The Nation Newspaper

Author: The Nation

REA, Benue State chart path for energy security

The Rural Electrification Agency (REA) and Benue State have reached agreement to collectively explore innovative energy solutions that would ensure adequate power supply to unlock the full economic potential of the state.

At the 24th high-level State-by-State Roundtable in Benue State, stakeholders discussed ways to deepen practical implementation of the Electricity Act 2023 and the National Electrification Strategy and Implementation Plan (NESIP) to catalyse data-driven investments across the state.

Upon the passage of the 2023 Electricity Act, REA had maintained a frontline role, translating policy into sustainable impact and facilitating the development of State Electricity Markets using decentralized, investment-ready strategies and solutions.

Themed “From Strategy to Impact: Accelerating Private Investment in Benue State Renewable Energy Ecosystem”, REA–Benue State Roundtable brought together over 300 stakeholders, including Renewable Energy Service Companies (RESCOs), policymakers, innovators, financiers, community representatives, and development partners to align a federal reform, the 2023 Act, with subnational execution.

Managing Director, Rural Electrification Agency (REA), Dr. Abba Aliyu provided an x-ray of Benue State’s electricity market with the identification of over 1,207,272 residents that can be potentially powered through solar mini-grids.

He said the agency, through its data-driven approach, has also identified 3,821 potential mini-grid sites in the state, while an estimated 651 communities have more than 100 connections for private sector mini-grid developers.

According to him, these areas include Odejo, Mbadede and Gwer, all economically viable areas in Benue State. Other locations include Tarka, Otukpo, Obi, Markurdi, Gboko, to mention just a few. The potential mini-grid sites, the MD explained, are attractive and high impact investment sites.

Central to the discussions at the Roundtable, the agency provided a spotlight of existing renewable energy projects in the State, including functional mini-grid infrastructure, grid extension projects, solar-powered irrigation pumps, solar streetlights and solar home systems.

Abba, however, emphasized the need to accelerate and scale-up additional renewable energy projects in the State, leveraging the agency’s data and leaning on the State’s commitment to create a business-friendly electricity market for RESCOs.

Governor of Benue State, Rev. Fr. Hyancinth Alia, explained that Benue State, like much of Nigeria, have battled with poor energy access over the years.

He said: “The 2023 Electricity Act enacted by the FG presents a historic opportunity for energy independence and my administration is fully committed to leveraging this framework to reverse years of energy gap, expand access and attract private sector participation”.

He explained that his administration, upon resumption, has taken “deliberate steps to develop pathways for the state electricity market” as “investor confidence depends on clarity, predictability and efficient project coordination”.

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While commending the REA, the Governor expressed his amazement for the “volume of energy access statistics the REA has in its possession”.

He assured the RESCOs of the State’s readiness to welcome investors and developers.

Widely regarded as the nation’s food basket, the roundtable presented Benue State with data-driven, practical strategies to integrate energy access with agricultural value chains. Beyond this, however, the REA laid out the possible multi-sectoral impact of renewable energy investments in the State, including impact on education, healthcare delivery, security and local economies. Reviewing the pathways for establishing a functional state electricity market framework, the executive team of the REA as well as critical commissioners and heads of agencies in Benue State explored opportunities under the ongoing Distributed Access through Renewable Energy Scale-up (DARES) programme, the National Public Sector Solarization Initiative (NPSSI), the Rural Electrification Fund (REF) and other strategic programmes of the REA.

With the success of the REA–Benue State Roundtable, the REA marks another milestone in Nigeria’s evolving electricity landscape, demonstrating how federal reforms can be effectively localized as States governments step into their new roles under the Electricity Act 2023. The agency has, therefore, continued to mainstream the need for a favourable investment climate, innovative renewable energy solutions, wider private sector participation, sustainability systems and the development of skill pipeline to manage the infrastructure growth across States.

February 2, 2026
Nigeria needs farm price stabilisation framework to protect farmers, says Yusuf

Nigeria needs a comprehensive Farm Price Stabilisation and Farmer Income Protection Framework to prevent the collapse of its agricultural sector, the Chief Executive Officer , Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE), Dr Muda Yusuf has said.

Responding to recent government interventions that have succeeded in bringing down food prices to the relief of consumers, Yusuf ,however, warned that the policy has created troubling trade-offs that threaten the sustainability of the nation’s food security.

“The welfare gains from cheaper food have been profound and should be acknowledged. However, the cost to farmers and other investors across the agricultural value chain is equally significant and cannot be ignored,” Yusuf said in a comprehensive policy brief released by CPPE.

The CPPE chief explained that recent import surges of staple crops, particularly rice, maize and soybeans, have caused serious dislocations in the agricultural investment ecosystem, inflicting severe hardship on farmers and weakening incentives to produce.

“Nigeria cannot afford a policy regime that undermines confidence and discourages investment in agriculture—one of the most strategic sectors of the economy, a major source of livelihoods, and one of the country’s largest employers of labour,” Yusuf stated.

He emphasised the need for urgent policy recalibration to strike a sustainable balance between keeping food affordable for consumers and protecting farmers’ incomes.

“Although consumers have welcomed the decline in food prices, the long-term consequences are adverse: farmer incomes fall, production declines over time, investment confidence weakens, and the country risks returning to cycles of scarcity and higher prices,” he warned.

The policy brief identified several structural factors driving farm price collapses beyond import surges. These include harvest gluts caused by simultaneous harvesting periods, limited storage facilities forcing farmers into immediate distress sales, weak rural logistics, and inadequate processing capacity.

Yusuf called for the establishment of a National Farm Price Stabilisation and Farmer Income Protection Framework anchored on clear principles. “The framework should be rules-based rather than discretionary, targeted rather than universal, market-friendly rather than command-driven, and digitally enabled to strengthen transparency and accountability,” he said.

Among the key recommendations, CPPE proposed the introduction of Minimum Guaranteed Prices for strategic commodities including maize, rice, sorghum and soybeans.

Yusuf clarified that this should not become an open-ended government purchase programme but rather operate strictly as a stabilising backstop when market prices fall below support levels.

“Support prices should follow a transparent methodology reflecting cost of production, storage and logistics costs, and fair farmer margins,” he explained, while cautioning that minimum guaranteed prices without adequate storage capacity and institutional discipline could become fiscally unsustainable.

The CPPE chief also advocated for urgent reform of the strategic grain reserves, calling for their conversion into a modern, professionally managed and rules-based buffer stock system. “Government should buy grains during harvest periods when prices collapse and release grains in lean seasons when prices spike. This will reduce volatility, stabilise supply, and strengthen food security,” Yusuf said.

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He recommended nationwide expansion of the Warehouse Receipt System, describing it as one of the most sustainable global solutions to distress sales. Under this system, farmers deposit produce in certified warehouses, receive receipts which serve as collateral for loans, and can sell later when prices improve.

“A major driver of price collapse is farmers’ lack of liquidity. Many farmers sell at low prices not because they want to, but because they urgently need cash,” Yusuf noted.

The policy brief also called for massive investment in storage infrastructure, cold chain facilities and agro-logistics through public-private partnerships, expansion of processing capacity near production zones, and strengthening of agricultural insurance schemes.

On trade policy, Yusuf emphasised the importance of predictable safeguards to prevent import-driven price crashes while maintaining compliance with regional trade obligations.

He further stressed the urgent need to reduce the prohibitively high cost of farm inputs including fertiliser, improved seeds, agrochemicals, farm machinery and livestock feeds, alongside provision of single-digit loan facilities and improved extension services.

He said Nigeria’s agricultural transformation cannot be achieved without stabilising farmer incomes.

He called on the Federal Government, state governments, commodity exchanges, development finance institutions and private investors to work collaboratively in establishing the proposed framework, describing it as essential for protecting farmers, strengthening food security, reducing inflationary pressures, expanding rural employment and improving national economic resilience.

February 2, 2026
Leveraging trust to deliver fiscal sustainability

By Gbenga Oyebode Falana

Fiscal sustainability connotes the ability of governments to manage public finances over the medium and long term without excessive borrowing, debilitating debt, or fiscal crises – has emerged as a central pillar for economic resilience in today’s interconnected global economy. Yet, while the technical dimensions of fiscal sustainability (such as debt-to-GDP ratios, budget deficits, and revenue mobilisation) dominate policy discourse, an equally critical but less discussed driver is trust – trust between citizens and the state, investors and institutions, and among public stakeholders themselves. In emerging economies, where structural challenges abound, elevating trust from a peripheral consideration to a core strategic asset can transform fiscal outcomes and accelerate sustainable development.

At its core, trust is the belief that institutions will act predictably, fairly, and in the public interest. When citizens trust their government, they are more willing to comply with fiscal obligations such as taxation; when investors trust the policy environment, they commit capital for the long term; and when civil society trusts public institutions, collaborative solutions to complex socioeconomic problems become possible.

This trust – social, political, and economic is not measured solely by sentiment surveys, but by observable behaviours that influence fiscal performance:

• Tax compliance: Trust in the integrity and fairness of tax systems increases voluntary compliance, reducing reliance on costly enforcement mechanisms.

• Public spending efficiency: When citizens believe that public funds are managed transparently and responsibly, there is greater acceptance of necessary fiscal adjustments.

•Domestic resource mobilisation: A trusted government is more likely to unlock domestic savings and channel them into productive investments.

•Policy certainty: Investors both domestic and foreign are more inclined to commit to long-term projects when policy frameworks are credible and stable.

In emerging economies, where tax bases are often narrow and public debt vulnerable to external shocks, trust becomes an indispensable asset in achieving fiscal sustainability.

Fiscal trust in emerging economies: The current reality

Emerging economies face multiple hurdles that erode trust:

1. Perceptions of corruption and rent-seeking: Where public funds are perceived as being diverted for private gain, citizens become reluctant taxpayers.

2. Weak institutional capacity: Inadequate administrative infrastructure undermines service delivery and weakens confidence in fiscal policy.

3. Opaque budget processes: Lack of transparency breeds suspicion and fuels the belief that budgets serve special interests rather than the common good.

4. Volatile policy regimes: Frequent, unpredictable changes in tax and regulatory frameworks discourage long-term investment.

These challenges are not mere theoretical constructs they manifest in persistent fiscal deficits, high debt service burdens, limited public investment in infrastructure and human capital, and episodic financial crises. While emerging economies vary widely, a common denominator remains without trust, even the most technically sound fiscal strategy risks failure at implementation.

Lessons from developed climes

Developed economies, though not immune to trust deficits, offer instructive contrasts. Consider, for example, the Nordic countries of Finland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark where high levels of tax compliance coexist with generous welfare states. What explains this paradox to outsiders is a deep-rooted trust that taxes are fair, public services are effective, and officials are accountable.

In Germany, for instance, the Federal Constitutional Court’s “debt brake” (Schuldenbremse) is more than a fiscal rule; it reflects broad societal consensus about intergenerational equity and sustainable public finances. The rule’s legitimacy is anchored in processes that involve public debate, legal clarity, and predictable enforcement.

In Canada, the Parliamentary Budget Officer – an independent fiscal authority provides non-partisan analysis on fiscal and economic trends, enhancing credibility and informing public debate. These mechanisms foster trust, which in turn reinforces fiscal discipline and resilience.

Pathways for emerging economies: A trust-first agenda

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Emerging economies can harness similar principles, adapted to their specific contexts, to strengthen fiscal sustainability. The pursuit of trust must be deliberate, coordinated, and embedded in both policy design and implementation.

1. Strengthen revenue institutions and tax justice. Tax compliance is the lifeblood of sustainable public finances. However, simply increasing tax rates is neither equitable nor effective if taxpayers do not believe in the fairness of the system. Introduce progressive tax policies that align burden with ability to pay. Modernise tax administration through digitalization, reducing points of discretion that invite corruption. Publicise tax expenditures and rationalise exemptions to ensure fiscal fairness and accountability.

Empirical evidence from across Africa and Latin America suggests that reforms improving procedural fairness such as dispute resolution mechanisms and taxpayer service charters yield significant gains in voluntary compliance.

2. Enhance transparency and open budgets. Trust thrives where information is reliable and accessible. Publish timely, comprehensive budget documents, including medium-term fiscal frameworks. Use open-data platforms to allow citizens, journalists, and researchers to track public spending. Institutionalise participatory budgeting at local and national levels so stakeholders can influence priorities.

Countries like South Africa have made strides through “Open Budget” initiatives, which invite public engagement and strengthen fiscal legitimacy.

3. Institutionalise independent fiscal oversight. Independent fiscal institutions (IFIs) serve as trusted arbiters in complex economic environments. Establish non-partisan budget offices, fiscal councils, and supreme audit institutions with statutory authority. Protect these bodies from political meddling through legislative safeguards. Require regular reporting to legislatures and the public.

In Brazil, the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) has been pivotal in audit enforcement, exposing fiscal irregularities and promoting evidence-based governance.

4. Foster policy consistency and predictability. Emerging economies often experience abrupt policy swings in response to political cycles or economic shocks. While flexibility is necessary, unpredictability undermines credibility. Anchor fiscal rules in law with clear triggers and escape clauses for emergencies. Engage stakeholders in policy formulation to build broad consensus. Communicate policy changes proactively, with impact assessments.

Malaysia’s medium-term fiscal framework and India’s Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM) Act are examples of efforts to bring discipline and predictability to public finances.

5. Invest in civic education and trust building. Ultimately, trust is social and cultural as much as institutional. Promote civic education to deepen public understanding of fiscal policy and its implications. Support community forums where citizens can voice concerns and co-create solutions. Recognise and address historical grievances that contribute to scepticism and disengagement.

In Thailand, civic education campaigns around the national budget have helped ordinary citizens demystify public finance and engage more confidently in fiscal discourse.

Comparative reflections: emerging vs. developed

It is tempting to assume that developed countries enjoy trust by default. Yet, events such as the Eurozone sovereign debt crises, Brexit, and rising populism across Europe and North America reveal that trust is neither static nor guaranteed. These episodes underscore the fragility of trust even in mature democracies and the dangers of complacency.

However, developed economies generally possess stronger institutional scaffolding robust judiciaries, independent media, entrenched civil society organisations, sophisticated data systems, and diversified economies that help sustain trust even under strain. Emerging economies, while less endowed in these respects, are not without agency. By strategically investing in trust as a fiscal asset, they can unlock significant developmental dividends.

Fiscal sustainability cannot be divorced from the social contract that underpins it. Technical solutions like expenditure rationalisation, debt restructuring, and revenue optimisation are necessary but insufficient in the absence of trust. Emerging economies that embed trust in their fiscal architecture will not only stabilise their public finances but will also strengthen democratic legitimacy, catalyse investment, and enhance resilience in an uncertain global environment.

In a world where economic shocks are frequent and citizen expectations are rising; trust is not a luxury it is a strategic imperative. Emerging economies that recognise and act on this insight will be better positioned to deliver prosperity for their citizens and contribute to a more equitable global economic order.

•Falana, PhD, FCA, is Commissioner, Tax Appeal Tribunal, Abuja.

February 2, 2026
Onitsha Main Market closure

It is getting clearer that the shut-down of Onitsha Main Market by Anambra State government did not offer the best option in addressing concerns on the market’s continued closure in compliance with the sit-at-home ritual on Mondays. Not with the spontaneity of protests and demonstrations the measure escalated last Tuesday. Not with the pro-Biafra sentiments and agitations it re-ignited for the release of jailed leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Nnamdi Kanu.

The social media was so awash with such sentiments that Anambra State Police Command in a statement expressed concerns about what it called the “pattern of individuals using social media platforms to incite violence, disrupt public peace as well as the sharing of unverified videos regarding the security situation in the area”.

Before then, the state government had amassed an armada of security agencies to ensure traders did not gain entry into the market with prospects for unpredictable outcomes. Good enough, the security agencies were able to manage the situation in the most professional and competent manner as there have been no reports of any fatality. Even then, the meeting summoned by the state government last Thursday during which they dialogued with the traders’ unions on issues relating to continued observance of the sit-at-home order long suspended by the IPOB signposts lack of adequate consultations before the market shutdown.

It is immaterial whether the meeting was summoned at the instance of the traders’ unions as the state government claimed. The very fact the government saw sufficient reasons to hold the meeting is suggestive of one or two things.

It goes with the unmistakable impression that Governor Chukwuma Soludo did not exhaust all avenues for the peaceful resolution of the matter before resorting to the one-week closure of the market. There is no evidence that he consulted with the traders’ unions widely before shutting down the market with an armada of security agencies.

Had there been such discussions, neither the traders’ unions nor the state government would be quick in seeking or acceding to last Thursdays’ meeting. Issues that arose at the meeting would have been factored into government’s decision to mitigate the ruffled atmosphere created by the closure. It is probable the state government underestimated the capacity of its action to escalate sentiments surrounding the sit-at-home order.

Video footages from the demonstrations showed the traders expressing solidarity with Kanu and calling for his release. The protest even entered the second day when some of the traders blocked the Niger Bridge linking Onitsha to Asaba, preventing entry and exit into the commercial city. It took the efforts of the security agencies to clear the obstacles and restore free movement on the bridge.

There is no doubt the market shutdown had the potentials of injecting complications into the fragile security situation of the state but for its mature handling by the security agencies.

Soludo may have justifiable reasons for seeking normalcy to return to the market. The state government estimates that a whooping N8 billion is lost each Monday the traders do not open the market.

That is a huge revenue loss. Ironically, the same state government has further increased that loss by the closure of the market for one week. It even threatened to shut it for a further one month if the traders refuse to open with a further threat to bulldoze and pull down the market.

A government that is genuinely concerned about the losses incurred every Monday and desirous of reversing the trend should not be seen issuing such drastic and counterproductive threats.

Soludo may have been led to these extreme threats by frustration. But he should not be seen through his actions to be exacerbating the same situation he seeks to remedy. Besides, it is improbable whether the use of force or high-handedness offers the best option in addressing the issues to the sit-at-home observance.

At the centre of it all is insecurity. Attempts in the past by some traders to resume activities on Mondays had attracted dire outcomes including loss of lives in the Onitsha axis. So, those who refuse to venture out on Mondays do so out of safety for their lives in the absence of adequate security protection from the law enforcement agencies.

One of the protesters in Onitsha captured this contradiction succinctly when he said in a trending video clip, if the security presence amassed to enforce the market closure could be deployed to safeguard traders, he will have no problem opening his shop. But that says only part of the story.

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That angle cannot diminish the groundswell of dissatisfaction in the zone with the judicial rather than political resolution of the Nnamdi Kanu matter. It is not for nothing that the closure immediately re-ignited sentiments for self-determination and the release of Nnamdi Kanu. So, it not just a matter of re-opening the market and doing away with sit-at-home. We may have to contend with the sentiments surrounding it for a long time to come. That is why political resolution as demanded severally by key leaders and socio-cultural organisations in the zone cannot be wished away.

Just last week, reports had it that Yoruba self-determination leader, Sunday Adeyemo (Sunday Igboho)’s name was taken off the wanted list. In fact, he returned to Ibadan triumphantly to a rousing reception. There are parallels between what he stood for and the campaigns mounted by Kanu.

No less a group than, Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) latched on to such parallels to pick holes with what they described as presidential pardon given to Sunday Igboho. They listed the harm to lives and property which the activities of the Yoruba self-determination leader allegedly wrought on the Fulani living in Oyo State.

The point MACBAN seemed to have elevated to the fore by such comparison is that political solution can also be found for the Kanu case. That may offer a better prospect for the full resolution of all issues to the sit-at-home observance and eventual return of peace and tranquillity in the zone.

Even then, force in getting the traders re-open their shops is of questionable value. The relative return of normal activities in some state capitals was neither procured by force, intimidation or blackmail. It stemmed from enhanced confidence in law and order and feeling of safety from harms’ way by residents. The situation is remarkably different in the hinterlands because of the absence of these conditions.

Former Anambra State Police commissioner, Aderemi Adeoye, captured this dialectic on one occasion with Soludo standing, when he said “it is not the duty of the police to drag people out of their homes as it will infringe on their fundamental human rights. Our duty is to make the environment conducive for those who want to come out. We have a duty to protect them”.

Soludo should show evidence that he has caged those Christians whom he said were killing Christians in Anambra State for the traders to be sure of their safety on Mondays.

February 2, 2026
Deploying military veterans into ungoverned spaces

By Lekan Olayiwola

Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces deceptively look like geographical gaps begging for occupation. Forests, borderlands, creeks, and rural corridors are treated as a single problem, awaiting a singular solution. The government’s new plan to deploy retired military personnel into these areas is bold and politically visible. To work, veteran deployment must do more than fill gaps.

Ungoverned spaces are not monolithic. Each is shaped by unique governance gaps, local economies of violence, and historical state-society relationships. This proposed approach must navigate local realities, integrate with civilian institutions, and complement broader governance efforts.

Ungoverned spaces are not just geographically remote

The first analytical mistake in Nigeria’s security discourse is the assumption that ungoverned spaces are simply places where the state is absent. In reality, many of these spaces are just governed differently by non-state actors, informal authorities, armed groups, or hybrid arrangements that emerged because formal governance failed to adapt. A disaggregated mapping reveals at least four broad categories.

Northwest forest corridors such as Zamfara, Katsina and parts of Kaduna are shaped by rural banditry linked to cattle rustling, artisanal mining, arms proliferation and collapsed local policing. Here, violence is economically motivated, decentralised, and deeply embedded in forest ecologies that favour mobility over territorial control.

Northeast borderlands, particularly in Borno and Yobe, reflect insurgent fragmentation rather than pure absence of authority. State presence exists, but legitimacy is contested after years of militarisation, displacement and humanitarian dependency. Ungovernance here is less about vacuum and more about trust erosion.

North-central agrarian belts experience governance breakdown driven by land tenure disputes, demographic pressure and politicised identity claims. Violence is episodic, communal and often escalated by weak conflict resolution institutions rather than criminal enterprise alone.

Southern coastal and riverine zones, including the Niger Delta creeks, operate under a hybrid order where the state is present through security forces and oil infrastructure but absent in welfare, environmental protection and local accountability. Militancy, piracy and oil theft thrive not because there is no state, but because the state is selective. A single deployment model deploying retired soldiers positioned as security stabilisers cannot plausibly respond to such divergent logics of violence.

The governance deficits behind ungoverned spaces

What unites these regions is not terrain but institutional weakness. Local governments with little fiscal autonomy, police forces overstretched and mistrusted, judicial processes inaccessible or slow, and development interventions that arrive late or not at all. Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces are thus not accidental; they are produced by decades of centralisation, elite capture and uneven state investment.

Security initiatives that focus on physical presence without addressing these deficits often displace violence rather than resolve it. When armed actors are pushed out of one forest, they migrate to another jurisdiction where governance remains weak. Without parallel investment in dispute resolution, livelihoods, and local administration, the cycle persists.

Veterans as security actors: Lessons from elsewhere

Globally, the use of retired military personnel in stabilisation or post-conflict settings is not unprecedented but outcomes vary sharply. In Colombia, former combatants were integrated into rural security and development roles after the FARC peace process. Where this was tied to land reform, civilian oversight and economic reintegration, violence declined. Where oversight was weak, criminal splinter groups emerged.

In Sierra Leone and Liberia, post-war veteran engagement succeeded only when framed within comprehensive DDR (Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration) programmes, with clear civilian command, psychosocial support and income pathways. Veterans deployed as security auxiliaries without these safeguards were vulnerable to remobilisation.

In Mexico, the reliance on militarised actors including former soldiers to fill policing gaps contributed to blurred lines between state and non-state violence, worsening human rights outcomes. The lesson is that veteran deployment works only when it is demilitarised in purpose, embedded in civilian governance, and tightly regulated. Experience alone does not substitute for institutional design.

Civil–military relations and the risk of institutional drift

Nigeria already operates one of the most crowded security landscapes in Africa. Military, police, civil defence, intelligence agencies, regional outfits, vigilantes, informal militias, and civic veteran organisations coexist with limited coordination. Introducing another security actor, even one drawn from the retired ranks, risks deepening fragmentation unless roles are clearly defined.

While veterans bring institutional knowledge and, in many cases, experience in civic engagement through bodies such as the Nigerian Legion, operational instincts shaped by combat or paramilitary training may still dominate. Without targeted retraining in community protection, mediation, and human rights, their presence could reinforce perceptions of occupation rather than protection, especially in communities already traumatised by security excesses.

Moreover, unclear command structures invite accountability gaps. Who supervises a retired officer operating in a civilian space? Under what legal framework? These questions are central because they determine whether the initiative enhances or erodes state legitimacy.

Comparison with community policing and structural reform

Community policing, when properly resourced, addresses many deficits veteran deployment does not. It embeds security within local accountability structures and emphasises intelligence, trust and early warning. Nigeria’s challenge has never been conceptual rejection of community policing, but half-hearted implementation.

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Similarly, state police debates remain stalled by elite fear of decentralisation rather than evidence of failure. Yet countries with complex internal security challenges from India to Brazil demonstrate that layered policing systems, not central monopolies, are more adaptable.

Economic strategies matter as well. In bandit-prone regions, livelihoods linked to mining regulation, grazing reform and rural credit address incentives that guns alone cannot. Veterans may contribute as mentors or administrators here, but only if security is not their sole function.

Blind spots and how to mend them

Three blind spots stand out. First, regional specificity. Any deployment must be tailored to local conflict economies. Veterans stabilising farming corridors require different mandates from those operating in insurgent-affected borderlands.

Second, institutional integration. Veterans should operate under civilian agencies, not parallel command. Global best practice places such actors within ministries of interior or local government, not defence.

Third, exit strategy. Ungoverned spaces are not reclaimed permanently by force. Without clear timelines and handover plans to civilian institutions, temporary security gains evaporate.

Reclaiming authority, not just territory

The real challenge Nigeria faces is not reclaiming space, but rebuilding authority. Ungoverned spaces persist because governance retreated long before soldiers did. Deploying retired military personnel may buy time, but time is only useful if it is used to repair institutions, not bypass them.

A policy worthy response begins by abandoning the myth of uniformity. Nigeria’s ungoverned spaces are plural, political and deeply historical. Treating them as such is not academic indulgence; it is the difference between another cycle of security improvisation and a genuinely transformative strategy.

•Olayiwola is a peace & conflict researcher/policy analyst. He can be reached at lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

February 2, 2026
Hospitals as slaughter slabs

Reported deaths from medical procedures in recent times freshly raised concerns about the quality of healthcare delivery in Nigerian hospitals. Bitter experiences that people had ranged from wrong diagnoses of ailments and errors in surgical processes to delayed treatment even in emergencies and poor post-surgical care, resulting in loss of loved ones who entered hospitals seeking help and never returned home. Allegations are rife that many of the patients might have made it, but they were speeded onto their death by indiscretions or utter negligence of medical personnel in healthcare facilities who, for most part, deny responsibility.

Early last week, there was the report of a school headmistress in Ibadan who died because hospitals in the Oyo State capital declined response to her emergency situation. Relations said the headmistress of the Nigerian Army Officers’ Wives Association (NAOWA) Model Nursery and Primary School, Letmuck Barracks in Mokola, Mrs. Ajayi Omowunmi Fajuyigbe, gave up the ghost after being rejected by several hospitals to which she was rushed in critical condition. A relative was cited saying Fajuyigbe, on Monday, 13th January, was moved at night between hospitals in Mokola, Adeoyo, Oluyoro and Basorun areas of the capital city, but was denied admission on sundry grounds until about 1:00a.m. when a private hospital in Idi-Ape took her in after a hefty payment.

Even then, according to the relative, an urgent surgery that was required for the endangered patient was not carried out by the hospital that finally took her on admission, until she went into coma and eventually died. “It is painful that hospitals appear more interested in money than saving lives,” she lamented, wondering why hospitals would turn away emergency patients at night. “My sister’s life could have been saved if she had received prompt attention,” the relation added.

A particularly sensational case was the death on 6th January in a Lagos hospital of 21-month-old Nkanu Nnamdi, one of the twin boys of internationally renowned Nigerian author, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. Nkanu and his twin brother were born to United States-based Adichie and her spouse, Ivara Esege, a doctor, by surrogacy in 2024 – eight years after the birth of their first child, a girl. He died at Euracare Hospital, a private medical facility, following a brief illness.

Nkanu’s death occurred a day before he was due for medical evacuation to Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, not far from the couple’s US home. He had been referred from another Lagos hospital to Euracare for a series of diagnostic procedures that included an echocardiogram and a brain MRI. The parents, in a legal action filed against Euracare, alleged lapses during the child’s admission and lack of basic resuscitation equipment, amounting to medical negligence.

In a WhatsApp chat to family members that was leaked to social media, Adichie said a doctor confessed to her that the resident anaesthesiologist administered sedative overdose on Nkanu. Despite efforts at his resuscitation and being put on a ventilator, the boy suffered cardiac arrest that led to his death. Adichie described the anaesthesiologist as having been “fatally casual and careless.”

In response to the leak, Euracare expressed its “deepest sympathies” over the loss of the child but denied administering improper care, saying its services were “in line with established clinical protocols and internationally accepted medical standards.” According to the hospital, it is inaccurate to suggest that medical negligence caused Nkanu’s death, but rather that its personnel provided standard care upon admission of the toddler who was brought in “critically ill.”

Lagos State Government ordered a probe of the matter, saying it “places the highest value on human life and has zero tolerance for medical negligence or unprofessional conduct.” Special Adviser to the State Governor on Health Matters, Dr. Kemi Ogunyemi, added: “Any individual or institution found culpable of negligence, professional misconduct or regulatory violations will face the full wrath of the law.”

Meanwhile, a 30-year-old Lagos father, about the same time Adichie’s bereavement became news, took issue with government’s own facility, accusing a primary healthcare centre in the state of causing the deaths of his nine-month-old twin boys whom he took for routine immunisation. Samuel Alozie, known as Promise Samuel on TikTok, alleged that the twin boys died same day after being administered immunisation at Ajangbadi primary health centre in Ojo council area.

Alozie said in a social media post that he took the children for immunisation on December 24, 2005, and they died on Christmas Day. According to him, the immunisation made the boys very weak and inflamed their body temperature such that they had to be given paracetamol as advised by the nurse. “My wife and I, after we left the health centre, went home and gave the two of them paracetamol, but it didn’t solve anything. We even bathed them in cold water,” he recalled.

The distraught father dismissed explanation by the health facility that food bacteria was responsible for the infants’ death: “The nurse said it was food bacteria that killed my children… Food that I’ve been giving them from one month to nine months, and it didn’t kill them?” Alozie accused the health centre of having possibly administered expired or fake vaccines, or an overdose on the twins for which he held government liable. He noted that while an autopsy had been conducted, he has reservations about the possible outcome: “The reason I’m scared is that I don’t know if government will give me justice because this is government-to-government. The primary health centre is government’s, and the people running the case are government people.” The Lagos State Ministry of Health and the Primary Health Care Board had yet to issue an official statement on the alleged incident or release autopsy findings.

Easily the most scandalous of medicare miscarriages was the case of Aishatu Umar, who died as a result of surgical implement being forgotten in her bowel after surgery. The 33-year-old mother of five lost her life 12th January, 2026, not from a sudden ailment but what family members described as drawn-out medical negligence that began with a surgery she underwent at Abubakar Imam Urology Centre (AIUC), Kano, in September 2025 after doctors diagnosed her with a kidney cyst that caused her frequent abdominal pain.

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That surgery was projected to bring her relief, but the contrary was the case. Aishatu began having chronic pain that, upon complaining to the hospital, she was repeatedly assured was a normal post-surgery experience that would soon fade out. Unknown to her and her family, something had gone terribly wrong in the operating theatre: a surgical implement was forgotten in her bowel by doctors before sewing her back. Aishatu’s husband, Abubakar Mohammed, said he got a distress call from her on 9th January that she could no longer bear the excruciating pain. Upon being referred to Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital (AKTH), a series of scans and other diagnostic tests revealed the object left in her abdomen during the earlier operation at AIUC. “Immediately the result came out, she was prepared for emergency surgery. Around 11p.m. on January 12th, Aishatu was taken into the theatre, but she did not come out alive. Before they even started operating, we lost her,” Mohammed recounted.

The Chief Medical Director of AIUC, Balarabe Muhammad, was reported denying claims that a scissors was forgotten in Umar’s bowel: “It was an artery forceps that was forgotten in the patient and not a scissors. An artery forceps is not as sharp as a scissors.” He added: “I am not denying that a medical implement was forgotten in her system, but I can say that Aishatu didn’t die as a result of the forceps that was in her system. Rather, she died from anaesthesia administered on her at AKTH.”

For his part, AKTH’s Chairman, Medical Advisory Committee, Suwaid Abba, rebuffed the claim that anaesthesia killed Aishatu. “It is very unfair to push the blame on AKTH. If a medical equipment wasn’t forgotten in her system, she would not have been here in the first place,” he argued, adding: “She died before our doctors operated on her. It is unfair that anyone will blame us for the death.”

The problem is largely the ecosystem of healthcare delivery in this country. Besides inadequacy of facility in hospitals, available doctors are overwhelmed by a high volume of patients amidst severe “brain drain” of medical professionals – with nearly 19,000 doctors having emigrated over the past couple of decades and a record 3,974 leaving in 2024 alone. Over 50 percent of licensed doctors have left, with more than half of those remaining actively seeking ways to leave. Official data show that Nigeria currently has roughly 3.8 doctors per 10,000 patients, significantly below World Health Organisation prescription. Government must find a way of stimulating reverse personnel traffic – i.e. “brain gain” – to remedy the situation.

•Please join me on kayodeidowu.blogspot.be for conversation.

February 2, 2026
President Tinubu: A stumble, a nation’s test

Sir: It began in Turkey—not with a speech or diplomatic breakthrough, but with a stumble: A brief moment when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appeared to lose his balance.

It was fleeting, the kind of human moment that should have disappeared with the next news cycle. Instead, it ignited Nigeria’s digital space.

Within hours, social media was flooded with reactions. Some laughed. Some mocked. Some speculated about health. Others turned the incident into memes and exaggerated narratives. A simple misstep became a national spectacle.

But this is not the first time. During a previous national ceremony, a similar moment occurred. Then, President Tinubu responded not with anger, but with history.

He reminded Nigerians of his role in the struggle for democracy, of the risks he took, the exile he endured, and the resistance he was part of during military rule.

He spoke as someone who had paid a price for the democratic space Nigerians now freely occupy—even the freedom to criticise him.

Yet today, the same man is reduced to hashtags.

Let us be honest. In African culture—especially in Nigeria—age carries meaning. Leadership carries meaning. You may question authority, but you do not ridicule elders. You do not strip leaders of basic human dignity, even in disagreement.

President Tinubu is not just a political figure; he is an elderly statesman and the sitting president. Mockery may feel like political expression, but it also reflects a loss of cultural restraint. Criticism is legitimate. Humiliation is not.

There is also a national dimension. However divided Nigerians may be politically, the presidency represents the state. When Nigerians publicly demean their own president, the image of the country itself suffers. Those who think they are only attacking Tinubu may not realise they are also diminishing Nigeria’s institutional dignity.

However, respect does not mean silence, and dignity does not erase accountability. The moment should not be weaponised for ridicule, but neither should it shield the government from legitimate scrutiny.

Some Nigerians now ask bluntly: Is Tinubu fit for the seat? That question must be answered with history, not emotion.

Tinubu’s political journey did not begin yesterday. He served as a senator. He governed Lagos State. Under his tenure, Lagos laid foundations for becoming Nigeria’s economic hub. He built political structures, mentored leaders, and played a central role in the coalition that birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC). He navigated complex political battles and ultimately won the presidency after one of the most competitive political journeys in Nigeria’s history.

It is intellectually dishonest to claim such a figure rose without political skill, strategic thinking, or administrative experience. The record exists. The political structures he built exist. The leaders he influenced exist.

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This does not make him beyond criticism—but it does place current narratives in perspective.

World leaders stumble. Joe Biden has stumbled. Barack Obama has stumbled. Leaders are human before they are offices. A physical misstep is not proof of incapacity.

If falling were a qualification test, many global leaders would fail. So why should Tinubu’s stumble be treated as a national crisis or a national comedy? It is neither.

Nigeria faces serious economic and social challenges, but it is not alone. Inflation, debt pressures, insecurity, and global instability are realities many countries face. The presidency should therefore be judged by policy outcomes, not viral clips.

Let citizens assess reforms, security strategy, economic management, and governance delivery. Let debates be grounded in data, not memes. History—not hashtags—will be the final judge.

Tinubu’s stumble in Turkey revealed more about us than about him. It exposed our impatience, our anger, our digital culture of mockery, and our fragile relationship with leadership.

Citizens must criticise constructively, demand accountability, and push for better governance. But we must not destroy the dignity of national institutions in the process.

Because when the presidency is reduced to ridicule, the state itself weakens. And when a nation learns too easily to laugh at itself, it may soon find itself with reasons to cry.

•Haroon Aremu Abiodun, exponentumera@gmail.com

February 2, 2026
Nigeria’s great economic rebound

Sir: Nigeria may not be out of the woods yet, but under the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the country is showing real promise.

At some point in the Buhari presidency, he openly admitted that though he knew even before he was elected that Nigeria had serious challenges, he didn’t expect the magnitude of the challenges he encountered in office. Despite the challenges, the current administration is showing a marked departure from its predecessor in two key areas that may yet be the most defining for Nigerians: security and the economy.

Insecurity in Nigeria has really spiralled during the past decade. Terrorism in its many forms has made many parts of the country insecure, causing Nigerians indescribable anguish at home and imponderable embarrassment abroad by casting the country as critically unsafe.

Before the advent of the current administration, communities in Southern Kaduna, Benue State, Plateau State, and many other states spread over the core north were regular stomping grounds for criminals of all shades and stripes. While it would be premature to state that the criminals have been conclusively routed, it is clear that they have been largely put in their place, underlining the mammoth efforts that have gone into containing a problem that once threatened the very existence of Nigeria.

For many Nigerians, poverty remains a costly bed mate. The Nigerian economy was practically in tatters before the current administration came to power.

Any decision bordering on the removal of fuel subsidy was bound to be critically unpopular, but President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took the unprecedented step of removing it.

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The uproar, which was great, has remained even in the face of the president’s defiance, which he has expertly melded with other decisive steps to rescue Nigeria’s economy. The result of such firmness is that for the first time in many years, the Nigerian economy is producing shoots of recovery.

As per The Economist, which has heavily criticized the Nigerian government in the past, the Nigerian economy under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is showing signs of recovery.

The British journal pointed out the abolition of the fuel subsidy and abandonment of the multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, which has largely allowed the naira to float, as key to the forceful signs of economic rejuvenation noticed.

For a publication that has previously stuck a boot into successive Nigerian governments, this is no idle commentary on a key aspect of Nigeria. It definitely means that the country is on the right path.

A lot of work remains to be done to completely rescue Nigerians from poverty and set the country moving in the right direction. It is never going to be easy, but with the right amount of decisiveness, Nigeria can continue to engineer a rousing departure from its dark and dreary recent past.

It is only hoped that the ominous politics of 2027 will not derail a promising project.

•Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

February 2, 2026
Of drug abuse and gambling

Sir: The fight against illicit drugs in Nigeria has been persistent, intensified, and increasingly impossible to ignore. Over the years, the federal government, through the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), has implemented several measures aimed at reducing both drug demand and supply. While notable progress has been made, emerging patterns, particularly the strong link between drug abuse and gambling, continue to pose serious challenges.

Various strategies have been deployed to curb drug trafficking and abuse. Drug supply chains and trafficking routes have been disrupted and tighter regulations and monitoring mechanisms have been introduced to prevent recurrence. These efforts have led to the interception of major drug routes and the arrest of key drug dealers, significantly reducing the availability of illicit substances in many areas. Despite these achievements, drug demand remains a major concern, especially when addiction progresses to dependence.

A critical issue complicating the situation is the close relationship between illegal drug use and gambling. In today’s digital age, drug users are often exposed to gambling platforms within the same online environments where illicit substances are promoted or discussed. Gambling, in many cases, becomes a means of generating funds to sustain drug use and maintain addiction. This cycle is particularly common among individuals already struggling with dependency.

Stress, personal challenges, unemployment, and persistent overthinking are major contributors to the initiation and continuation of drug use. These pressures can push individuals toward substance abuse as a coping mechanism. Over time, this dependence may expand into gambling addiction, especially when financial difficulties arise. Gambling is often perceived as a quick solution to money problems, but it typically worsens the situation.

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Drug use and gambling tend to reinforce each other, creating a dangerous cycle. Drugs may be used to cope with gambling losses or emotional distress, while gambling is used to finance drug consumption. Gradually, both behaviours become normalized as temporary “feel-good” solutions. Unfortunately, this normalization masks the long-term damage being done.

The NDLEA has consistently played a vital role in addressing this crisis by raising awareness through various media platforms about the harmful effects of drug abuse and its impact on overall well-being. Public education remains a powerful tool in discouraging substance abuse and promoting healthier coping mechanisms.

While Nigeria has made commendable progress in disrupting drug supply and enforcing regulations, addressing drug demand and its link to gambling addiction remains critical. A holistic approach that combines enforcement, mental health support, public awareness, and rehabilitation is essential. By tackling both drug abuse and gambling together, Nigeria can reduce their combined impact and promote a healthier, more resilient society.

•Ojoma Omale, Kogi State.

February 2, 2026
A quantum leap

NASS should expedite action on Tinubu’s proposed bill to increase Court of Appeal justices from 70 to 110

Last week, President Bola Tinubu sent a bill to the Senate seeking an amendment to the Court of Appeal Act, 2004, to increase the number of the Justices of Court of Appeal to 110. In the accompanying letter, the president said “The bill seeks to increase the number of justices of the Court of Appeal from 70 to 110, and provide clarification of judicial structure and seniority.”

The move came barely two years after the president appointed the full complement of 21 Justices of the Supreme Court, for the first time, under the 1999 constitution (as amended).

He said the bill also “provides for the conduct of proceedings of the Court of Appeal through electronic and audio means, and the establishment of an…Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre within the Court of Appeal, where appellate matters may be referred for settlement.”

Furthermore, “The bill also seeks to update terminology and definitions within the principal act, including the recognition of virtual hearings and modern correctional nomenclature.”

The bill will “consolidate interpretative provisions to ensure clarity, consistency, and alignment with the current legal and institutional framework.”

We consider the proposed bill very timely, more so as the Tinubu administration pushes forward its plan for a $1 trillion economy. No doubt, as the national economy grows, business disputes will also arise, and the duration for litigating disputes will further elongate.

Again, with Nigeria’s population burgeoning, inter-personal disputes would also increase, and the number of justices of the appeal court needs to grow, to match the new population.

With the projection that Nigeria would become the third most populous country by 2050, the proposal for new justices makes sense.

We also note that the number of years spent to hear and determine appeal cases are quite long, sometimes as long as 10 years or more. Of note, some states do not have Court of Appeal within their jurisdiction, while those that have are overburdened.

In some jurisdictions which serve more than one state, the courts do not sit, sometimes for years, because there are no justices to form a quorum. The Court of Appeal serving heavy commercial areas are usually overworked, and when the drag gets too burdensome, justices are drafted from other jurisdictions to treat cases pending for long period of time.

Generally, we do not think that cases should spend more than five years from the high courts to the Supreme Court. The idea of front-loading documents at the high courts is to reduce the time needed to deal with any dispute. At the appellate courts, which deal essentially with documentary evidence, the delay associated with appeal cases should only be determined by the availability of justices. If the documents are fully filed, it should take less than a year for the appeal case to be dispensed with.

The current instances where cases are adjourned to two years or even more, is unacceptable. In many instances, the original litigants die before a case is dispensed with. Where for some reason the appellate court directs that the matter should be returned to the high court for retrial, such cases may last for three decades. In such cases, the witnesses may have died, and where they are alive, may have forgotten the facts as happened in the cases.

We earnestly look forward to a reversal of these trends in our appellate courts.

Another interesting aspect of the proposed bill is the provision for ADR mechanism. That innovation is quite commendable, as it would help decongest the court dockets. ADR provides opportunity for parties to resolve their dispute by themselves, in a way that every party wins something. A court-integrated ADR, which has become common in many jurisdictions across the world, would add practical alternatives in the dispensation of justice.

The advantages of ADR are enormous, and, with the benefit of hindsight, after passing through lower courts, parties may grab mediation with enthusiasm.

The other great innovation in the bill is the introduction of virtual hearing which would enable practitioners to deal with their cases from any part of the world. A situation where parties can file their cases electronically and have their lawyers argue their cases virtually would reduce the time and cost for litigants.

Of course, the ease of doing business includes the ease of getting cases dispensed with by the courts. When an investor is conducting due diligence on where to invest, the judicial system of every potential investment haven is scrutinised.

So, when the judicial system is strengthened, it adds value to the economic potential of the country, as a country of choice for investors. Since disputes are inevitable in the business world, the efficiency of the courts are important for a nation determined to increase its economic potential. The Court of Appeal which stands between the Federal High Courts, the state high courts and other specialised courts and the Supreme Court, requires all that it can get to be effective and efficient.

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It needs to be noted that many cases stop at the Court of Appeal, which is more accessible than the Supreme Court. There are also cases which terminate statutorily at the Court of Appeal. They include election petition cases as concern the legislators. Also, there are cases which require the leave of the Court of Appeal or the Supreme Court before they can be appealed on, from the Court of Appeal. That further explains why the number of the Justices of the Court of Appeal needs to be further increased.

We hope that plans are also afoot to provide for the welfare of the justices to be appointed. Such matters as to their residence, mobility and office facilities must be made ready while the legislators are working on the bill to increase their numbers.

Those facilities should be ready before the appointments are made. When the newly appointed justices have to find answers to their needs, they may get help from dangerous quarters, and such relationship may haunt their performance later.

The duty of a justice of any court is very demanding. It also exposes them to temptation. In choosing those to be elevated, when the amendment is completed, the National Judicial Council must bear in mind the challenges associated with the office of a justice of a court.

To be elevated to a higher court, the candidates must have good health, show competence and have no propensity for corrupt enrichment. Those who have the responsibility to appoint the justices must have the larger interest of the nation in mind, while dispensing that responsibility.

The Tinubu administration has shown determination to recalibrate the nation’s judicial system; we commend that effort. In 2023, it appointed 11 Justices to the Supreme Court, to ensure the full complement of the court. The administration has also increased the remuneration and improved the general welfare of judges. It now seeks to increase the number of Justices of the Court of Appeal to reduce pressure on the appellate justice system nationwide, reduce delays, strengthen access to justice and reinforce public confidence in the judiciary.

We urge the National Assembly to give immediate and thorough attention to the proposed bill.

February 2, 2026