Author: The Nation

  • Revisiting agenda for Southwest integration

    Revisiting agenda for Southwest integration

    THE Southwest has a beautiful political history. The six states in the region, from the outset, existed as one promising body under its illustrious pathfinder, Premier Obafemi Awolowo, in the days of Western Region. His administration, which existed between 1951 and 1959, was second to none in Africa. It is still perhaps, a reference point in Nigeria.

    The legacies are evergreen. They include the first television station in Africa, when even France was yet to have one, Liberty Stadium in Ibadan, the political headquarters, industrial estates in Ibadan and Ikeja, Cocoa House, also at Ibadan, farm settlements across the provinces, a cabinet of talents, an efficient civil, teaching and diplomatic service, and the implementation of free education, which increased public literacy, enhanced political consciousness and created economic opportunities.

    The region later established the globally recognised University of Ife, awarded scholarships to brilliant students who became productive leaders, and promoted agriculture, particularly cocoa farming, as the mainstay of the economy. Early leaders were very frugal, patriotic, sincere and selfless. Regional resources were put into productive use and corruption was kept at bay.

    Despite the political hullabaloo of the sixties, the Southwest still treasured its background as a model. Unfortunately, the military incursion heralded a turn of events. Federalism collapsed and its pseudo-autonomy was gone. Although governors of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in the Second Republic tried frantically to reenact the feats, the constraints of the unpredictable era aborted their dream.

    Regionalism may appear old fashioned, but its gains and lessons have endured. While the six states cannot be dismantled to pave the way for regression to the old regional order, collaboration by the six Yoruba states of Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun and Ekiti, and their scattered kith and kin in Kwara and Kogi can achieve meaningful results.

    In recent times, the bond of unity produced the idea of Amotekun, which has, to a large extent, succeeded in reducing crime and criminality in the region, unlike in the Southeast where Ebube Agu has remained a cosmetic outfit. The unity of the Southwest should be preserved always, especially on common matters, despite the transient political differences among those on the drivers’ seats in parts of the six states.

    Yoruba intellectuals and patriots with a deep sense of history have embarked on a lot of activities in the area of regional integration. A document, Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), produced by Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), was released. It is a tribute to the power of ideas.

     DAWN is both a document and a process. As a document, it sets out a clear framework for the region’s objectives, priorities and major policy thrusts. It also provides a roadmap upon which governments, development partners, the private sector and civil society can ride on to drive a development agenda.

    There is a Yoruba Academy that is dedicated to the preservation of Yoruba language and culture, and the study of history. There is also a Commission or a Directorate of Southwest Economic Development Corporation with its headquarters at Ibadan, the Oyo State capital.

     It is important for the Southwest to revisit the popular agenda for regional integration now that the prospect of restoring federalism is no more slim.

     Strategic economic partnership is crucial to regional integration. The wisdom that permitted the founding fathers of the region to float the conglomerate, Oodua Investment, should not be lacking in their latter-day successors.

    Read Also: Decentralised electricity: Southwest states seize the opportunity

    Agriculture is a pivotal area the region has to develop. It is shameful that some parts of the Southwest are depending on food crops from the Middle Belt to survive, despite the vast arable land across the six states. The region may not even need fertilisers in aid of farming. Food sufficiency is attainable. Even, in the days of yore when the Yoruba were at war with each other and other tribes, their gallant soldiers still spared some time for planting crops to argument food supply to the war front.

    The region is a big market. Labour, both skilled and unskilled, is not in short supply. But, governments of the Southwest should provide the enabling environment. Farmers need roads that will link them to the market so that farm produce would not rot away in nearby and distant farms. Farming, either on small or large scale, could be boosted through government’s incentives, including soft loans to farmers, sourcing improved seedlings, tax holidays and encouragement of farmers’ cooperative societies.

    Now that railway has strayed from the Exclusive List to the Concurrent List, the Southwest should translate its plan to develop a regional rail infrastructure into action. It should not be difficult to attract investors by the zone. A rail network will boost transportation and trade and even generate some employment. Other resources like gold can also be tapped by the endowed states.

    Southwest leaders know that the six states in the region may not be equally endowed. There is need for the sustenance of brotherhood and sacrifice. If only a state has prospects, and others wallow in poverty, such a state is not insulated from the consequences of poverty ravaging the sister state. People from other states but not as endowed will consistently migrate to the seeming prosperous state and there will be more pressure on the infrastructure of the lone prosperous state.

    Regional integration is about leveraging the comparative advantage within the region. A part of the region may not be endowed with finance, but it may be endowed in other areas. For example, in Osun, Ekiti and Ondo, there are abundant land resources. Lagos has financial resources. To crystallise a developmental and industrial programme in the region, there is need for massive and large scale agriculture to grow the agro-allied industry. Lagos and Osun, or Lagos and Ekiti can collaborate in this win-win situation. It is not about money alone. Resources for production are varied and they abound in different parts of the region.

    Can the Southwest survive without oil? The question is apt, in view of the handout economy being operated in the country whereby states, cap in hand, beg the Federal Government for monthly allocations.

    Tragedy has hit the Southwest because the region also derailed when unitary system was foisted on Nigeria by the military. The reality was that before oil was discovered in commercial quantity, Western Region was surviving. The pioneer leaders looked inward and mapped out a programme of development because federalism envisaged autonomy and independence of action by the federating units. There was healthy competition among the three, later four, regions as they grew according to their pace. Regional resources were deployed for development and regions only made remittances to the centre.

    However, the 1999 Constitution mirrors the outdated unitarist structure that subjugates the component units. Ideally, the Federal Government, on behalf of the entire country, should exercise powers over items that are common to the entire federating units: defence, currency and foreign exchange. But when the Federal Government starts to deal with primary health care, primary education, control of local government and agriculture, when it does not have land, the action becomes antithetical to federalism.

    The Southwest should not lapse into slumber. The six governors should team up in harmony to build on the legacy of the region’s illustrious political forebears. Jobs for youths, security, expansion of revenue base and infrastructural renewal are major challenges confronting the geo-political zone.

    The Southwest should not delude itself into thinking that it can now appropriate the dividends of democracy in the country because a son of the soil is occupying the Aso Villa in Abuja. It is illusory. There is limitation to that sense of brotherhood and entitlement. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not for the Southwest or Yoruba land alone; he is president of Nigeria and all Nigerians. He has become a national property. He is not likely to tread the familiar path of nepotism.

    But the zone should not regress into complacency either. The Southwest has to put its house in order. Awo of pre-independence era was neither Prime Minister nor Executive President when he mobilised human and natural endowments to develop the Southwest, from Badagry to Asaba, to the envy of other competing regions.

    The Southwest has to do three things. The region has to develop itself through collective, regional effort. It has to intensify its legitimate clamour for a devolutionary country, like other regions may be inclined to do. Also, Southwest leaders have to creatively and strategically engage the president and seek his assistance in resolving infrastructural deficits and other problems confronting the six states.

    Southwest groans due to the federal roads in the regions that have become death traps. They include Lagos-Abeokuta, a part of Mile 2/Lagos-Badagry, a part of Ikorodu-Sagamu, Ikorodu-Agbowa-Itoikin, Ibadan-Oyo-Ogbomoso-Ilorin, Efon-Itawure-Ado, Akure-Ikere, and Owo-Ikare roads.

    What the region practised in those golden days of regional government could easily be reenacted these days, despite some political differences. Historically and traditionally, the Omoluabi ethos of the Yoruba race sets it apart among other regions across the land. It makes bonding easy for the residents. It makes it easy for the people to overlook their differences and embrace each other in most circumstances. It is the reason for the peaceful coexistence among the indigenes and their guests. It is the reason development has been faster in the region than in most other parts of the country. It is embedded in the broad mass literacy in the region in the Awo days.

    So, the region needs to continually fill the gap to maintain its leadership position in the development index. This is why those at the helm of affairs must look beyond the present and re-energise the region ahead of others to retain its pioneer role as the model of development and progress.

    The best foundation for maintaining the lead is a return to prioritising effective education in the region and making the acquisition of knowledge more attractive than acquiring overnight wealth. This was the secret behind the success that Awolowo and his team achieved for the region.

    No realistic development can happen where leadership trivialises education. The more emphasis on this sector, the more brains the society will produce and the more progress it will make. Even the Great Awo said he studied all night when his peers were gallivanting at clubs.

    His life became a mirror for measuring excellence in all spheres of life, especially good governance. This is why the world will not forget him in a hurry. This is why the Southwest cannot afford to slip from its exalted place in the development index. It is time to fire the region higher to maintain its lead.

  • Akindele gets detergent’s ambassadorial extension

    Akindele gets detergent’s ambassadorial extension

    Manufacturers of WAW and Nittol detergents, Henkel Nigeria, have announced the renewal of their ambassadorship endorsement deal with Nollywood actress, Funke Akindele.

    The renewed partnership aims to further promote the brand’s distinctive and innovative features, while emphasising its mantra of “Washes A Lot, Saves A Lot.”

    The unveiling took place recently at the Henkel Nigeria Lagos office, where Ivie Akalu, its Head of Marketing, expressed great enthusiasm over the endorsement renewal.

    She emphasised the mutually beneficial nature of the partnership between the brand and the famous actress.

    Read Also: Funke Akindele comes under attack on Threads app

    “Since 2019, Funke Akindele has successfully portrayed a personality that generates excitement around WAW detergent, fostering trust and credibility among our esteemed consumers”.

    Akalu particularly highlighted Akindele’s effectiveness in sharing her personal brand experiences with the product on social media stating that, “Funke’s creativity and innovative approach to her craft aligns perfectly with the values and characteristics that the WAW brand embodies in the market”.

    Funke Akindele, a multifaceted Nigerian filmmaker who also doubles as a producer and politician, expressed her confidence in the WAW brand, solidifying her commitment to the partnership.

  • Professor Peter Ekeh, historical insights and Political development in Nigeria (2)

    Professor Peter Ekeh, historical insights and Political development in Nigeria (2)

    Professor Peter Ekeh contends that critical to appreciating the evolution and challenges of federalism in post-colonial Nigeria is the understanding of the disputes between the immigrant Fulani leaders and the Hausa Kings that resulted in the Jihad revolt of 1804. In his words, these disputes between the two sides “are worth re-examination because the themes of the disputes between the Hausa kings, who stuck to their native traditions, and the revolutionary cleric, Uthman Dan Fodio, appeared to have resurfaced in our own times, after almost two hundred years after those events. The essential accusation by Uthman Dan Fodio and his younger brother, Abdullahi Muhammed, was that the Hausa Kings were not faithful to the principles and tradition of governance established in Islam despite the fact that most of the Hausa had become Moslems for more than four centuries before 1804”.

    A major grouse of Uthman Dan Fodio and the Fulani leaders of the Jihad was that the Hausa Kings were weak sovereigns who did not effectively and firmly enforce the hegemony of Islamic governance on their domains. Unlike the more liberal standards and practices of the Hausa Kings who subordinated the ruler to the state, the Islamic structures of governance as exemplified by the Sokoto Caliphate perceived the state and government as private property of the rulers. A significant point that Ekeh makes is that there were striking similarities between governance traditions in the pre-Jihad Hausa states and those in existence in indigenous states and empires in Yoruba land, Benin, Oyo and other areas of present-day Middle and Southern Nigeria.

    Ekeh distills three principles of governance that separated pre-jihadist Hausa states and the indigenous states and empires of the West African region on the one hand and the post revolutionary Islamic caliphate. The first was the question of the ownership of the state. In his words, “The premier indigenous principle of government that was challenged by the Fulani Revolution was about the ownership of the state. Who owns the state? According to the theory in use in pre-Revolution Hausa land and indigenous Nigerian states, the state predates royalty and other forms of rulers. The state therefore belongs to the political community. In pre-Revolution Hausa land as it was in Oyo, Benin, Nupe and scores of other indigenous political systems, the King was a custodian of the state. It was this principle of government that Uthman Dan Fodio directly challenged. In his own words, again, “the government of a people is the government of its king without question”.

    Other principles of governance which distinguished the pre-Islamic revolution in Hausa states as well as other territories in Middle and Southern empires and states of Nigeria were those of the question of the accountability of the state to the people and the status of the individual in the polity. In the indigenous political communities unaffected by the Islamic jihad, the ruler was ultimately accountable to the people and this was exemplified by the tradition in some of these ancient states that the king commit suicide if he lost the confidence and trust of his people. “By contrast, the ruler in Fodio’s theory of government was accountable to God through the intervention and interpretation of some theologians, Sheiks who are learned in God’s ways. Since these theocratic interventions would ultimately lead to Arab authorities, accountability in Fodio’s scheme would invoke an allegiance to foreign powers. This was a principle that Songhai disputed with Morocco”.

    On the nature of the relationship of the individual to the state, in the indigenous governance systems, the individual was significantly relatively autonomous of the state. Thus, kith and kin groups existed as intervening factors between the state and the individual. The individual could own land while women’s conduct could not be dictated by the state. In fact, women constituted powerful interest groups that could threaten the position of the rulers. In primordial Hausa land, for instance, the famous Queen Amina ascended to power at the apex of the Zazzau Kingdom and gained her place as a significant figure in Hausa history. Indeed, the Islamic Jihad was partly motivated by the perception of excessive liberalism of the Hausa states in the permissive roles played by women in those societies, a tendency alien to the Islamic tradition which was more restrictive of the participation of women in public life.

    Read Also: Professor Peter Ekeh, historical insights and political development in Nigeria (1)

    Consequently, as a result of the jihad of 1804, there emerged a bifurcation in the governance traditions and practices between the pre-jihad Hausa states as well as the latter Sokoto caliphate and the indigenous governance practices of the other states and empires comprising the rest of Nigeria. The Fulani Revolution led to the dominance in the Hausa states of a form of Islam which allowed “little room for the separation of society from the authority of the state or the separation of state and mosque. A primary tenet of Fodio’s confession of Islam was its construction of total state and society as two entities that cannot and ought not be separated, or differentiated, each from the other, in any shape or form”.

    With the arrival of the British in the course of the 19th century, the imperialists ruled various parts of its conquered territories as separate administrative entities despite the amalgamation of 1914. Essentially, the Southern and Northern parts of Nigeria were governed separately in virtually watertight compartments with negative implications for the future evolution of federalism in post-colonial Nigeria.

    As Ekeh put it, “The consequence was that Nigerians’ political attitudes were frozen and hidden from the knowledge of their fellow Nigerians for more than half a century. Southerners knew very little of the political situation of the Emirate North; nor did the Fulani and other leaders in Emirate Northern Nigeria know much about the Southern neighbors”.

    He continues, “As Kirk Green (1968) has well intimated, the first meeting at the Ibadan conference of 1950 between Southern and Northern leaders was painful because of their ignorance of the political ways of the other regions. But the 1950 Ibadan conference was the first thaw in the frozen politics of colonial Nigeria. As it turned out, the entire decade of the 1950s was devoted to decolonization in which Nigerian leaders for the first time framed the national question and attempted to provide a solution to its mandate”.

    The political and cultural differences between the North and the South; a situation complicated by tensions between ethnic majority and minority groups in each region, led the founding fathers in 1954 to opt for federalism as a way to enable the various regions of the country to rule themselves with reasonable degrees of autonomy.

    Following the military intervention of 1966, however, the military virtually extinguished Nigerian federalism and replaced it with a heavily centralized structure in consonance with its own unitary organizational configuration. Ekeh notes that “A main price which military rulers paid for waging and winning Nigeria’s civil war against secessionist Biafra was the promise that they would uphold and expand Nigerian federalism. While the war lasted, and in the five years following it, federalism flourished in certain administrative matters, as military chieftains exercised considerable powers in their regions. But there was heavy resentment within the military against the permissiveness that this form of administrative federalism entailed. In 1975, Nigeria’s wartime military ruler, Yakubu Gowon, who tolerated these diversities, was overthrown by a military team led by Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo”.

    The post-Gowon military pursued thoroughly anti-federalist policies including the imposition of a uniform local government system, centralized control of land, take over of state universities by the federal government, imposition of a uniform, centralized policing system and the proliferation of mostly unviable states. Furthermore, the Murtala/Obasanjo regime bequeathed to the country the excessively unitary 1979 constitution, which is scarcely different from the extant 1999 Constitution.

    While it is well nigh impossible to revert to the regional constitution of the first republic, Professor Ekeh does not see an alternative to the thoroughgoing re-federalization of the current constitution to restore a reasonable degree of institutional autonomy and financial viability to the component parts of the federation. How to walk the tightrope in balancing contending centripetal and centrifugal forces and rejuvenating federal practice in Nigeria informed by the country’s historical heritage but not jeopardizing national cohesion will be a critical challenge of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration.

  • Sani assures corps members of security, welfare in Kaduna

    Sani assures corps members of security, welfare in Kaduna

    As 858 corps members of the 2023 batch ‘B’ stream ‘I’ begin their compulsory one-year national service under National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Kaduna, the State Governor, Senator Uba Sani, assured that their security and welfare have been adequately catered for in the state’s security arrangements and budget.

    Addressing the corps members during their swearing-in ceremony at the Temporary Orientation Camp, Kurmi Mashi Kaduna on Friday, Governor Sani, said his government has an unwavering faith in the scheme.

    Represented by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Human Services and Social Development, Mr Stephen Joseph, Gov. Sani said his government is firmly committed to providing the needed enabling environment to keep the scheme viable and ensure safety and welfare of corps members.

    Read Also: Sanwo-Olu restates commitment to tackling water, sanitation challenges

    Sani said the security of lives and properties is a top priority in the state, while assuring the corps members of a conducive environment to make their stay worthwhile. He urged them to be committed to the progress and development of Kaduna State and the nation in general.

    “Together, we can build bridges of understanding, togetherness, empower communities and live a lasting legacy of positive change,” he said.

    Earlier, the NYSC State Coordinator, Mr Hassan Kaura, reminded the corps members that discipline is one of the key watchwords of the scheme. He, therefore, urged them to be disciplined and ensure that they uphold the values for which the scheme stands during and after the orientation course.

  • Inside President Tinubu’s Nigeria

    Inside President Tinubu’s Nigeria

    On May 29, 2023, Bola Tinubu assumed office as Nigeria’s president, 16th leader. Nigerians wish him success in the onerous tasks ahead.

    All the same, it is important to note that President Tinubu’s Nigeria is home to an array of folks: the diligent and the intelligent, the determined and the focused, plus the great boasters and the little doers; and they cut across her socio-political geography. Tinubu’s country harbours the progressives and the conservatives, the strong and the weak, the praise-singers and the faultfinders, the slippery and the flippant, the perpetual pessimists and the embittered opposition. Above all, it is currently a grim reminder of hangover politicking, collateral wheeling-dealing and deliberate promotion of comical sincerity; and they are in abundant supply.

    On March 5, 1986, Mamman Vatsa, a Major General, and member of the Ibrahim Babangida-led military government, was executed for planning a coup. Until his death, Domkat Bali, former Minister of Defence and Chief of Defence Staff, maintained that there’s no way of knowing whether or not Vatsa actually committed the crime for which he was executed by his childhood friend. But again, this is Nigeria!

    Let’s quickly wake General Sani Abacha up from his eternal sleep; he must have something great to share with Nigerians. Remember Daniel Kanu and the ‘Two-million-man March’. Though Abacha won many battles with bullets and allied munitions, the ‘Maximum General’ couldn’t but succumb to the superior power of the beautifully bitter songs of ‘we’ll make the elephant king’.

    Inside Tinubu’s Nigeria, the Yoruba Agenda and the difficulty of coming up with one has been an obvious phenomenon. For example, there was widespread jubilation in Yorubaland when Oba Okunade Sijuwade became the 50th Ooni of Ife in 1980. To them, the hope was that, as a man of steel and means, Ile-Ife would be transformed into paradise within months of his ascension to the throne. With his international connections and business interests spanning the global landscape, Nigerians had no doubt in their minds that Oba Sijuwade would, within a short time, turn the ancient city into mini Lagos and that, in no distant time, Ile-Ife would overtake Lagos.

    Matter-of-frankly, Nigerians held the belief that, with Ooni Sijuwade on the throne, negotiating a coordinate that would bring out a dual carriageway from Iga Iduganran Street to Enuwa Square would be the least of Ife’s worries; and that there would be total industrialization of the cradle of Yoruba culture such that ‘Segilola’ would have been a project long done. But, unfortunately, none of those expectations came to reality. Instead, His Imperial Majesty was always in Abuja, either dining with the ‘evil genius’ or clinking glasses with the ‘Goggled One’. Needless to repeat that it was during Sijuwade’s reign that the Ife/Modakeke crisis raged for years; and it was as if the gods were angry!

    Tunji Adebiyi was personal assistant to the late Abraham Adesanya, a foremost pro-democracy icon and leader of Afenifere, a Yoruba sociocultural organization. With the birth of the 4th Republic in 1999, Afenifere played prominent roles, especially with regard to who became governors in the Southwest. Fortunately, the progressive bent had its way as all its elected governors were from the Afenifere House of Politics. Still, nobody remembered this diligent and loyal aide until Tinubu pulled him out, during his 2nd coming as governor of Lagos State. The rest is history! When Adebiyi died in December 2014, altar calls were reportedly made for donations so that his immediate family could have a roof over their heads. Such is the plight of most of Nigerians: they get so little in return for their industry.

    Once upon a time in Nigeria’s rich history, Adams Oshiomhole was on this side of the rung. But how time flies? The former president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) is now part of the Federal Government Delegation to the ‘subsidy-is-gone’ talks. But what has really changed? Is ‘Oshio Baba’ doing it for the love of dear fatherland, or is it because the former Edo State governor has moved from the passenger’s seat to the driver’s? Well, only God knows!

    Read Also: Tinubu for mid-year coordination meeting in Nairobi

    In Nigeria, politics and elections are contests: somehow fierce, sometimes deadly. Here, an educated group of people remain the most difficult set to govern. Days to go, former President Muhammadu Buhari confessed that he couldn’t wait much longer to be united with his cattle because governing herds of cattle is much easier than governing Nigerians. The question, therefore, is: when did Nigeria become so didactically disadvantaged as to have lifted up Egypt to the place of attractiveness to Nigerians?

    Remember Ike Ekweremadu, the Deputy President of the 6th, 7th and 8th senate. Ekweremadu failed to understand the intricate details of the culture of the British man and he learned the bitter lesson in the United Kingdom. Those things the lawmaker had attached values and importance to in Nigeria had no effect in Britain. Take, for instance, the Distinguished Senator went to the UK, thinking that he’d command some undue respect and that Nigerians would start shivering. But there was a clash of cultures and the British law sent him to prison.

    Inside Tinubu’s Nigeria is one Kamal Usman, a physically challenged JSS 3 student of STDSS, Kagara in Niger State who writes with his mouth. Usman needs help so that he can live out his dream.

    As children, we were not trained to disobey the authority of the government. However, #EndSARS has brought with it the era of changing times and things. A crop of new children is growing up. Having realized that nobody is conscious of their existence, these children have come to register their presence. Interestingly too, they have realized that if the ugly trend is not arrested, it will go on ad infinitum, because one ‘cannot be doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results’. While the music lasts, the people will keep dancing, kowtowing as if all is well, whereas nothing is nice.

    Lame-footed excuses! Limited understanding of institutional values! There is a trend in human behaviour that evolved almost with the creation of man. It is called blame-game! When Adam ate the forbidden fruit, the simple response to God’s query was that it was He who gave it to Eve who, in turn, gave it to him (Adam) to eat; and he ate it! For Adam therefore, taking responsibility was out of the question. Likewise in Nigeria, if a man can no longer perform his conjugal obligations, it is ‘Asiwaju’s fault. If it refuses to rain, some political gladiators will blame it on the president. If farmers’ harvests are poor due to bad agricultural policies and inclement weather, ‘na Jagaban cause am!’

    From the look of things, is Nigeria a functional society? If she is, would some state governors have been into too many errors – as shown in the irreverent dabble into the traditional institutions and power relations? As the chief executives of their respective states, isn’t it better to face the many known troubles than to add traditional institution’s matters to their plates? Anyway, that’s a worthy advice which those who are collecting ‘chicken money’ from the governors won’t want to offer; and it’s for obvious reasons.

    Taken together, the president has a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to serve as the healing balm. Nigerians can only hope in the outcome of his experiments. For Nigerians, changing their beliefs won’t be out of place, as no president is capable of doing for them what they’re supposed to do for themselves.

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    •KOMOLAFE writes in from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

  • 89 cheers to the bard of Ake

    89 cheers to the bard of Ake

    If we are to take a headcount of fifty notable Nigerians, I am so dead sure that Nigeria’s first and only Noble Laurette , Professor  Akinwande Oluwole Babatunde Soyinka, nationalist,novelist, poet and playwright. Asides these he is also a cultural exponent, a humanist as well as a voice for Africa, and the Black Race. 

    Kongi as he is also fondly called, is one of Nigeria’s intellectual export to the world, as his works have hankered on the trifecta of intellectualism, social consciousness  and the desire to speak truth to the powers that be. It was such that led him and six others to form the first known College Fraternity in Nigeria, one that frowned on the elitism and ethnic plays witnessed then in the University College of Ibadan, where having a suit  was a socially accepted prerequisite at the refectory even if you couldn’t afford one. It was on the plank of this same ideals that Soyinka did seek to challenge the sad drift of things in the then Western Region as well as see himself incarcerated without trial merely because of his humanistic beliefs that a war with the then secessionist Biafra was uncalled for. What about his commitment to the entrenchment of human rights in Nigeria and the world over, such has been largely visible in his criticism of a number of military and civilian administrations that have followed each other, most notable was his involvement in the struggle to actualize June 12 and the return of democracy to Nigeria’s shores.

    Thus it grieves me when today’s generation of  youths, unfortunately intoxicated with the hijinkery of certain ideologues and their Container Market Philosophy have attempted to rubbish Soyinka’s place in our national political history, these persons who I have dubbed as the “Kings With No Clothes”  generation  have shamelessly sought to unravel Soyinka’s mystique, but the Bard of Ake cannot experience such, not the Soyinka who sparred with Abacha administration and left it with a black eye on the international scene that the Abacha hound dogs had to start picking up members of the Pyrates Confraternity,placing them in detention under the most deteriorating of conditions.

    These are children whose parents and grandparents were yet in their diapers while Soyinka spent his early youth as a Prison Landlord. These children of hate and fascist thinking, misguided and an ill mannered lot who are yet to come to terms with the fact that wishful thinking, ethnic baiting and social media lynching does not in itself translate to victory on the ballot box, and so when a Soyinka likens a Datti’s outburst on air, one that thumps and seeks to vitiate the essence of our constitutionalism and our nation’s democratic stability, these children of little learning want him to do otherwise !

    Read Also: Soyinka at 89: He’s source of inspiration, encouragement, says Tinubu

    Even those who should know better than these irascible children sadly joined the bandwagon in chastising Kongi, it was a howling of the same logic, an election had appeared to be stolen and they as plaintiff and defender, jury and judge and not the statutory courts and tribunals could give such a verdict.

    This is not to suggest that Soyinka is a Canonized Saint , he is also human and isn’t infallible but then like that Kipling poem, Kongi at that moment refused to lose his head while others did. He refused to be drawn into the appeals of the maddened crowd, who perhaps preferring the path of anarchy may have been its early victims, he refused to build any monument to fascism!

    My mother has this favourite saying in Igbo which holds that “mmadå anaghË amåta iji aka ekpe ya na-eme agadi” ( One cannot learn to use the left hand at an old age) Soyinka, at 89 has somewhat perambulated between the roles of a literary icon, academician, social critic, activist and Pan Africanist, towering over the pseudo intellectuals who are embittered that Soyinka isn’t having their tales  by moonlight for his supper!

    At 89, the Bard of Ake has a larger than life set of legacies, cutting across the various facets of the intellectual, humanistic and sociopolitical. He may not be in the mound of the Marxist’s , Gramsci’s and Marti’s, no he is however in a mould of his own, Africa’s gift to humanity.

    Soyinka to many of us remains an embodiment of what the Nigerian intellectual or academia should be, with one hand he is ready to court our leaders with another he bashes their willful failures retaining his dignity and that of the academia which today a large category of it sadly grovels before the political class.

    Here’s to perhaps a couple of more years for the Bard of Ake and the litterateur of the voiceless, the unusual and uncommon playwright. Fair winds to his remaining sail. Happy birthday sir!

  • Promoting  craft can be frustrating, says talent manager Olatunji

    Promoting craft can be frustrating, says talent manager Olatunji

    One of the leading talent scouts in the Nigerian Entertainment industry, Seun Olatunji has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to nurturing artists and helping them reach their full potential.

     The founder of Naija Spirit Multimedia and Convener of the  Osun Ultimate Awards is making waves in the entertainment industry with his relentless pursuit of promoting Nigerian talent and culture.

     Reflecting on his journey in establishing Naija Spirit Multimedia and the Osun Ultimate Awards, Olatunji said: “The path to creating these ventures has been filled with challenges, but it has also been an incredibly rewarding experience. My passion for my work and dedication to making a positive impact in my community has been the driving force behind these endeavors.”

     “As a talent manager, Olatunji possesses a discerning eye for identifying artists with exceptional potential. When asked about the qualities he looks for in the artists he manages, he emphasized their willingness to succeed and their eagerness to continuously learn and improve their creative skills.”

     “Managing artists in the highly competitive music industry comes with its own set of challenges, but Olatunji has never shied away from them. He acknowledged that one of the most frustrating hurdles is when an artiste is not fully committed to promoting their craft. In response, he reminds artists, “The most precious support for you is the support you give yourself. It is frustrating when artists are unwilling to promote their craft”.

    Read Also: Olamide reaches out to talented artist

     Under the banner of Naija Spirit Multimedia, Olatunji has undertaken numerous initiatives to showcase and celebrate Nigerian artists both locally and internationally. He actively participates in local and international events that raise awareness of African culture and creative talent, particularly within the vibrant Afrobeats genre. Additionally, Olatunji provides unwavering support to visionary artists who demonstrate remarkable dedication to their craft.

     The Osun Ultimate Awards, a brainchild of Seun Olatunji, has become a beacon of recognition and honor for outstanding achievements in the entertainment industry. Over the past seven years, this distinguished awards ceremony has successfully acknowledged and projected the talents of over 1000 entertainers and personalities, solidifying its reputation as one of the most significant gatherings of great minds in Africa.

     On the future growth and impact of the Osun Ultimate Awards, Olatunji shared his vision for the Nigerian entertainment scene, stating, “The awards projects in Osun, Oyo, and Ekiti States are designed to appreciate hardworking individuals and efficient businesses that have contributed to the economic growth of the Southwest region and Nigeria as a whole. By focusing on entertainment, entrepreneurship, media, and social lifestyles, we aim to uplift and empower our people. Our awards will continue to inspire excellence and foster the recognition of remarkable talent.”

  • Fashion designer to empower youths

    Fashion designer to empower youths

    A leading fashion expert Orevaoghene Faith Okowa has promised to use her expertise to empower youths in the fashion industry.

      The Delta-born fashion designer and instructor spoke on how she witnessed tremendous growth in the Nigerian fashion scene and, also how the industry has become a thriving career in recent years.

     Okowa’s professional career is marked by her expertise as a fashion designer and instructor. She is the Managing Director, CEO, and Creative Director of Signature Secret, a fashion brand that has gained recognition for its unique designs and quality craftsmanship.

     Okowa’s passion for the industry led her to hold influential positions within the fashion community. She serves as the President of the Fashion Designers Association of Nigeria (fADAN), Delta State chapter.

     Additionally, she is the Founder and President of both the Fashion Designers and Exhibitors Association in Delta State and The Delta Fashion Designer.

    Read Also: ‘We’ll empower 1m African women’

     One of Okowa’s significant achievements lies in her commitment to empowering others through skill acquisition. She has taken on the role of lead trainer for the Delta State Job Creation Programme (STEP Programme), providing valuable training and guidance to aspiring fashion designers.

     Furthermore, her expertise has been sought after by the Amnesty Programme in the Niger Delta, where she serves as a trainer. Okowa is also the Founder of the Rural Women Empowerment and Less Privileged Skill Acquisition Network, demonstrating her dedication to uplifting marginalised communities.

     Orevaoghene Faith Okowa envisions a future focused on empowering underprivileged women and youth through skill acquisition. She aims to equip them with the necessary tools and knowledge to succeed in the fashion industry. Recognising the challenges faced by these individuals, Okowa is determined to tackle the prevailing issue of mindset orientation among the youth. By providing mentorship and guidance, particularly to young women, she hopes to instil confidence and inspire them to pursue their dreams.

     Beyond her professional endeavours, Okowa indulges in hobbies that nurture her creativity and broaden her horizons. She finds solace in reading, which allows her to gain new insights and perspectives that fuel her imagination. However, her true passion lies in mentoring youth, especially young women. Okowa understands the transformative power of guidance and believes in imparting her knowledge and experiences to shape the next generation of fashion designers.

  • Day-old found in Lagos sewage tank

    Day-old found in Lagos sewage tank

    A day-old baby was yesterday morning found in a sewage tank in Lagos where she was abandoned. 

    Police said she was found around 8:30am by officers attached to Gowon Estate Division, Ipaja 

    Read Also: Lagos to fast track approvals, curb building failure

    Although the baby appeared to be well, she was taken to a health center for immediate medical attention.

    The Lagos State Police Command on Twitter said: “A day-old female baby was found in a sewage tank at about 8:30am today (yesterday).

    “Officers of Gowon Estate Division, upon being alerted, promptly arrived at the scene. 

    “The baby was taken for immediate medical attention at a health center and is doing well.”

  • Headies Award debunks rumour on Wizkid’s nomination

    Headies Award debunks rumour on Wizkid’s nomination

    The CEO of Smooth Promotions, organisers of the Headies Awards, Ayo Animashaun has debunked viral claim Wizkid submitted his latest album, ‘More Love, Less Ego’ for the 16th Headies’ nominations but got declined.

    The Nation reports Headies unveiled the nominees for the 16th edition of the award show on Wednesday, with Burna Boy landing 11 nominations.

    Wizkid was missing from the nominees’ list.
    The absence of Starboy from the list sparked reactions on social media, especially as he dropped a new project in the year under review.

    Read Also: I’m not on same level with Wizkid, Davido, Burna Boy – Speed Darlington

    A Twitter user with the handle @DerrickBugatti shared a screenshot of an alleged Instastory post by the CEO of Smooth Promotions, explaining that Wizkid submitted his album for nomination but got declined.

    “To everyone complaining, Wizkid’s MLLE album was actually submitted to Headies but got declined because we are not accepting just anything, maybe he should work hard for next year!” the post allegedly from Animashaun’s Instastory read.

    However, reacting via his verified Instagram page, Animashaun said the viral post credited to him was photoshopped.
    Describing it as “malicious” and “fake.”
    Sharing a screenshot of the viral post via his Instastory, the Headies boss wrote: “This is malicious! It’s photoshop”.