement production, the proposal by the Ebonyi State for a strategic investment in a cement plant as a successor to the defunct NIGERCEM, creates a market opportunity for bridging existing market gaps. At a time when the national economy is rebalancing away from oil and toward non-oil sectors, such subnational ventures deserve sustained support to start and survive in supplying one of the most essential building blocks – literally – for infrastructure, housing, roads, bridges, industrial facilities, and urban expansion.

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    A properly managed cement plant in Ebonyi, within a broader industrial-city vision already being pursued by the state government promises to deliver transformational impacts in job creation and poverty reduction. The cement plant will absorb large numbers of workers – from skilled and semi-skilled labour in construction, operations, logistics, transport, to support services – helping to lift meaningful portions of the population out of poverty, and reducing pressure on men and women forced into precarious informal work. It will have industrial linkages and multiplier effects, as cement production spawns demand for quarrying, logistics, transport, packaging, maintenance services -creating a ripple of economic activity across sectors.

    If executed with political will, technical competence, and social and environmental responsibility, it will be a people’s project and a foundational investment in dignity, growth, and intergenerational progress. The future of Nigeria’s industrialization may well be decided not in Abuja or Lagos alone, but in frontier states like Ebonyi.

    If the plant is completed in record time, managed transparently, and sustained beyond electoral cycles – offering jobs, growth, environmental stewardship, and hope, then Ebonyi’s cement plant will not be just a factory: it will be a symbol that industrialization rooted in subnational vision, executed with integrity and partnership, remains our most transformative path forward.

    •Ekpa Stanley Ekpa Esq; ekpastanleyekpa@gmail.com