Following the emergence of Southeast regional security outfit, codenamed Ebube Agu, Correspondents NWANOSIKE ONU (Awka), SUNNY NWANKWO (Umuahia), OGOCHUKWU ANIOKE (Abakaliki) and DAMIAN DURUIHEOMA (Owerri) examine whether the outfit can secure the region.

The clashes between the farmers and herdsmen in the Southeast has reached an alarming height. Farmers are being reported killed, injured, their farm produce destroyed and their women raped on weekly basis.

In all the states of the Southeast, the scenario is the same. Most farmers have been forced to abandon their farms for the cattle breeders who allow their cows to graze openly, for fear of being harmed or killed.

They allege that cattle breeders now carry AK -47 rifles, rather than their usual sticks. When the Southwest region had a similar experience, the six governors in the region set up the Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed Amotekun, to tackle the challenge.

The governors of Southeast region have followed the footsteps of their Southwest counterparts, by setting up Ebube Agu. But, they took their time in arriving at that decision, which angered the outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra IPOB, led by Nnamdi Kanu to form Eastern Security Network (ESN) to save the lives of their subjects.

The regional headquarters of Ebube Agu will be in Enugu and the regional security outfit is expected to work with the police and other security agencies to protect lives and property of the people. The governors are working in tandem with the apex Igbo sociocultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, led by Prof George Obiozor.

The five states have agreed to harmonise existing laws to give the security outfit a common ground to operate. But the one that was of major interest to Ndigbo was the state laws banning open grazing in the Southeast. The security agencies and the local vigilantes would be expected to enforce the ban in the region.

In Anambra State, the farmers-herders clashes had been rampant, especially, in Awka North, Ayamelum and Anambra East Local Governments. The clashes had led to loss of lives on both sides, while the rape cases on women had also been on the high side. Governor Willie Obiano has been a good manager when it comes to issues like that. He had set up a committee comprising security agencies, the state government and leader of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) to mediate in such matters.

The committee sees to the compensation of victims whose crops are destroyed or whose families lost persons or cows on both sides. MACBAN chairman, Southeast, Alhaji Gidado Sidikki, said they had been living in peace with the people of Southeast until recently. He claimed that his people in Ebonyi State had been chased away by the people after killing some of them and their cows.

In Abia State, a cordial relationship is said to exist between the settlers and the indigenes. The hospitality of the communities and their inhabitants may have been the reason these herders have warmly settled in most Abia communities, living with one another over the years as brothers and sisters, regardless of their religious and political differences.

Sadly, the situation is no longer the same now, as these people whose grandfathers, fathers and uncles lived as brothers and sisters are now at each other’s neck. From Arochukwu to Umuahia North and South, Isiala Ngwa North and South to Ukwa West and Ukwa East, the story is just the same.

The recent clashes between farmers and herders have festered in all the 17 local government areas and have negatively affected not only the peasant farmers, but the largely Abia urban population that depends on the inadequate farm produce from the rural communities to feed their families.

The continued attack on farmers and the damage on crops by the herders and their animals, which many have described as economic sabotage, is still ongoing across the state.

Governor Okezie Ikpeazu, while flagging-off the state-wide sensitization workshop against criminal activities in the state, tasked security agencies to commence the enforcement of the Anti-Open Grazing Law put in place since 2018.

The governor said the enforcement of the law the law will help reduce the unprovoked attacks against farmers by herdsmen. Unfortunately, the inability of the state government and security agencies to implement the law has forced many farmers to avoid going to their farms, to avoid loss of life in the hands of the gun-wielding herders.

A statement by the Chief Press Secretary to the Abia State Governor, Onyebuchi Ememanka said the state government has already established a full-fledged ministry that will be saddled with the responsibility of addressing and settling disputes between farmers and herders.

Ememanka said the new ministry would have as its main focus on mainstreaming the activities of herdsmen and other violent crimes with a view to safeguarding the people and the environment. He quoted Governor Ikpeazu as saying that there is need for government to tie up all loose ends in terms of securing residents and visitors in the state.

He said: “The whole idea, the governor stated, is to ensure that no inch of Abia territory will remain unpoliced and that field personnel of the ministry will be trained under a collaborative effort with the Nigeria Police.”

Ikpeazu said the establishment of a Ministry of Homeland Security stemmed from the decision of the Governors of the Southeast region to set up state-based outfits that will strengthen internal security. He added that his administration will leave no stone unturned in ensuring that every inch of the Abia territory is well policed.

The Abia State Commissioner for Homeland Security, Dan Okoli said the government will recruit additional 340 personnel for Abia Vigilante Services (AVS) to nip crime in the bud in the state. He said that there were over 400 personnel has already been engaged by AVS. He said AVS is the general name of the security outfit, adding that it comprises Neighborhood Watch, Forest Guards and Anti-cult Group.

Okoli said that its operations would be community-based and it would entail gathering of information and intelligence and reporting such to the relevant security agencies.

At Nimbo, Uzo-Uwani Local Government Area (LGA) of Enugu State, it was mayhem recently, when suspected herdsmen attacked Opanda community, killing two farmers. It was gathered that one of the young farmers who had gone to water his farm was discovered dead the following morning, after allegedly being attacked by suspected herdsmen.

Fear has gripped the community following the development. This prompted Christians going for Holy mass and other businesses to retreat to their homesteads.

Residents of Imo State have called on Governor Hope Uzodimma to hasten the recruitment of operatives into the Southeast security outfit, code-named Ebube Agu, and to allow it to commence operations in earnest. There appears to be a considerable reduction of the menace of herdsmen and the resulting clashes between herdsmen and farmers across the state since January this year.

Investigation showed that the reduction is not unconnected with the current security situation in the state, which started with the crisis in Orlu. Nevertheless, the establishment of Ebube Agu has bee welcomed by the people because it would help in permanently curbing the incessant herders/farmers clashes, which had led to several killings and destruction of property.

Residents said the outfit should swing into action immediately to provide a lasting solution to the protracted clashes between herders and farmers in the state, particularly in Mbaise, Ohaji Egbema, Oguta, Okigwe, Owerri North and Owerri West council areas. Andy Chima and Chibuzo Nlechi from Obiti and Umuapu communities in Ohaji Egbema LGA, said the clashes between herders and farmers were common all over the country, but in Ohaji communities it had become so pronounced in recent time.

Chima said though the herdsmen occupying the bushes in Obiti had fled the place following the news of the crisis that happened in Orlu in January this year. He, however, opined that there was still need to recruit Ebube Agu operatives to start work so that “they will be on ground to deal with the situation when these herdsmen return”.

Nlechi said: “You are here in Imo State and witness to the agony our people have been facing in their farms in the past. It was in my community, Umuapu that some women were killed and gang-raped in their farms while those who survived were left with mortal injuries by the herders. What was the reason, you may as. It’s nothing but asking the herders to stop destroying the crops in our farms. That was it.”

Mrs. Concilia Oparah from Amakohia Ubi Community, Owerri West LGA told The Nation that for the first time in about four years, the women of the community had been able to go to their farms in peace. She said: “Since February this year, our women have not come on protest at the government house over the destruction of our crops and killing of our people.

“We all know what caused it, is the current security situation in Imo and southeast states in general which started since January.

“I also know that the security situation will normalize anytime soon and these people would return back to destroying our farms. It is in our best interest that the government recruit the Ebube Agu boys to begin work. What we saw in the hands of these herdsmen since three years now caused us unforgettable pains.”

Sir Roy Nwoko from Uratta in Owerri North LGA said herdsmen were still occupying their farmlands despite the little recovery the community had made in recent times. He said: “Though, we’re gradually recovering our farms because the youths engaged them last week and some of them fled from here; though security operatives quickly came to their aid.

“But, I can tell you that some of our people have abandoned their farms to avoid clashes with the marauding herders. The truth is that before now we could no longer access our farms; we’ve had some ugly experience in the past and won’t want a repeat. We really need urgent serious intervention with this Ebube Agu so that we have official security because we’re already helpless.”

While stressing their call for the immediate take-off of the Ebube Agu in the state, they, however, said traditional rulers who understand local terrains must be involved in the selection of process of its operatives.

Special Adviser to Governor Hope Uzodimma on Security, Dan Okoro said the governor was yet to announce the commencement date for Ebube Agu.

Ebonyi State government has over the years put mechanism in place to stem herders/farmers clashes. One of the measures include setting up a joint committee in all the local governments with a central committee at the state level level to settle disputes between them.

Commissioner for Border Peace, Stanley Okoro Emegha told The Nation that the committee was largely successful in the state as the state had few issues before now. The committee had leaders of herdsmen among them. It also had security heads community leaders and political leaders from the areas.

 

Ayo Opadokun, former General Secretary of Afenifere and National Democratic Coalition (nadeco), founding Convener, Coalition of Democrats for Electoral Reform (coder) and former Assistant-Director of Organisation of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (upn) reflects on the 70th anniversary of the pan Yoruba socio-political group Afenifere.

Permit me to open this unique dialogue with the following unimpeachable facts sourced from few credible historical accounts including “AWO”. The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo; “Path to Nigerian Greatness”, and face to face interviews with Chief Awolowo, Chief Adekunle Ajasin and other distinguished participant actors and prolific writers like Chief Wumi Adegbonmire who later became Secretary to the AD led government of Chief Adefarati between 1999-2003 among others concerning the pace setting achievements of Afenifere in Nigeria’s political epochs. I unreservedly acknowledge the copyrights of original writers of all quotations and references made in this discourse because they were invaluable to making this statements much more informative, educative and instructive.

Action Group Political Party among others was dissolved by the Military decree and Public Gazette in January 1966, but it’s movement called Afenifere remains the only one of its kind that precedes Nigeria’s political independence and has gone through circumstantial, existential, external treats, assaults and self-inflicted injury of fractionalisations, (Papa Fasoranti/Adebanjo; Late Senator Fasanmi; Senator Durojaiye; Afenifere Renewal) and still counting in spite of its current limitations over time.

 

Legacies of a mouthpiece

Action Group as a National Political Party was the brainchild of the late sage, Chief Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo, SAN, GCFR and his untiring efforts, grim determination to prepare and get the Western Nigeria ready for productive responses to the then on-coming constitutional exigencies which the Richard Constitution provisions would demand on Nigerians.  After Egbe Omo Oduduwa had decided not to take part in politics and approved of Chief Awolowo’s pioneering efforts to form a virile political organization, he invited about 60 persons for a meeting. Of all these invitees just the following seven persons namely: S. O. Shonibare, Chief Abiodun Akerele, Chief S. T. Oredein, Olatunji Dosumu, Ola Adigun, Adeyiga Akinsanya and Ayo Akinsanya; attended the first meeting.

The first meeting held on Sunday, March 26, 1950 at 9.0’clock in the morning at the Oke Ado Residence of Chief Awolowo in Ibadan. Before the public announcement of its existence, nine secret meetings of the Action Group had been held between 26th March 1950 and 4th March 1951. The secret meetings were necessitated to avoid the virulent attacks and hostility that could have been unleashed by Dr. Azikiwe and his media stable. Chief Awolowo could not forget in a hurry, the strident, vile and unbelievable hostility which Dr. Azikiwe and his ethnic nationality students unleashed on him and the associates when Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed in Great Britain in 1945 not minding that there were already in existence, the Ibibio State Union as well as the Ibo State Union respectively.

The Action Group was publicly inaugurated at the historical hall on the hill in Owo, Town in Ondo Province on the 28th of April 1951 and had representatives from 22 out of the 24 Administrative Divisions of the Western Region. Afenifere therefore could not have been created by anybody recently as was attemptedly claimed in revisionism to fit for the purpose of a private agenda. What is true and factual were that:

After the inauguration of the Action Group in Owo, the leaders returned to Ibadan to campaign and for a public inauguration and presentation. There and then people were asking what was going to be the interpretation of the meaning of Action Group in Yoruba language.

At a party campaign rally in Adamasingba/Dugbe, the Party Leaders led by Chief Adisa Akinloye were informing the public that the Action Group policy was summed up in Egalitarianism, Free Education, and Medicare, affordable Housing, and affordable Food, Minimum Wage to guarantee life more abundant that party loyalists and faithfuls started to describe the Action Group as a Movement of People wanting the best for ordinary citizens and who were committed to providing better quality of lives for all persons. Then Chief Meredith Augustus Adisa Akinloye CFR helped them to sum up their descriptions as Afenifere. He later became the National Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) in the 2nd Republic. The name was popularised through diversed ways, songs and lyrics, poetic renditions and banters until it became an household watchword. In fact, a textile factory was commissioned to manufacture bales of cloth materials with the picture of Chief Obafemi Awolowo on it and was worn as apparellels by all and sundry even as caps and head gears for women.

It is important to state that Afenifere from its inception remained a movement of people who are committed to the greatest welfare of the people as enunciated by Chief Obafemi Awolowo SAN, under the philosophical caption of egalitarianism, life more abundant. Afenifere was never a registered political party but it was the propelling movement of people behind the Action Group that was registered. There had been no time when Afenifere was a cultural organisation. Egbe Omo Oduduwa, which was a cultural organisation decided not to transform into a political party after exhaustive discussion because they believed that such a transformation into partisan politics could compromise the organisation and divide the Yoruba natio, which was the very people it set itself up to protect and defend. Interested readers can Google the internet to be familiar with the names of theYoruba distinguished leaders who collaborated with Chief Awolowo to establish the Egbe first in London and later in Nigeria in order to provide a credible voice for the Yoruba people in the immediate nationalist struggle for self-determination.

Three important decisions had to be made; the first was whether the Action Group should continue to function as a separate political organisation, or whether its members should dissolve it and transfer its activities to the Egbe Omo Oduduwa which was then contemplating the formation of a political wing. The Egbe was not a political party, but was savagedly attacked by Dr. Azikiwe, thus drawing most Yoruba politicians to rally round the Egbe. From all available accounts, the Nigerian Youth Movement had become fractionalised in 1941 because many members had political disagreements with Dr. Azikiwe who himself became party-less until he in 1945 joined the NNDP formed by Dr. Hebert Macaulay. Again, the National Emergency Council, NEC which was formed in 1949 when Dr. Azikiwe was outside the country, died soon after his return.

Chief Awolowo at a meeting on 4th June 1950 was prepared to disband the proposed Action Group if the Egbe decided to have a political wing. This was according to him, “because party organization cost money and the people he looked up to for financial support were in the top hierarchy of the Egbe”. Chief Awolowo could only continue with the first meeting for the party organisation after the Egbe had given its blessing.

The second decision was taken at the sixth meeting held on 8th October 1930, where nine persons were present and Chief Awolowo was so disappointed that he suggested winding up the meeting. It was E. A. Babalola, first time attendee, Chief Sowole and Ajasin who opposed the suggestion to wind up the meeting. They argued that such a major project did not need a large number of people to get started. At the very next meeting which was the seventh, 27 people attended, encouragingly.

Furthermore, the third decision arose because of the higher number of attendees. Chief Awolowo suggested and ensured that the group set up a shadow cabinet. Each member was placed in charge of a subject and was also appointed as Chairman of such committee. Each committee was to study its particular subject thoroughly enough to be able to produce a policy paper on it.

The formation of the Action Group became a kind of necessity because the sage observed that the performances of the Western Region Representatives in both Regional and General Conferences for the review of the Richards Constitution exhibited lack of organisation and they were lacking programme and effective leadership. For example, the then Anthony Enahoro deplored the weakness of the Western Members of the Legislative Council. They never knew what the other person was doing thereby exhibiting such kind of undisplined disposition. Chief Awolowo in his Autobiography reiterated that “the new Constitution would be a test of the readiness and fitness of Nigerians to manage their own affair”.

The Action Group was the first to propose and establish the institution of “shadow cabinet”. This is the practice in parliamentary system whereby the opposition party has permanent people to oversee different departments of government with a view to getting themselves well acquainted and knowledgeable about their ministries, so that, if their party were to win at the next election, they will be ready to hit the ground running from their first day in office.

The Action Group was the first to have a party motto: Freedom for all, life more abundant when Nigerians have Freedom from British rule; Freedom from Ignorance; Freedom from disease; and Freedom from want.

In the 1951 Regional Election, the Action Group was the only party that published policy papers as well as a manifesto. There is a detailed account (Annexure 1) attached to this narrative to debunk the reactionary and false allegation that the Action Group introduced carpet crossing to Nigerian politics. Read the authentic account of the Colonial Government Public Relations Official in charge of the election. Also the late Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu, one of the first set of Action Group Organising Secretaries along with Papa Adebanjo who was a participant actor had written a credible account about the 1951 Election.

In 1949 as a result of series of editorial comments written personally by Chief Awolowo entitled “cry havoc” in the Nigerian Tribune, the Lieutenant Governors who thought that the power vested in them to nominate and pick ministers had no condition precedent, i.e. their powers were unfettered had to accept the painful reality that such powers could only be exercised after the advice of the majority party. The Colonial Officials erroneous impression got corrected in favour of the majority party. The East and the North in sequence followed and enjoyed the advantage that the Action Group courageously fought hard to achieve against the wishes of the colonial officers who wanted to continue to dominate the government formed by the Nigerian elected party representatives.

The Action Group was the pacesetter in the following among others, namely: Voting by symbol was introduced into Nigeria by the Action Group and was first practised at the Local Government Elections in Ijebu-Remo in 1953.

Steel ballot boxes and security-printed ballot papers were first used in the Western Region in 1956, at the instance and insistence of the Action Group Government.

The first motion calling for Nigerian Independence was moved by Chief Anthony Enahoro, CFR of the Action Group in 1953.

The first motion ever for the creation of a new Region – in this case for the creation of a Midwestern Region now broken into Delta and Edo States – was moved in the Western Region House of Assembly by an Action Group Member of the House.

It was only in the Western Region that the Leader of Opposition was elected Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly.

It was also in the Western Region that Ministers of Finance and of Works were withdrawn from the Tenders Board, and the membership of the Board was restricted to Officials headed by the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Finance, together with known members of the Action Group and of the NCNC chosen, from time to time in equal numbers by the said Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Finance.

Agricultural Settlements and Institutes were first established in the Western Region.

It was in the Western Region that a minimum living wage was first introduced in Nigeria, and paid to workers in the Region.

The first-ever industrial estate and housing estate in Nigeria were established in the Western Region.

The first television service in Nigeria, indeed in the whole of Africa, was established in the Western Region in 1959.

The very famous Liberty Stadium was the first and the best of its kind in Nigeria when it was built in 1959. In terms of elegance and comfort, it still remains the best in the country.

Before 1952, the Nigerian Government had never awarded as many as twenty university scholarships a year to Nigerian students. In that year (1952), the Western Region Government became the first ever to award two hundred university scholarships in one year to students of Western Region origin.

It was in the Western Region, on 17th January 1955 that Free Universal Primary Education, and Free Health Services for children up to the age of eighteen, were first introduced in any part of Nigeria. It was also in the Western Region that a six-year primary course, instead of the then existing eight-year primary course, was first introduced.

Some people have disrespectfully and insultingly described the Western Region as “the wild, wild west”. No people with predominant wild inclinations such as are implicit in the description can record in a short period of eight years the supremely impressive, epoch-making, and pacesetting innovations and achievements which have been itemized above. The truth about the people of the Western Region is that they are sufficiently enlightened and bold to refuse to be led by the nose by any person or group however sophisticated such person or group may appear. They are slow to anger; robust in contentions; alert to their rights, and will fearlessly resist and combat evil whenever and wherever they discern it, with all their might and resources. To the people of the Western Region a leader is made, not born. He is expected to justify his leadership by his personal attributes, and by his works for the good of the people. Whereas in some other parts of the country a leader is born and it is the followership that are expected to justify their worthiness to follow by the extremity of their obedience and subservience”.

There is no attempt here to claim that the Action Group was perfect as it never obtains in human domain. Yes, the AG in fact erred on some policy measured, which the party had to correct in conformity with the popular will of the electorate.  In fact, there were many parts of Western Region which detested and rejected the Action Group party till the January 15, 1966 violent military insurrection against Alhaji Balewa’s led NPC/NCNC coalition government.

Existential transformation/metamorphosis of afenifere

After the first military insurrection of January 15, 1966, the Military Junta under General Thomas Aguiyi Ironsi issued series of decrees that suspended and abrogated the 1960 & the 1963 Republican Federal Constitutions to give itself some semblance of legitimacy. Let it therefore be stated again and for posterity that the negotiated 1960 Independence Constitution which was amended to produce the 1963 Republican Federal Constitution remained the only legitimately produced constitution that was democratically subscribed to by Nigerians. Nigerians have not been given the democratic rights to produce an Autochthonous Constitution but rather, the Military Junta have severally imposed decrees called “Constitutions ” that have unitarised and centralized Nigeria for the undue advantage of a section of Nigeria till date.

Major General Johnson Thomas Aguiyi Ironsi, the new Military Head of State and Commander In-Chief on the 24th of May 1966 issued supplement to Official Gazette Extraordinary No. 51, Vol. 53, 1966 part A in a the public order decree 1966 where in section 1 he announced the Dissolution of Political Parties, Tribal Unions and Cultural Organisations.

In schedule, Part 1, Section 1 and 12, the gazette listed the Political Societies or Associations. 84 Political Parties and Organizations that were dissolved. Along with that, the decree also dissolved 26 Tribal and Cultural Associations. The names were contained in the decree that is hereby annexed as Annexure 2 with explanatory remarks.

As soon as Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the sage left and resigned from General Gowon’s Government, on July 1, 1971, (General Gowon’s response to Chief Awolowo’s resignation is hereby attached as Annexure 3), he and his closest allies started to brainstorm on the prospect for Nigerian political future ie the Second Republic. The group eventually crystalised into what was known as “The Committee of Friends”.

Part of their resolutions had to do with the name to be adopted for whatever political organisation they formed. The Committee was composed of star studied people in several respect, quite a number of old faithful and respectable guards of the Action Group were the initial frontliners. They were mindful of the Military Decree No. 33, A. 149 of 24th May, 1966 which had dissolved Political Parties Societies and tribal organizations and the transition decree of Muritala/Obasanjo government which prohibited any linkage with the First Republic Political Parties. Arising from the variously adopted policy options, the group adopted the name Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), which was a National Political Party but was equally known as egbe Imole in Yoruba land. So, AG/Afenifere became muted.

However, as Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s unending political transition agenda was evolving after the transition to glory of the avartar, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, SAN, the former Governors of the UPN commenced meetings under the Chairmanship of Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin, CFR, in Owo and was called Owo Group for sometimes before the group became People’s Consultative Forum, PCF. At the first meeting of the Governors, the meeting decided to invite me to join their next meeting and to be its General Secretary and Spokesman. That was how I served the organization for 15years honourarily.

At a meeting held in Chief Bola Ige’s, Ibadan residence sometimes in 1992, we examined the prospect of adopting a name for our organisation. A committee was constituted to verify whether or not Afenifere was among the organisations dissolved. The report of the committee was received at a meeting held in the Lagos, Ilupeju residence of Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (now late). The report findings indicated that Afenifere was not listed in the Military Decree of May 1966. Members were happy to rename the group with its original appellation, Afenifere. The Gazette is already attached to this piece for ease of reference as Annexure 2.

After the death of the most brutal dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha and the emergence of General Abdulsalami Abubakar, GCFR, we eventually reverted to our familiar movement name. How did it happen?

There was a Southern Leadership Forum which was holding in Chief Olu Falae’s house many times in 1998. Hitherto, in the absence of Senator Abraham Adesanya who was abroad, Chief Ige who presided at an Afenifere meeting in Ijebu-Igbo read out dates for meetings he had fixed with other political organizations. And about four of us from Afenifere met with the Umaru Shinkafi Group for about one hour at Sheraton Hotel, Ikeja in a business manner like but which revealed that he had met severally with the group and perhaps reached some agreement to which we were not privileged to know until later from outside sources.

Meanwhile, the movement had asked me sometimes in September 1998 to attend a meeting with groups which later established the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP and was hosted by Prof. Jerry Gana. The Movement nominated Chief Bola Ige and Ayo Adebanjo to also attend the second meeting. When Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu and Dr. Sola Saraki were sighted by the duo, who were my own seniors, the duo asked us to withdraw our participation because we should not be found associating with such people. After a lot of exchange of views, with many colleagues, we rejoined the meeting. Chief Bola Ige was appointed to chair the Constitutional Drafting Committee and I was appointed as the Secretary. The meetings were to be held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos.

On the date that we returned to Chief Falae’s house for a continuation of the Southern Leadership Forum meeting, Chief Falae was abroad. The meeting was dispirited when Chief Bola Ige informed members that we should not attend the Constitution Drafting Committee meeting because, he had it on good authority that the group had made up its mind as to who will be its presidential candidate. I opposed this position by restating that we were in a vantage position to marshal out superior arguments that could enable us win the coveted ticket. But I was alone because Senator Adesanya himself was absent.

Later on, the meeting decided that we should go to Abuja to hold a crucial meeting with the Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi group, a day before the National Convention to agree as to whether or not we could jointly form a political party together. Chief Olu Lulu Briggs (now late) was elected to be our Team Leader. And the meeting was fixed for 7. 0clock pm at Nicon Hilton Hotel, Abuja.

However, for reasons that should not be discussed here, it happened that Chief Ige had gone ahead to hold a meeting with the Shinkafi group around 7pm, and at about 10pm he came out to invite Chief Adebanjo. When the rest of us waited till 1am, without being invited to attend the scheduled meeting, we all moved to Chief Lulu Briggs suite and we concluded there and then not to have anything to do with whatever may be the resolution from the ongoing meeting with the Shinkafi group from which we were alienated. Even though we never planned to form a Political Party when we left Lagos, the event recorded here led us to decide to form our own political party. Chief Bola Ige on return to his suite was dispirited when we met him and he returned to Lagos the following morning and played no part in the registration of AD/Afenifere.

Unfortunately, one of those with us in Chief Briggs suite was a plant of the Adedibu collective. We were shocked to find out in the morning when we got to INEC office to find that the name Action Congress/Action Alliance which were our first choices had been applied for just about an hour earlier by Alhaji Adedibu’s lieutenant.

Therefore, we had to utilize our industry and reach to adopt the name Alliance for Democracy (AD). The process to get a befitting Constitutional Draft, Manifesto, Logo, Emblem, Slogan were arrived at. We amended a draft constitution which I took along just for exigencies and apportioned responsibilities. Mr. (now Dr. Jimmy Imo) handled manifesto, Senator Mrs. Kofo Akerele Bucknor handled logo and emblem. The duo are alive to confirm the authenticity of this information. And just before the 5pm deadline we were able to submit our application along with the necessary requirement at the INEC National Headquarters Office.

It is critical to state for all to hear this, that it was the names contained in the Register of Afenifere in all Yoruba States including Kwara and Kogi that were used to register Alliance for Democracy. Afenifere therefore, was the platform upon which the AD was constructed and upon which the six candidates in Yoruba States contested and won. AD was the National Name, but songs/lyrics were waxed on Afenifere whose leadership had been the frontliners of the NADECO struggle. So when for reasons best known but certainly not for the group interest some elected and Afenifere Leaders started to insist on separation of AD from Afenifere, they knew they were playing dirty politics. The younger folks from New Generation and Idile Groups who in 1999 commended our steadfastness and resilience and courage to provide leadership for the Yoruba Nation against the onslaught of violent repression and humiliation by Gen. Sanni Abacha also appealed to us that they were ready to assist Afenifere to consolidate its credible leadership. And after about 3 to 4 months they were permitted to send 5 representatives each to attend Afenifere meetings. This was there maiden encounter and involvement in Afenifere. AD/Afenifere had already installed 6 governors before they came to join Afenifere.

It is always suicidal to demystify the platform on which you were elected into political office because the myth would have been deflated and could not be available again for your use. The then President Obasanjo who wanted to win power in the Southwest at all cost in order to be allowed to run for the second term on the PDP platform used a senior member of Afenifere to weaken the organisation by influencing some governors to treat Afenifere’s advice with levity. Furthermore, the same external influence forced an impostor, named Alhaji Abdulkadir, unknown to most of those who formed the AD, as the Chairman of the party. The rest is history as they say.

However, the performances of most of the six governors of AD/Afenifere were relatively commendable and pace setting as that of their forebares in the Action Group and the UPN of the first and second Republics.

For example, each of them continued with the free education programme with some modifications and that enabled many poor people’s children to enroll into public schools. Senator Bola Tinubu as the Governor of Lagos State succeeded in expanding the revenue base of Lagos State beyond expectation. The consequence of that was that he was able to deliver some appreciable infrastructures and services that were relatively novel at that time. Chief Bisi Akande, the Osun State Governor with his very low receipt from the Federation Account delivered impactful services including the construction of an enviable State Secretariat that remain his everlasting legacy and many rural roads without borrowing a dime throughout his tenure. There was no area of Ogun State that did not experience the development programme of Aremo Segun Osoba as the Governor (helmsman) of Ogun State.

ANNEXURE 1

WESTERN ELECTION, 1951— COLONIAL GOVERNMENT PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER, MR. COOPER’S ACCOUNT

I also seek your indulgence to correct the false accusation by the NCNC about carpet crossing after the 1951 Regional Election by reading carefully without bias this Colonial account of event.

When the election into the Western Region House of Assembly was completed in November 1951, the Action Group was surprised it won only 29 out of the 80 seats contested. In fact, the (AG) lost in all the constituencies in Ibadan; the capital city of the Western Region, Nigeria and likewise in Lagos, the capital of Nigeria. The AG had expected that as the “party of the Yorùbá it would sweep the elections with ease, at all levels; and in so doing, form the regional government. However, in Ibadan, the IPP won all the six seats up for grabs while in Lagos; the NCNC won all the available five seats. The correct version of this history goes thus: To avert conflicting claims over candidates, Mr. Harold Cooper, the Government Public Relations Officer, wrote to the parties to furnish a list of the candidates contesting election on their platforms. Only the Action Group complied with this request and its list of candidates was as follows: Ijebu Remo Division – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode Division – S.O. Awokoya, Rev. S.A. Banjo and V.D. Phillips; Oyo Division – Chief Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, A.B.P. Martins, T.A. Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun Division – SL Akintola, J.O. Adigun, J.O. Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola; Ondo Division – P. A. Ladapo and G.A. Deko; Okitipupa Division – Dr. L.B. Lebi, CA Tewe and SO Tubo; Epe Division – SL Edu, AB Gbajumo, Obafemi Ajayi and C.A. Williams; Ikeja Division – O. Akeredolu-Ale, SO Gbadamosi and FO Okuntola; Badagry Division – Chief CD Akran, Akinyemi Amosu and Rev. GM Fisher; Egba Division – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji A.T. Ahmed, CPA Cole, Rev S.A. Daramola, Akintoye Tejuoso, SB Sobande, IO Delano and A Adedamola.

The others were as follows: Egbado Division – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi, Adebiyi Adejumo, A. Akin Illo and P.O. Otegbeye; Ife Division – Rev S.A. Adeyefa, D.A. Ademiluyi, J.O. Opadina, and S.O. Olagbaju; Ekiti Division – E.A. Babalola, Rev. J Ade Ajayi, S.K. Familoni, S.A. Okeya and D Atolagbe; Owo Division – Michael Adekunle Ajasin, A.O. Ogedengbe, JA Agunloye, LO Omojola and R.A. Olusa; Western Ijaw Division – Pere EH Sapre-Obi and MF Agidee; Ishan Division – Anthony Enahoro; Urhobo Division – WE Mowarin, J.B. Ohwinbiri and JD Ifode; Warri Division – Arthur Prest and O. Otere, and Kukuruku Division – D.J.I. Igenuma.

Of the names on the list, only MA Ajasin from Owo Division, which comprised Akoko then, did not run because of party solidarity and unity in Owo. He stood down for A.O. Ogedengbe and R.A. Olusa to contest two of the three seats, which they won, while D.K. Olumofin won the third for the NCNC. Three secretaries of the Action Group, who ran as independents and won were: Alhaji D.S. Adegbenro, Egba Division; J.O. Osuntokun, Ekiti Division and S.O. Hassan, Epe Division.

At the close of polls on 24 September 1951, the Action Group had won 38 of the 72 seats in contention in the Regional Assembly. There were a total of 80 seats. Lagos had five seats in the West Regional Assembly all won by the NCNC in the election of 20 November 1951, while Benin had three won by Otu Edo candidates in the election of 6 December 1951. The poll had been postponed in Lagos and Benin following security concerns. Of the 68 candidates on the list furnished by the Action Group to the Government PR Department, 38 of the elected AG members were from that list. And they were as follows: Ijebu Remo – Obafemi Awolowo and M.S. Sowole; Ijebu Ode – Rev. SA Banjo and S.O. Awokoya; Oyo – Bode Thomas, Abiodun Akerele, ABP Thomas, TA Amao and SB Eyitayo; Osun – S.L. Akintola, J.O. Adigun, JA Oroge, S.I. Ogunwale, I. A. Adejare, J.A. Ogunmuyiwa and S.O. Ola.

Other elected AG members from the list were: Egba – J.F. Odunjo, Alhaji AT Ahmed, Rev. S.A. Daramola and Prince Adedamola; Egbado (now Yewa) – J.A.O. Odebiyi, D.A. Fafunmi and A. Akin Illo; Ekiti – E.A. Babalola and Rev. J. Ade-Ajayi; Badagry – Chief CD Akran and Rev. G.M. Fisher; Ikeja – SO Gbadamosi and O Akeredolu-Ale; Ife – Rev. S.A. Adeyefa and SO Olagbaju; Owo – AO Ogedengbe and RA Olusa; Epe – Safi Lawal Edu; Okitipupa – C.A. Tewe; Western Ijaw – M.F. Agidee; Ishan – Anthony Enahoro, and Warri – Arthur Prest.

In addition to the Action Group and the NCNC, there were local/divisional parties such as the Ibadan People’s Party (IPP), led by Chief AMA Akinloye; Ondo Improvement League, and Otu Edo of Benin. At the end of poll, the standing of the parties was as follows: Action Group 38; NCNC/Independents 25; IPP 6 and Ondo Improvement League 2. Otu Edo candidates won the three Benin seats, namely, Chief S.O. Ighodaro, Chief Humphrey Omo-Osagie and Chief Chike Ekwuyasi. Chief Ighodaro opted for the AG, while the latter two went to the NCNC. And of the six IPP elected members, only Adegoke Adelabu joined the NCNC. The rest of them: AMA Akinloye, Chief DT Akinbiyi (who later became the Olubadan of Ibadan), Chief SO Lanlehin, Moyosore Aboderin and SA Akinyemi, opted for the Action Group. The NCNC National Secretary, the late Chief Kola Balogun had sent declaration forms to the IPP assemblymen asking them to declare for the NCNC but Chief Akinloye returned all the forms uncompleted.

The three AG secretaries who had run as independents – Adegbenro, Osuntokun and Hassan, five IPP members, one Etu Edo, and one Ondo Improvement League, Chief F.O. Awosika; and Chief Timothy Adeola Odutola (Independent, Ijebu Ode) had swollen the number of the AG elected members. All the transactions had taken place before the inauguration of the Regional Assembly on 7 January 1952. These were not known members of the NCNC, nor did the party publish their names on the list of its candidates. For over a half century, the NCNC is yet to provide evidence to back its claim that it had won the West Regional election in 1951.

Mr. Cooper absolved his department of responsibility for the controversy generated by the NCNC after the election. At a post-election news conference in Lagos he said that “Of the winning candidates, the names of 38 were on the list sent to me by the Action Group. The six successful candidates at Ibadan were all among those who had been identified to me as representing the Ibadan People’s Party. No claim of any kind had reached us about the party affiliation of the remaining successful candidates.” Why did the NCNC not send a list of its candidates for the poll to the Government PR Department before that poll? The records of the poll conducted in the West and all over Nigeria by the colonial administration are available at the National Archives and can be accessed by any honest researcher. In this matter, it is facts that speak, not what some political/ethnic partisan said or did not say, as shown below.

Faced with this set of circumstances, the Egbé Omo Oduduwa lured twenty victorious candidates on the ticket of the smaller rival parties to join the Action Group; thereby tilting the balance in favor of the party, against its primary opponent; the NCNC. Some of the leaders of the small parties were offered ministerial appointments to join the AG. One of them was Chief Augustus Akinloye who was appointed the Nigerian Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources; and who reciprocated by persuading four out of his five victorious colleagues in the IPP into joining the AG. The only IPP member who refused to join the AG was Hon Chief Adegoke Adelabu, who, instead, joined the more national NCNC.

The Ibadan electorate did not take kindly to the defection of its elected representatives on the platform of IPP to the Action Group. They used the opportunity of the 1954 federal elections and the 1956 regional elections to express their aversion of the Action Group. In the 1954 Federal elections, when both parties went head to head; the NCNC won 22 seats in the House of Representatives of Nigeria while the AG secured 19 seats. In Ibadan, the capital city of the Western Region, the ruling party AG secured just one out of the five federal seats up for grabs. The loathing of the AG by the Ibadan electorate was further demonstrated in the regional elections, which was held on May 26, 1956. Despite the fact that the election was held after the AG had been in power for five years, and had implemented significant social projects, particularly in the area of education; the results for 1956 were: 48 seats won by the AG and 32 seats by the NCNC. However, a closer scrutiny of the actual votes cast revealed that, the margin of victory between the AG and the NCNC was just 39,270 votes. The AG got 623,826 or (48.3%) of total votes, while the NCNC got 584,556 or (45.3%) of the total votes cast. The battle lines had been drawn; the ensuing mayhem and ruthless machinations that encapsulated the Ibadan political scene, degenerated and continued to spiral out of control until 1966, when the military seized control of the government, and banned all political parties in Nigeria.

In summary, the Action Group entered into an Alliance relationship with the Ibadan Peoples Party, IPP and others just as the NCNC went into Alliance with the NPC in order to form a majority at the National level. Except for pernicious posturing and unbridled hypocracy if the NCNC alliance with the NPC was not described as carpet crossing, that which was struck by the AG and others should not have been given negative/pejorative description.

ANNEXURE 3

CHIEF OBAFEMI AWOLOWO’S RESIGNATION LETTER FROM THE FEDERAL EXECUTIVE COUNCIL DATED JUNE 13, 1971 TO GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON.

My dear Commander-in-Chief,

You will recall that in a statement made by me and published in the SUNDAY TIMES of March 30, 1969, I declared, among other things, as follows:

“Even at the federal level, I have no desire whatsoever, and I certainly cannot be tempted or induced to develop one, to head, or participate in an unelected or even an electoral-college elected civil administration in a military or any setting. At the moment, I am participating in the activities of the military government because I have been invited, and I also think it is right, so to do. I am, therefore, obliged, morally and for the purpose of keeping Nigeria united, to take part, as fully as I can, in any measure designed, in particular, to keep the Ibos as a constituent ethnic unit in the federation of Nigeria, enjoying equal and identical status and benefits with other ethnic units, and in general, to preserve Nigeria as an economic and political entity.”

I should have, in accordance with this declaration, relinquished my present offices soon after the end of the civil war in January last year. But one main matter decided me against such an immediate course of action. As you know, before January 1970, the four-year development and reconstruction plan had been under active preparation, and it had been hoped that it would be launched early in the 1970/71 fiscal year. It was my strong desire to participate in the consideration of this plan. As it turned out, however, the plan was not actually considered until August 1970.

By that time, three other factors had supervened. First, the capital estimates for 1970/71 had been delayed until the launching of the four-year development plan, which did not take place until November last year. At this late stage, I decided that the capital estimates of 1970/71 should be incorporated into those of 1971/72.

Second, by November 1970, the time for the introduction of the 1971/72 budget was only some four months away.

Third, as from September 1970, our foreign exchange position had started to undergo an unusual rapid deterioration. It occurred to me, in all these circumstances:

That it would be untidy for me to leave without completing the budget for 1970/71; That it would be hardly fair to my successor for me to leave at a time when preparations for the 1970/71 budget had actively begun under my direction, and; That it might be interpreted in some circles as an act of bad faith for me to leave at a time when our foreign exchange was in such a bad state, and no sensible formula had been found for arresting its deterioration.

Now with the peace and unity of our great country fully restored and firmly re-established; with the four-year development plan already considered and launched and the capital estimates for 1970/71 completed; with the 1971/72 budget done and a reasonable solution devised for our acute foreign exchange, I feel free to act in accordance with one of my fundamental beliefs, referred to in paragraph 1 above, and publicly declared on March 10, 1969-EIGHTEEN CLEAR MONTHS before the military government’s political programme was announced by you on October 1, 1970.

I would, therefore, like to notify you that, with effect from July 1, 1971, I am no longer willing to continue in the offices of federal commissioner for Finance and vice-president of the Federal Executive Council.

Supplementary to the forgoing, there is another important reason for my present action. After four truly (I hesitate to say exceedingly) exacting (though thoroughly stimulating and educative) years in the Federal Ministry of Finance which, throughout the period, was incessantly beset with fiscal and monetary problems of unprecedented dimensions, and of peculiarly complex and tantalizing nature, I deem it to be in the interest of my continued good health to have a complete change of full-time occupation.

As to my future plan, I have decided to go back to legal practice. I also want to seize the opportunity, which the military government’s six-year political programme provides, to write, if my professional engagement permit, three books which have always been very much on my mind. The research connected with two of these books will take me to selected developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, as well to ECA and OAU secretariats in Addis Ababa, the offices of some United Nations agencies in New York, and London University.

I would like to state that though, by this resignation, I am leaving your government and literary activities as mentioned above, it does not mean that I am completely relinquishing all public services to our country and people.

On the contrary, it is my resolve to continue, in all circumstances and until my life’s end, to see the best interests of our fatherland, and promote the welfare and happiness of our people, in every way possible.

In this connection, I would like to assure you that I shall always be willing, on a purely AD HOC basis and providing my professional commitments permit, to render, at your request and without any remuneration whatsoever, any particular service which is within my competence to give.

After my appointment in 1967, I submitted to you a STATEMENT OF AFFAIRS (i.e. OF MY ASSETS AND LIABILITIES) as at June 30, 1967. In keeping with the code of conduct to which I subscribed, I am obliged to send you my statement of affairs as at June 30, 1971. It is, however, not possible to send the statement along with this letter. But my accountants are already working on it and as soon as it is finalized up to June 30, 1971, I shall forward it to you.

In closing, I would like, in all sincerity, to say two things:

Firstly, I have tremendously enjoyed working with you; and it is not without considerable reluctance, therefore, that I have to take this step.

Secondly, I will always remember with deep gratitude, your kindness to me in releasing me from prison, and in giving me, within a year of my release, an opportunity to serve our people of Nigeria once again in a ministerial capacity, and at a time when the very existence of our fatherland was in grave peril.

With best wishes to Victoria and your good self, and love to Ibrahim.

Yours very sincerely,

OBAFEMI AWOLOWO.

 

GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON’S REPLY:

My dear Chief,

I wish to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated June3, 1971, intimating me of your decision to relinquish your appointments as the vice-president of the Federal Executive Council and Federal Commissioner for Finance with effect from July 1, 1971.

For some time, there have been rumours about your leaving the government, but I was sure, however, that if there was such an intention you would have not hesitated to notify me.

Since I know that you must have taken your decision after the most careful consideration, no useful purpose would be served by any attempt to make you change your mind.

It is, therefore, with the greatest regret and reluctance that I have to concede to your request. In accepting your decision, I would like to place on record my personal appreciation of your most valuable contribution to our achievements during the last four years.

You have earned for yourself respect from all of us who have seen you at close quarters, for your patriotism, coupled with a strong well-meaning conviction on issues of national importance.

I respect your maturity, objectivity, and sagacity, all of which you placed at my disposal; above all, for your advice and co-operation at all times.

Your outstanding performance as this government’s Commissioner for Finance during one of the most critical and turbulent periods of our history will always be remembered. You demonstrated, consistently, great courage, forthrightness, leadership, and a spirit of understanding which helped us to get out of our financial disaster.

That we did not succumb to the temptation to devalue our currency during the crisis and were able to win the war entirely out of our own resources and face resolutely the immediate post-war problems of rehabilitation, reconstruction and reconciliation was due, in no small measures, to your skill in the management of our finances.

I am aware that your position in this government, particularly as Commissioner for Finance, will be difficult to fill. However, I have a consolation in the fact that during your tenure of office, you laid a sound foundation on which your successors could build and carry on the good work.

I have no doubt that, at this moment, you will have the feeling that you have done your best. I share your feelings, too; and wish to extend my appreciation of the contribution of your dear wife who had to bear more than her share of domestic burdens as a result of your public assignment.

I am glad to note and to accept your offer to hold yourself in readiness for assignment which the Federal Government may consider necessary to give you even when you will no longer be directly associated with public life.

Since there will be occasions soon for me and your colleagues in government to state our assessment of your contribution to the service of this nation in the last four years, I now merely wish to say how sorry I am to lose your services. We will miss your great sense of humour, your debating ability and useful suggestions at all times.

On behalf of myself, your colleagues on the Federal Executive Council, and the people of our great country, I wish you many more years of useful life.

My wife and Ibrahim join me in wishing you every success in your next sphere of life.

Yours most sincerely,

 

 

 

By Raymond Mordi, Deputy Political Editor

The security situation in the Southeast has gone from bad to worse in the last couple of months. Gone were the days when insecurity used to be regarded as something exclusive to the Northeast. Nigerians have woken up to the reality that there is insecurity in every part of the country today. The spotlight is on the Southeast at the moment. The attack and the setting ablaze at the weekend of Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma’s country home, at Omuma, Oru East Local Government, by about a dozen armed men, is the latest of what appears to be a coordinated onslaught against authorities in the region. The state government has indicated that the attack on Uzodimma’s house, which claimed the lives of eight persons, including three security personnel, is politically motivated. Residents of the town are said to be deserting their homes, following the attack on the governor’s house.

Even before the latest incident, Imo State has been in the news for the wrong reasons recently when a group of unidentified gunmen practically sacked the entire state and instilled fear into the people. In Owerri, they attacked the prison and set over 1, 800 inmates free. They burnt down vehicles at the police headquarters and attempted to burn Government House. They later attacked police stations in Mbaitolu, Orlu, and Ehime Mbano and other local government areas. The audacity and the impact have been devastating. Eyewitnesses say policemen no longer feel comfortable putting on their uniform in Imo State.

Nigeria is virtually at war in the Southeast.The attack on Governor Uzodimma’s country home came on the heels of the killing of a man simply identified as Ikonso. He is said to be the commander of the Eastern Security Network (ESN), a grassroots security outfit of the outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Ikonso was accused of coordinating the April 5 attack on the Imo State Police headquarters and the Correctional Centre in Owerri in which 38 vehicles were burnt and 1,844 inmates freed. Between last Saturday and Sunday, eight security operatives lost their lives in the hands of the terrorists in the Omuma attack in Imo State and the one that took place in Port Harcourt, Rivers State on Sunday. These must have been carried out as a form of reprisal attacks to the killing of the so-called ESN commander.

The situation in the Southeast is a gloomy one. Nigeria may be on the verge of fresh guerrilla warfare; this time in the Southeast and the region may be plunging into anarchy if the current spate of insecurity threatening it is not arrested. In recent times, several police divisional headquarters have been raided by unidentified gunmen. As a result, security agents and citizens are being killed in the hitherto peaceful region. For the past few months, a lot of concern has been raised over the continuous attacks on security personnel across the region.  For instance, Ebonyi State recently suffered a plethora of coordinated attacks, which culminated in the dislocation and displacement of citizens and the killing of some security personnel. That was how the Boko Haram war started in Borno State in 2009.

With the failure of the centralised security system to address the situation, the regions have been resorting to self-help. After foot-dragging, the five governors of the Southeast, led by Ebonyi State Governor David Umahi, set up a regional security outfit, codenamed “Ebube Agu”.  Ebube Agu is expected to complement the efforts of the regular police force in the area of combating kidnapping, armed robbery, as well as herdsmen and farmers contentions. The idea started from the Southwest, following the invasion of the region by herdsmen and the increase in the spate of kidnappings and assassinations. The six governors of the region had to put aside partisanship to establish the Western Nigeria Security Network, codenamed “Amotekun”.

It came on the heels of the killing of the daughter of a prominent Afenifere leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, Mrs. Funke Olakunrin, along Sagamu-Ore Expressway. She was killed by criminals on that expressway some three years ago. A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief Olu Falae, was also abducted. Luckily, his abductors released him unharmed after some days in captivity. The decision to set up Amotekun was reached in Ibadan in June 2019, at a regional security summit at the height of insecurity in the region. After the initial opposition from the government at the centre over the legality of the outfit, Amotekun appears to have come to stay.

But, the situation in the Southeast is more complicated than that of the Southwest. For instance, while the governors of the Southeast were still considering the propriety or otherwise of such an outfit, the outlawed IPOB pulled the rug under their feet with the setting up of the ESN. IPOB spokesman, Emma Powerful was quoted as saying that the ESN was established to protect communities in the Southeast from herdsmen attacks. Since its emergence, the ESN has been at daggers drawn with security agencies of the Federal Government. It was in the midst of the growing popularity of the ESN that the Southeast governors woke up from their slumber to announce the setting up of Ebube Agu, which they believe will make a difference.

They have directed attorneys-general of the five states to propose laws to give the outfit a legal backing. This was agreed at a meeting last Sunday in Enugu, where the five governors also set up an Advisory Body for the outfit. They also agreed on the structure and operational modalities for the regional outfit which was formally launched on April 11.

The regional security outfit, it is said, will coordinate the activities of all the vigilance groups in the region, to tackle the rising spate of insecurity such as abductions, armed robbery, cultism and other sundry crimes. The most disturbing trend is the recent killing of security men in the region. Except for Enugu State, all the Southeast states have experienced these savage attacks. From Amotekun to Ebube Agu, the southern part of the country appears to have realized that some sort of regional coordination and collaboration in the area of security is required among the states to wade off kidnappers, robbers, bandits and other killers terrorising the regions.

But, given the circumstances surrounding the emergence of Ebube Agu, the Southeast governors still face the challenge of selling it to the people. Unlike Amotekun, which was instantly endorsed by the people of the Southwest, Ebube Agu appears to be facing a credibility crisis. Besides, with the five states in the region being controlled by three different political parties, can the governors trust one another to work together in the implementation of the new policy? A situation where the growing insecurity in the region is already being blamed on political opponents suggests that Ebube Agu may be used to fight real or imaginary enemies.

From the legal point of view, it would be difficult for Amotekun or Ebube Agu to succeed under the circumstances the regional outfits find themselves. The 1999 Constitution (as amended) vests the power to make laws for security formations in the country in the Exclusive List. In furtherance of this, the constitution established the armed forces, which comprises the Army, the Navy and the Airforce, as well as the Police and other government security services, and makes one man, based in Abuja, the federal capital, the sole controller of all security infrastructure.

Under this provision, there is also a constitutional duty on the governors of the 36 states of the federation to secure their respective domains. The governors are expected to work closely with the security agencies formed by the Federal Government. In the wake of the deteriorating security situation in the country, the Presidency has mandated the state governors to wake up to their responsibilities by taking charge of security in their domains because there is very little the Federal Government can do. But, the governors appear to be helpless when it comes to security matters because they are denied the wherewithal by the constitution to truly become the chief executive officers in their respective domains.

For a country as large as Nigeria and which professes to be a federal state, this is an anomaly. Maters are not helped by the fact that operatives of the security institutions have complained several times that they are not only lacking good welfare but are also not adequately equipped to do their job. As a result, criminals are having a field day. All this boils down to the fact that the current structure is faulty and the idea of restructuring may be inevitable.

Our correspondents NWANOSIKE ONU (Awka), SUNNY NWANKWO (Umuahia), OGOCHUKWU ANIOKE (Abakaliki) and DAMIAN DURIIHEOMA (Owerri) give a graphic picture of the insecurity in the Southeast and how the emergence of the Eastern Security Network (ESN) and Ebube Agu might complicate the situation

It has not been the best of times for the police in the past weeks in the Southeast. The attacks on their formations and killing of their men by unidentified gunmen have are unprecedented. Though the identities of the attackers have not been revealed, but the body language of the leader of the proscribed pro-Biafra agitator, Nnamdi Kanu suggests that the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) may be responsible.

Kanu has never hidden his dislike for the security agencies. In the last two months, no fewer than 30 police stations have been burnt in the Southeast. Not only that; over 30 policemen have lost their lives during such attacks, while their operational vehicles have beeen burnt and weapons carted away.

From Abia to Anambra, to Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo, the story has been the same. But Anambra, Imo and Abia are the worst hit. Indications are that the IPOB has declared war against the police and other security agencies in the region. The situation has heightened tension in all the region, with fear enveloping every household.

In the month of March, the gunmen struck at Awkuzu, Oyi Local Government Area (LGA) and Neni, Anaocha LGA simultaneously, killing seven naval officers and policemen in the process, while dozens of vehicles were burnt and weapons carted away.  Again, on March 19, they struck again at Ekwulobia, Aguata LGA, where the gunmen killed another policeman ansd two prison officials on their way to court.

But, the one that shook the entire country was the attack by the group on former Central Bank governor, Prof Charles Soludo in Isuofia, his community, in Aguata LGA. The hoodlums in the process killed two of his security aides and abducted Emeka Ezenwanne, the Commissioner for Public Utilities in the Governor Willie Obiano administration.

The incident happened during a town hall meeting with the youth of the area, in Prof Soludo’s ongoing consultations, preparatory to the November 6 governorship election in Anambra State.

The battle in Imo State between security agencies and IPOB operatives has not been an easy one. Last Saturday, the people of Omuma, Oru LGA woke up to see the building of Governor Hope Uzodinma go up in flames. All the vehicles within the vicinity were burnt, including his white-coloured Rolls Royce. Two of his security details were also killed. Accusing fingers are pointing to members of the Eastern Security Network (ESN), a militant arm of the IPOB, as the perpetrators.

Before the attack on the governor’s home, Imo State had been the theatre of war between security agencies and the ESN, based on Kanu’s social media video instructions. About five police stations were burnt in Mbaise, Mgbidi, Ihite Uboma and Mbano areas. Security operatives were also killed. But, IPOB spokesman, Emma Powerful had continued to deny the involvement of the pro-Biafra group in all the attacks.

Nevertheless, the group was forced to own up when its second in command, popularly called ‘Ikonso’, was killed during last Saturday’s gun duel between them and security allied forces. Since then, things have fallen apart in the camp of ESN, as its members have continued to threaten fire and brimstone against the government of Governor Uzodimma.

The group accused Uzodinma of masterminding the killing of Ikonso.

In a statement by Powerful, the IPOB alleged that Uzodimma’s decision to kill its second in command was because of his refusal to head Ebube Agu, the new regional security outfit. It also alleged that the governor decided to eliminate its patriotic heroes who vowed never to betray Biafra after several failed attempts to lure its ESN operatives into working with Ebube Agu.

The same unknown gunmen reportedly burnt the Divisional Police Headquarters, Adani in Uzo-Uwani LGA in Enugu State last Wednesday. The attack was said to have happened about 2.30am and sources said it lasted over an hour. Two of the policemen on duty were killed, while many others sustained injuries. The police headquarters was also burnt.

A statement by Public Public Relations Officer, Daniel Ndukwe said the Command would soon identify and apprehend the gunmen.

Abia State, which shares boundaries with Akwa Ibom, Rivers and Cross River, was also caught in the recent clashes between the unidentified gunmen and regular security forces. Some residents and indigenes have expressed fears that a power tussle between members of the ESN and yet-to-be constituted officials of Ebube Agu is in the offing.

But, some have thrown their weight behind both the ESN and Ebube Agu. For instance, Okechukwu Isiguzo of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Youth group said that Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide supports any security attempts or arrangements that will help Ndigbo to curb the nefarious activities and violent killings in the Southeast.

“Security is local, every Igbo should understand the perilous situation Igbo are in for. Igbo will stop any rivalry between ESN and Ebube Agu, but unite them as sister organisations aimed towards solving insecurity challenges in Southeast. The Igbo should support both groups and there should be synergies with all security formations in the Southeast to end banditry.”

Victor Chibueze, a security expert, said Abia State has an existing security outfit (Homeland security) whose officials are scattered across the 17 LGAs. He said it will amount to duplication of functions and additional financial burden on Abia State to add another security outfit to it. He added: “Enugu State has the forest guards already. What will become of Abia Homeland and Enugu State Forest Guard is what we don’t know.”

Chibueze called for the strengthening of the existing Homeland Security in Abia State. He said: “The truth is that ESN is not recognised by any law because its parent body, IPOB is a proscribed group and therefore do not have the power to operate in any part of the country. Under what law are they operating? Until Biafra comes, their activities remain illegal because there is no legislation backing their activities.

“The truth is that the governors wasted time before the setting up of a regional security and this gave relevance to the activities of the ESN. I listened to the interview with the governor of Abia State on Channels TV. He didn’t tell us how the group is going to be funded. He didn’t tell us if Ebube Agu is going to carry guns and the type of guns. While we are still questioning the source of the weapons being brandished by the ESN personnel, we are worried about the impending clash between the two groups.

“The way Nigeria is going at the moment I can tell you for free that we are heading into state police. If we are having the Ebube Agu, every effort should be put in place to ensure that all lapses were taken care of to avert any possible clash between it and the ESN.”

A governorship aspirant in Anambra State, Valentine Ozigbo, decried the level of insecurity in the country. He said: “The increase in the loss of the internal security mechanism of Anambra State has contributed immensely to the sad occurrence of killings in the state nowadays. I could remember vividly how communal security men prevented crime in the various communities between 2010 and 2015. Between 2016 and now, the state of insecurity in Anambra has been on the increase.”

A human rights activist, Ifeanyi Nwankwo, believes Ndigbo are creating the monster that will consume them. He said: “We cannot be laughing when what we are doing is cutting our nose to spite our face. Every day, one police station is razed and we clap. Recently, it was the Zone 13 headquarters in Ukpo, Dunukofia LGA of Anambra State and another station in Uzuakoli in Abia State.

“There are almost no police checkpoints on the roads in the entire zone. Over 30 police stations have been razed and sacked. We have only stood by and watched while clapping under the table. We must be clear, the land that hosts the war eventually loses. There is no historical record of the land that hosts the war ever winning that war. Nobody brings war to his home.”