The Nation Newspaper

Category: Friday

  • US and 12 North’s governors

    How I look forward to that day when a president or governor of mine would be in power for four years without travelling to any oyinbo man’s country for one reason or the other. That for me would be the day that Nigeria finally attains independence. But Nigeria remains in bondage – colonial bondage, mental bondage that has left us bewilderingly underdeveloped.

    Look all around you. It has to be a British international school or American university for it to be of acceptable quality. There has to be a white skin managing our football or running our shop for it to gain validity. On the social media, you see our young, virile men wedding some shrivelled white women who could have been their grandmothers right here in Nigeria’s marriage registries with friends and relatives ‘rejoicing’ with them.

    We didn’t want the Whiteman; we fought for freedom from colonialism but today ship about 80 per cent of our resources both at individual level and as a nation back to the Whiteman. Every young man or woman wants to travel ‘abroad’. Most of our pregnant women would rather travel to the US to be delivered of their baby. We want to dress like the Whiteman, we eat mainly imported food.

    But most troubling is that our leaders – the politicians, intelligentsia and the business class who ought to know better – seem to think that what defines their essence best are their foreign bank accounts, mansions abroad, the foreign schools their children attend or how many times they fly abroad each year.

    Our men in power who ought to show better examples if not patriotic zeal seem not to know any better or care. With only a few exceptions, most governors travel abroad more than they tour their states. Recall that President Olusegun Obasanjo shuttled the world as if time was running out on him. He claimed he was trying to reunite an estranged Nigeria to the rest of the world. He claimed he was on the hunt of foreign investors.

    President Goodluck Jonathan also did a bit of sight-seeing and Muhammadu Buhari after him has not lagged behind in executive junketing. It explains why Nigeria’s Presidential Jet Fleet is among the largest in the world. Obasanjo and Jonathan acquired more jets and Buhari would not let go of them even in these lean times. Such is the colonial tragedy that a country that cannot maintain a national carrier has more jets in its presidential fleet than UK, US, Germany and Japan put together.

    This long prologue brings us to the matter of the day. As you read this, 12 governors from the North may still be in the United States of America. According to report, they have travelled under the auspices of the US Institute for Peace (USIP). They were also hosted at the White House on Wednesday. It was not reported whether the governors met with President Barack Obama. But they met with Obama’s National Security Adviser, Susan Rice; US secretary of State, John Kerry among other top state officials. Recall that last August when Kerry visited Nigeria he only toured northern Nigeria and met with the 19 governors of the North. That visit sparked heated controversy, as many in the South viewed it with deep suspicion. They wondered whether Kerry was on a state visit or a visit to the Northern Nigeria.

    The Christian Association of Nigeria described it as divisive and inimical to the unity of Nigeria.

    With this current visit, which was almost secretive, apprehension is rife as to the motive. Yes with religious extremism in the north of Nigeria, which culminated in the Boko Haram terror war of the past five years, it is understandable that the US would want to engage the leaders of the North a lot more. But other parts of the country, especially leaders with foreign mentality, would feel left out and indeed take it as being punishment for being of good behaviour.

    Beyond the north-south dichotomy, as far as most of these governors are concerned, it is the photo opportunity with Obama, Kerry or Rice that matters. For them, visiting America is merely a junket of sight-seeing, shopping and salting away a few more dollars.

    Our governors are hardened and cast in bronze. Nothing moves them except the sweet perquisites of office, looting of treasury and the next election. This is the life of most Nigerian governors; they don’t care much about anything else. They know the cause of the problems at every level but they would rather not do the right things.

    For instance, which of the governors would truly be accountable? If governors apply as much as 70 per cent of the resources available to their states, there would not be so much poverty and strife in Nigeria.

    It is common knowledge that the complete decimation of our local government administration is at the root of most of Nigeria’s problems today. Which of these governors in the US would commit to properly setting up the LGAs in his state? Which of them will apply the funds of the LGAs judiciously, accountably and for the people in the LGAs?

    Even if Obama visited these governors everyday; if they lived in the US and worked in Nigeria, nothing will change if they have the same overlord mindset.

    Just as Alhaji Kashim Shettima, governor of Borno State, who led the northern governors, feared that Nigerians did not trust their motives for being in the US, we do not trust them; they have not earned our trust. Hear him: “Majority of our citizens will quickly conclude that we are here on jamboree…

    “Our visit to Washington is an opportunity to re-engage with our American partners on the most vital issues that can help us to quickly make transition from volatility to a phase of peace development in northern states of Nigeria.”

    It is remarkable that elected chief executives of Nigerian states would have to travel thousands of miles to the Whiteman’s land, burning public funds to gain insight on the problems in their backyard. This is happening in 2016. What a calamity!

     

    Abati and the demons of Aso Rock

    It might be said that the average Nigerian’s mind may still be fixated at the levels of spirits, demons, principalities and strange, unseen powers. Reuben Abati knows this and he exploited it to the hilt. Last weekend, the social media was abuzz with Abati’s article: The spiritual side of Aso Rock.

    Abati was the chief spokesman for the immediate past president, Goodluck Jonathan. To conjecture or ‘reveal’ if you like that some unseen spirits live in Nigeria’s number one address is indeed a wild-fire material and to come from a ‘learned’ authority who has just left that rarefied edifice, must be some form of holy gospel.

    But Abati, one of the best of this profession, was clearly playing to the gallery. He is trying to whip up primordial emotions and perhaps escape with some excuse as to the crashing failure of his boss while in the saddle. We are neither impressed nor taken in.

    Both Abati and his principal were swept off by the strong tidal currents of power. It’s understandable, it happens to even the best of leaders. Abati needs to be more sober and reflective so we can all learn the mistakes of that colossal failure. To fail twice would be double tragedy.

  • Rethinking Southwest priorities (3)

    Rethinking Southwest priorities (3)

    In the history of Egbe Omo Yoruba, U.S.A. and Canada, one of the great associations with an untiring focus on the unity and progress of Yoruba nation, this week is special.

    Following the model of Egbe Omo Oduduwa, founded in London in 1947, Egbe Omo Yoruba was launched in the United States during the dreary days of military occupation of Nigeria. It was the response of concerned Yoruba patriots to the siege mentality created by the military, just as Egbe Omo Oduduwa was the forum that Chief Awolowo and his colleagues used to battle British colonial exploitation.

    At its inception, Egbe Omo Yoruba, USA and Canada (henceforth referred to as Egbe); branded itself as an anti-military dictatorship and pro-democracy advocacy group for the restoration of the mandate that Nigerians overwhelmingly gave Chief M. K. O. Abiola on June 12, 1993. As such, it entered into alliance with other pro-democracy organisations, including NADECO Abroad, National Liberation Council of Nigeria (NALICON), United Democratic Front of Nigeria (UDFN) and the World Congress of Free Nigerians (WCFN).

    With selfless frontline activities of prominent patriots including Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, the late Pa Anthony Enahoro, General Ipoola Akinrinade, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Chief C. O. Adebayo, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Leidum Mitee, and a host of others, these groups jointly and severally engaged in diplomatic offensives against military interests, crisscrossing the hallowed chambers of governance institutions in North America, Africa and Europe, leading to biting sanctions against the Abacha regime.

    The groups demanded the release of political prisoners, including those incarcerated on false charges of phoney coup d’etat. Even when they knew that a few of the victims of military tyranny occupied an unfriendly political and ideological terrain, they defended them and fought for their release. Now, of course, those same individuals, acting true to type, would credit their survival exclusively to the kindness of foreign agents. Such is life.

    At the end of the nightmare of military occupation in 1999, the Southwest, as the bastion of progressive governance and the battle front for the democratic war against military dictatorship, rewarded NADECO and its pro-democracy allies with an electoral mandate for the Alliance for Democracy to govern the six states of the region. It was a vindication of Afenifere for remaining true to the spirit of Chief Awolowo and his progressive ideas. Egbe issued a press release as a paid advertorial urging the new governments in the Southwest to stay the course.

    But human frailty set in and the promise of a glorious dawn was broken even before it got started. In 16 years, with more resources at our disposal, we have not been able to achieve the equivalent of what the old West achieved in eight.

    The Action Group of the 50s had the same ideological focus as the Alliance for Democracy of the late 90s. So, it wasn’t ideological difference that accounted for the failure. Rather, the challenge that dashed the hope of millions that looked upon the leadership to take them to the Promised Land was regrettable egoistic pettiness. Recall the debacle that was D’Rovans Hotel and its aftermath. The wisdom of the ancestors suggests that when the young focus on felling a tree in the bush, the elders must watch for and warn about its possible landing. The failure to abide by that wisdom created the unwholesome political and cultural environment that we have today.

    In the wake of that crisis, Egbe sent a powerful delegation to the homeland in early 2002 to plead with every individual and group to embrace peace and pursue unity. The delegation visited with Afenifere, Yoruba Council of Elders, Governors and Odua Self-Determination groups. It was a clarion call without any selfish interest.

    Egbe received assurances of a new era. But it went from bad to worse. Our people blamed it again on the curse of Aole. I have always considered that a phantom excuse and a reluctance to accept responsibility for our own weaknesses. Egbe does not give up on the challenging cause of Yoruba unity and progress. Hence its decision to take the message that it has been sending from its comfort zone in the diaspora back to the land of the ancestors.

    This week fulfils a dream of the association to return to motherland. As the last stanza of its anthem reiterates, Omo Oduduwa ni wa/Nibikibi taa ba wa/E je ka fe ra wa/Ka si maa ranti pe/A o pada sile. (Oduduwa is our spring/wherever we may be/Let’s be kinsfolk/And remember/That home is home for us). The dream has always been to get back home, and this week, after more than 20 conventions across the United States and Canada, the Egbe is back home hosting the Yoruba World Summit with its theme, “Yoruba renaissance: Understanding our past to benefit the future.”

    This summit couldn’t have been more timely, in view of all that is happening around us as a people. Indeed, the spiritually-inclined may, with justification, insist that the summit had been destined to be held this year rather than two years ago when a combination of unanticipated events, including the dreaded Ebola scare, caused its postponement. Whether destined or contrived, it is heartening that Egbe Omo Yoruba is back home with its message of unity and progress.

    What is at stake is the unfulfilled dreams of millions of young people who have been compelled to a state of hopelessness that gives way to despair. The education that their nation cannot provide for them makes them incapable of productive work. And the void is filled for them by the destructive genius of the devil. In the remotest villages, elementary school pupils do drugs and engage in cultism. How a leadership that claims the inheritance of Awo can live with this and feel no unease about the terrible state of the nation is mind-boggling.

    But as odious as the overall condition is, the most worrisome is the moral degeneration that has been the lot of the nation in the last four decades when it appears that the devil has taken control and the large majority of our people have chosen to do its bidding.

    How else do we explain the callousness of adulterated and fake drugs that send innocent victims to untimely deaths? Or hospital workers who privatise public resources and then charge poor patients for their use? What about education officials who collude with principals and headmasters to create ghost teachers whose salaries they share? And these individuals are always the loudest in the raucous critique of government ineptitude!

    What is to be done? Political leaders in the Southwest need to ask themselves the hard question: What will be my legacy? How do I wish to be remembered? In my quest for immortality, which individuals or groups should I partner with? There are sycophants and there are tested objectivists and the difference between them is very clear. Unfortunately, far too many of our leaders prefer the former. If the late author of The Tale of June 12, Professor Omoruyi, is to be believed, that mindset was the undoing of General Babangida who chose the sugar-coated poison of Arthur Nzeribe over the sound advice to avoid the annulment of the 1993 presidential election.

    Organisations, such as Egbe Omo Yoruba are made up of selfless individuals who just want to contribute to the progress of their nation. They sacrifice their time and money. Back in 1997, the standing policy was that every member must pay his or her way to any meeting inside or outside of the United States. Many maxed out their credit card accounts for the good that they desire for their nation.

    A few years ago, Egbe came up with the idea of championing agricultural revolution in Yorubaland. They looked for land across the Southwest. The Jegun of Ile Oluji, Oba Julius Adetimehin, responded by making available several hectares of land to Egbe and one of the highlights of the 2016 Yoruba Summit is the launching of Egbe Omo Yoruba agricultural project in Yorubaland. This patriotic gesture deserves the deep appreciation and encouragement of Yoruba men and women at home and in the diaspora.

  • The gingerbread man

    I’m quarter gone…

    I’m half gone…

    I’m three-quarters gone…

    I’m all gone!

    When the night is far spent, wise elders converse in proverbs and laconic quips. That’s an Igbo dictum. The epigram above represents the famous last words of the gingerbread man, the protagonist of the old fairytale of the same title. It is the favourite of children from age to age.

    An old lady finishes baking gingerbread cookies she had shaped like a man. As she opens the oven to relish her handiwork, the little creature leaps out and takes to his heels. And that begins the epic story of the gingerbread man.

    Assuming a mind, body and soul of its own, the boisterous biscuit begins to run for its life so to speak: it detests being eaten by its baker (maker) or anyone else for that matter. No one can catch me, it chants merrily as it races out of the house into the courtyard and straight into the countryside. It keeps running, beating anyone along the way including the man of the house cutting wood in the courtyard.

    It out-manoeuvres every chaser; man and animal, taunting them and indeed daring them to catch it. It succeeds so well until it happens upon a stream.

    One wasn’t there of course, but one can imagine that it must have screeched to a halt upon the realisation that it is made of mere dough after all and one more step would convert it into a soggy mass. But who was on hand to help him across but ‘good’ old Mr. Fox. Hop on my tail, Gingerbread Man and I will ferry you across, volunteers the wily fox.

    Well, he can’t eat me hanging on his tale, thinks Gingerbread Man. But a fox will be a fox; he has his plan carefully perfected obviously. Halfway across the stream he called out: hey, my tail aches, would you please move over to my back. Further upstream, Mr. Fox says again: would you please shift to the tip of my nose, my back is about to cave in. Mr. Gingerbread Man dutifully obeyed.

    Near the other side of the stream, Mr. Fox simply flips Gingerbread Man off the tip of his nose and catches him in his mouth. Thus ends the bread man inside the belly of the fox and not that of his baker.

    Moral: whatever you do, eschew heedlessness.

    Application: no leader can run a country by heedless obduracy and mono-mindedness. In other words, several inter-mingling variables are often at play in statecraft and a careful meshing of these is what brings the best report.

    The anti-graft war: yes we must kill the monster of corruption and it must be said that this government has shown more honesty of purpose than any other since Nigeria’s independence. But the method of prosecuting the war has become self-vitiating, to say the least. Shock and awe tactics which ought to be an introductory strategy has become the modus operandi.

    The novelty of this strong-arm-media-hype tactics has waned and the initial gains are being corroded. And the more they are still being deployed, the more they grate on our sense of propriety.

    It is expected that by now, deep into the second year of this administration, some strategic institutions would have undergone total revamp with the intent of ensuring that even now, such mind-boggling official graft we quarrel with is not going on. The Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation (OAGF) is one such that ought to be operating at 100 per cent optimal now. Is it not shocking that governments at all arms and levels are hardly audited and when we deign to do so, it is never timeous?

    It is at the point of audit that most of the financial malfeasance can be tracked. Even the licentious looting going on in the National Assembly can be tracked by proper independent audit regime.

    Is the office of the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation capacious enough and intellectually equipped for the massive corruption war we are waging? Where are the requisite bills and law reviews that we expect to see at this juncture? Can we, for instance, make laws to compel all MDAs to render annual accounts publicly? Isn’t it trite that those who handle public funds should naturally render annual accounts to the public? The immediate effect of this measure is that it will make public officials accountable and more conscious in the use of public funds.

    What really is the duty of the Itse Sagay committee? Has the police system undergone any restructure to act more efficiently? Why have the DSS and the EFCC usurped the functions of the police? Even the EFCC remains a crude, brawny agency thoroughly over-burdened and thriving more on brute force.

    Last weekend, the secret police stormed the abodes of some judges, two of whom are justices of the Supreme Court, in the dead of night in what they described as ‘sting’ operations. The motive here may be noble, but the method is poor and a disincentive to the graft war.

    A couple of weeks earlier, the anti-graft agency was locked in a battle of wits with the wife of the former president. For over two weeks the media and the populace were immersed in disquieting frenzy over what ought to have been a quiet, discreet, investigation.

    It has been announced that eight more judges are to be pulled in as well as some senior lawyers. Early this week, it was reported that the cases of corrupt past governors are to be reopened. Now who takes on all his ‘enemies’ at once? Who fights on all fronts? And again, the capacity issue.

    We fear we may already have a gingerbread man syndrome; or better still, a gingerbread president who is heedlessly chasing the bad citizens in our midst, while the good ones face extinction by starvation. A little more energy must be applied to the economy. We fear that by the tacit support of the DSS’ coarse tactics of last weekend, the presidency emboldens the agency to inch towards repression.

    The same logic that bars you from clandestinely packing a man in a crate and shipping him to Nigeria (even if he had stolen an entire country), would forbid you from knocking down the doors of an unarmed, not-considered-dangerous judge (or any citizen at that) in the dead of night, in the presence of his family. If any of the judges was fatally harmed in the process, how would DSS explain it?

    It can also be argued that this singular act is designed to over-awe the judicial arm of government and make it less independent, jelly-kneed and to kowtow to the executive arm. Because the executive has monopoly of state force, it must always deploy it with utmost circumspection. It must be absolutely above board. This raid does not pass the test. It is a stark negation of civil ethos, rules of decency and democratic norms.

    This same operation could well have been carried out in the day time; more swiftly and efficiently without the ruckus. That action, lawful as it may seem, portrays a bumbling DSS and bears all the imprints of dark, autocratic tendencies. It must be condemned vehemently. Never again should non-dangerous suspects be taken in this manner ever.

    Again, corruption is a canker threatening our very existence but would you pull the down the country just to defeat corruption? We have allowed our atmosphere to be choked with sordid tales of sleaze that hardly any investor would venture into this place now. We are saying that while we pursue thieves, we must allow the country to breathe and function. All the EFCC seems to do daily is to scream thief! thief! thief! In a superficial process that has become jaded what subsists is high drama and theatrics.

    We’re quarter gone!

     

    Lagos’ status: Senate’s mala fide

    It smacks of bad faith of the treacherous kind that the Senate of the Federal Republic would casually throw out a Bill to grant Lagos State some special status. We do not ask that the Bill presented by Senator Remi Tinubu (Lagos Central) be granted express passage, but we think it deserves a thorough and more rigorous examination.

    If only from the point of view that Lagos is no longer a Southwest state but a Nigerian mega-metropolis in the mould of New York, London, Rio de Jeneiro and Johannesburg. Making Lagos the city of our collective pride must be the duty of every Nigerian.

    Some reasons: about half of Lagos’ educational, health facilities and various other social amenities are enjoyed by non-Lagosians at highly subsidised rates. Federal roads traversing the city have long been abandoned for the state government to maintain and there is hardly anyone in the Senate who doesn’t have a locus in Lagos.

    The points for granting Lagos some concession are numerous and robust. The Bill will have to be re-presented sooner; the governor may need to set up a consultative/lobby group of eminent persons… and a successful Lagos would no doubt impact greatly on the rest of the country.

  • How Saudi prevented Hajj fatalities

    Several Nigerian Muslim families wore melancholic looks around this time, last year. The sad experience was occasioned by the twin tragedies recorded in the holy city of Mecca, almost in quick succession.  Consequently, there was a sudden increase in the number of widows, widowers, orphans and others with various dimensions of bereavement among Muslims across the world and Nigeria was not an exception. One of the two tragedies was the crane crash recorded in the open prayer ground of the Grand Mosque known as the Holy Ka’bah while the other concerns the numerous fatalities of the pebble casting rite at the Jamaraat.

    There were both name-calling and blame-apportioning and the Saudi Hajj authorities were brazen and horrendous in “enlightening” the world about the “true story” of the tragedies. Notwithstanding, the two incidents of fatalities and almost irreparable casualties continued to earn the Saudi Hajj authorities pen-bashing and tongue-lacerations for a long time thereafter. It may be stated for the record that the present writer did not equivocate in interrogating the Saudi stance as he lent his voice to the international discourse generated in that regard by contributing several articles published in some of the leading outlets in Nigeria and overseas.

    Almost instantaneously, the Saudi Hajj authorities remorsefully began to address the various issues emerging from the comments and debates attracted by the accidents.  Today, the 2016 hajj rites have reached their climax and there has not been a recurrence of the last year’s tragedy at the Jamaraat.  It behoves a critical mind to ask, what were the measures involved? Four main measures may be enumerated among several others minor ones. One of such measures was strict implementation by the Saudi authorities of the departmentalization of the hi-tech Jamaraat  Bridge into six levels to ensure smooth flow of pilgrims for the pebble-casting rite,  in a manner that has no potential to facilitate overcrowding or stampedes.

    The strength of this measure lies in the dispersal of several thousands of pilgrims at various levels of the Jamaraat Bridge for the purpose of connecting them to the roads and streets that lead easily to their destinations, after the performance of the rite. This arrangement is not really a new measure. Effective implementation was rather the missing link in previous hajj operations.  Another measure was the enhanced level of monitoring involved in the scheduling for movement to Jamaraat. Again, the measure is not new altogether. Rather, the degree of efficacy offered by the measure this year was essentially an instrumentality of the enhanced quality in the performance of the Saudi Hajj coordinators technically called “mutawwifun”. The heart of the argument here is that there had always been some degree of non-challance  in the handling of the Jamaraat schedule by both the Saudi Hajj coordinators and state hajj officials from various countries, even though there also had always been some exceptions.

    Three, and most importantly, the elaborate re-engineering of hajj operations by the Saudi authorities in a fashion that altered the landscape of rites especially with regard to the status of each ritual performed at specific sanctuaries. This is where Saudi Arabia recently did the most impressive job and offered the most creative interventions in consonance with the available body of Islamic jurisprudential provisions.

    In some of my earlier interventions, I had thought it appropriate to provide information concerning what I know of the Saudi Arabian Government attitude to issues bordering on the safety and security of the pilgrims while in the Holy Lands.  It may be relevant to reiterate that one of the factors that put me in a good stead to contribute to this discourse is that I relate closely with the Saudi Hajj authorities in the capacity of an Accredited Translator/Interpreter, have had access to documents on Saudi rules and regulations on Hajj safety and security through my services to the Establishment for the Coordinators of Pilgrims from Non-Arabic Speaking African Countries, and can therefore attest to the fact that Saudi Arabia is neither negligent over nor insensitive to the plight of the pilgrims. It should be pointed out however, that this position does not claim that there could not have been some deficiencies or inadequacies in the Saudi official preparations for Hajj. It may be a bitter truth that I cannot claim not to have noticed one or two shortcomings during my association with Hajj authorities, even though some of such inadequacies are not of safety orientation.

    Against this background I argued during the 2015 hajj operations that “the bitter truth is that, the Saudi Hajj authorities erred in 2015, and even in few earlier instances (2008 to 2014) that did not record such a huge number of fatalities”. Why?  The answer, to my own mind, as  earlier argued by me: No pilgrims’ movement  from Makkah to Muna can materialize unless it is facilitated by Saudi Hajj authorities. Similarly, no pilgrims’ movement from Muna to ‘Arafah can materialize unless it is effected by the Saudi Hajj authorities who are also actively involved in pilgrims’ transportation to Muzdalifah from where any individual or group of pilgrims can decide to do whatever he likes and move to anywhere he wishes either to return to Muna or advance directly to Jamaraat without any regard for any official schedule, grouping, or time-tabling. So, the Saudi authorities seem to relax their operations at the Jamaraat until when a  major calamity is recorded and they wake quickly from their slumber. This pattern could be noticed in 1991, 1992, and 1993 as well as 1995, 1996, and 1997 (as far as Jamaraat was concerned) and 1999, 2000/2001 accident-free at the Jamaraat.  The impact of the 2006 tragedies spurred the Hajj authorities into massive, comprehensive and all-encompassing safety measures that proved efficacious before diminishing returns set in. By 2014, it had become a mantra on the lips of men and women that Hajj had become much safer than it used to be. That was when Jamaraat Safety measures attained their peak, reached their zenith or full capacity and therefore necessitated a renewal, rejuvenation, enhancement, or improvement especially with regard to how and when pilgrims can enter and exit the Jamaraat.

    Today pilgrims perform hajj rites in comfort at the Holy Ka’bah and the Jamaraat both of which witnessed last year’s tragedy. It is only fair to underscore the high sense of responsibility demonstrated by the Saudi hajj coordinators in this connection. As regards the Holy Ka’bah, it is interesting to note that the expansionist project is a product of the need for more space for the accommodation of the increasing number of worshippers at the Holy House. Such a long-felt need occasioned the intervention of the Custodian of the Holy Mosques, King Abdullah Bn Abdul-Azeez Al-Sa’ud who decisively took up the challenge of bringing about the desired expansion for the purpose of ensuring easy observance of rituals at the mosque whose current carrying capacity for the circumambulation section is far above the earlier estimated 48,000 worshippers.

    In an audio-visual release from the Saudi Arabian Hajj Ministry, the expansionist project was described as having being scheduled for execution in three phases in keeping with the First and Second Saudi Arabian Development Plan. In specific terms, the ground floor now attracts a 30% additional capacity and the first floor, 75% while the repositioning of pillars has now brought about a total carrying capacity of additional 44%.

    As regards the Jamaraat-related safety and security measures taken by the Saudi Hajj authorities, it should be noted that that really where Saudi Arabia deserves plaudits for performing up to global expectations. The Saudi Ministry of Hajj and Umrah has embarked on an aggressive campaign of various orientations and directed its organs such as the Establishments for Hajj Coordination to implement fully all the measures targeted at facilitating an accident-free pebble casting at the Jamaraat.  The present writer has the honour of being charged with the responsibility of translating from Arabic to English some of the highly sophisticated instruments developed for that purpose. The outcome of this year’s hajj operations, with regard to Saudi performance, may arguably be a testimony to the efficacy of such instruments.  Having been so critical of the perceived deficiencies in the Saudi performance in the year that witnessed huge fatalities, the present writer deems it fair enough to expose some of the strengths that have now supplanted the weaknesses of the recent past. Hence the rationale for what follows.

    Saudi Hajj authorities hold that Islam is committed to the elimination of discomfort from human life. They argue that that explains why it seeks to protect the human soul against destruction and prevent the occurrence of anything capable of ruining it. They maintain that It is pursuant to such a rationale that Allah permits eating from a lifeless animal in the absence of food, given that such an exigency permits the prohibited so that the forbidden becomes permissible, owing to the constraint involved.

    The Saudi Hajj authorities believe that the ever increasing population of pilgrims on an annual basis has culminated in the stampeded nature of Muna during the pebble casting rite on the ‘Id day (10th of Dhul-Hijjah) and the following three days of the same month, noting that this experience has led to injuries and fatalities.

    They rationalize that there is an urgent need to embrace discomfort-eliminating provisions of Islam with regard to the rites involved. This necessitates an arrangement for a stay at Muzdalifa till midnight, as prescribed by the Holy Prophet Muhammad, before advancing to Muna for pebble casting. They argue that this provision has the potential to prevent stampede and exposure of pilgrims to excessive heat especially in the face of high temperature. As for those who remain in Muzdalifa till daybreak, they are advised to return to their tents in Muna, in order to avoid a stampede, and thereafter leave to for pebble casting in consonance with the schedule carefully and painstakingly prepared by the Ministry of Hajj and Umrah, in the interest of pilgrims.

    Concerning pebble casting during the three days that follow the day of ‘Id, they observe that road and human congestion is normally occasioned by the insistence of most pilgrims to perform this rite immediately after mid day especially on the 12th of Dhul-Hijjah owing to most pilgrims’ wander-lust to perform the rite early in order to disperse before sunset. The Saudi Hajj coordinators find no strain in identifying this as one of the factors instrumental to several injuries and fatalities, as well as unbearable discomfort.

    They are of the opinion that the Islamic Law does not favour the hurting and inconveniencing of mankind especially during acts of worship. This, they believe, makes mandatory the articulation of Shari’a provisions in that regard for the purpose of enlightening the pilgrims about such provisions in order to facilitate a gentle and tranquil observance of Hajj rites.

    They rely on the fact that the Holy Prophet and all the prophets before him emphasized the virtue of protecting human soul against discomfort and destruction and the fact that the Almighty Allah enjoined this in the Qur’an where He says “Do not expose yourselves to destruction by your own hands”. The implication of this, in their estimation, is that any act or action contravening the protection of human soul is reprehensible.

    Along this line, the Holy Prophet was reported as casting his pebbles after mid day, even though   he did not prevent the observance of the rite at an earlier time of the day nor did he stipulate a terminal time for the rite. This accounts for the divergent nature of opinions in stipulating the timing for pebble casting, among jurists and leaders of Islamic theological thoughts. In specific terms, the Saudi Hajj authorities rely on Islamic jurisprudential provisions articulated below.

    Imam Baqir favours pebble casting after sunrise while Atta’ and Tawuus whose opinion was favoured by Rafi’iyy and Isnawiyy among the Shafi’ites, permit its performance before mid day. Ibn Al-Jawziyy and Ibn ‘Aqeel, both of Hambalite orientation, favour the same position. However, Imam Abu Hanifah maintains that the time of pebble casting starts shortly before mid day and continues till dawn even though he has a second opinion to the effect that it is permissible to observe it before mid day.  To Imam Shafi’iyy, the timing starts from mid day and extends till the sunset of the 13th of Dhul-Hijjah.

    Given that the lives of pilgrims are a trust to Hajj coordinators, Saudi authorities enjoin them to equip pilgrims and their guides with these Shari’a provision in order to facilitate pilgrims’ comfort.  It is instructive to note that is not the best to be closed-minded in the articulation of Hajj rules to pilgrims in a fashion capable of exposing them to danger, which is why it is permissible to embrace the most convenient of all the opinions offered in that connection. A superior argument is determined by the circumstances surrounding the experience involved. So, Muslims are enjoined to be promoters of glad-tidings and do not make Islam inconsiderable. The Holy Prophet was known for his practice of embracing the most convenient of all issues.

    Accordingly, the Saudi Hajj authorities promoted the fact that it is not mandatory to cast the pebble immediately after mid day especially when the path is crowded and mammoth. They also argue that it is rather permissible to delay the performance of the rite to evening or after sunset and infact to the late hours of the following day and even after sunrise till the sunset of the 13th day of Dhul-Hijjah, as stipulated by the Shafi’ite School.

    The foregoing is in consonance with the prophetic practice remaining in Muna till the 13th day. However, whoever wishes to hasten departure on the 12th may embrace the view that permits the performance of the rite before mid day and therefore cast his pebble early in order to leave. They also made known the fact that whoever wishes to perform the rite after mid day, is permitted by Imam Abu Hanifa whose timing for pebble casting extends to dawn. As for those who choose to perform the rite after in the evening or after the ‘Isha’ prayer and thereafter leave Muna, the Saudi Hajj authorities posit that their decision is justified and they needn’t wait to pass the night or perform the rite for the 13th.

    It should also be noted that whoever is incapable to go for pebble casting such as the sick, the infirm or aged, he is allowed to assign the performance of the rite to another individual. As regards the main circumambulation rite known as tawaf al-ifaada, pilgrims are enjoined to delay it to a later time when they can perform the rite conveniently rather than join a heavy congestion. Afterall, there is a long and wide latitude in timing, with regard to this particular ritual which is not restricted to the next three days after ‘Id.

    Consequently, the Saudi Hajj authorities enjoin Hajj coordinators and religious guides to enlighten pilgrims about this and enjoin them to keep to the schedule provided by the Ministry of Hajj and ‘Umrah, for their comfort and easy performance of their hajj rites.

    The enlightenment provided in this connection proved highly rewarding to both the pilgrims and their coordinators in the 2016 hajj operations.   That explains why the arrangement put in place to achieve such a laudable Hajj experience should be applauded. If there had been a recurrence or even a minor replication of the tragedies of last year, this year, there would have been vituperations upon and condemnation of the Saudi Hajj authorities, from various quarters. And now that the reverse is the case and the outcome, impressive, it is only fair that the Hajj   thinkers and operators whose services have been engaged by the Hajj authorities, be associated with reverence and plaudits. Bravo, Saudi Arabia, for Hajj 2016!

     

    • Saheed Ahmad Rufai,

     Ag. Dean, Faculty of Education,

     Sokoto State University, Sokoto.

  • Rethinking Southwest priorities (2)

    Rethinking Southwest priorities (2)

    Of course, I am not a reader of minds and I cannot unequivocally vow for every person that seeks leadership position what their motivations are. It is possible that the people are deceived and manipulated by sweet-talking political charlatans. It is also possible that the people are too poor and ignorant to know when they are being conned. Such would not be unique to our clime. It happens everywhere including in the most advanced countries.

    But I know that the only reason that a genuine human being with a moral conscience would consider making the sacrifice to run for a leadership position is to make a difference in people’s lives and to make a mark. That was the case with the leader of the West in its golden era. I would like to assume that our current crop of leaders share this motive.

    And I would also assume that they have the skill sets needed to make a mark. There could be a difference in the degree to which these skill sets are shared. But that is not unusual and it should not be a liability in the discharge of the responsibilities of leadership. Therefore, between the past and the present, leadership should not be the difference. To the extent that my assumption is wrong, we have a serious problem.

    How about followership? There is no doubt that there has been a serious erosion of the values that sustained us through the 19th century civil wars and the brutal colonial exploitation. But erosion, serious as it is, is not annihilation. Those values still predominate in the larger Yoruba culture despite the incidences of 419 and it is by appeal to them that we judge actions and behaviours, including those in the economic and political realms.

    We still hold dear our obsession with hard work as we detest laziness and parasitism. We still believe that good education is key to a successful life. Therefore, households make the effort to give their children good education even when they have to pay through the nose. And what must be a concern to all is that the poorest worker or artisan now holds firmly the belief in the superiority of private schools over public schools and is not deterred by the exorbitant cost.

    I think that it is safe to assume that our people are generally good and they have an abiding faith in those cherished values. However, they need the encouragement of leaders and the hope that their hard work will be rewarded.

    To my mind, however, one important difference between the past and the present is the “us” versus “them” mentality that comes with the artificial division of the region into autonomous states. Surely, not all was well between the sections of the Yoruba nation in the remote and immediate past. I touched on this sordid history two weeks ago. And as we know, the creation of states has inadvertently opened up some old wounds of tribal animosity to the detriment of the desperately needed cooperation across the Southwest.

    It was because I believe strongly that we must find a creative way of blurring the sharp and dangerous edges that the artificial boundaries between states have created, and remove the wedges that had effectively blocked the development of the entire region that I and other well-meaning citizens welcomed the emergence of the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), a bold initiative of the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) a few years ago.

    For no matter the divisions, the people of Southwest are one and their leaders, no matter what the temptations are, must refrain from putting them asunder. States are supposedly created for administrative purposes. They must not be used in a way that retards growth or limit the opportunities for the people, and certainly never in a way that tears apart the fabric of the Yoruba nation.

    In the light of the difference between the past and the present Southwest in terms of the transition from one region to six states, what adjustments need to be made to ensure that the people still matter and their social and economic interests are enhanced?

    Voluntary regional integration must be the policy objective of the leaders of the states and region and party affiliation must not stand in the way of this important ideal. Years ago, I made this point in a keynote address to Egbe Omo Yoruba National Convention that took place in Baltimore, Maryland. It was also part of my submission when I gave the Bola Ige Memorial Lecture a few years ago. DAWN had not been established in those days, and the partisan war over rigged elections was still very much fierce. The challenge was for victims to accept the leadership of those who stole their mandate and work with them for the integration of the region. Happily, that war is over and political enemies of the past now wine and dine together on the same political table.

    What needs to be overcome now is fiefdom mentality and leadership temptation to resist cross-fertilisation of ideas and practices across territorial boundaries.

    Thankfully, the present leadership is making the effort to reassure us that it gets it, as demonstrated by the recently reported lecture that Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola delivered on “The Imperative of Unity” in Ado-Ekiti at the invitation of Governor Ayo Fayose on the occasion of the celebration of the 20th anniversary of the creation of Ekiti State.

    I would like to end with three observations on this development. First, we should all be pleased with the visuals of Ogbeni Aregbesola and Governor Fayose sitting side by side at an event commemorating the founding of Fayose’s state. Ordinarily this should not even be a remarkable scene but for the degrading level of our politics. That reason appears to be prevailing is therefore a thing of joy. Of course, there will be various interpretations of motivation. I am not worried about that. As I mentioned earlier, I do not read minds. I am genuinely happy however that our political leaders have attained the maturity that enables them to reach out across party divide.

    Second, according to media reports, Ogbeni Aregbesola identified the revival of agriculture, especially food production, as one area of cooperation among the states of the Yoruba nation in order to eliminate hunger. This ought to be a priority of the region’s political leadership. Years ago, with the creation of artificial scarcity, Governor Fashola learnt the hard way that a state must not outsource its food supply to other sections of the country. Vowing to prevent a recurrence, he wisely invested in agricultural projects across the Southwest.

    Ogbeni Aregbesola also advised Yoruba nation to “unite in terms of integrating our development strategies in education, commerce, economy, agriculture and tourism, among others.” Again, this is commonsensical and no one appears better qualified or motivated to lead this effort especially in educational integration. The feat that Aregbesola has accomplished in education in Osun is legendary despite the challenge of resources. Imagine if there is a common effort across Yoruba nation such that, for example, there is a coordinated effort to integrate tertiary institutions with campuses specialising in major areas of learning and scholarship.

    Finally, then, this last point leads me to the unwholesome development in the common effort of Oyo and Osun states in the promotion of tertiary education in the very important field of technology. Both Governors Aregbesola and Ajimobi are two of my favourite leaders with clear headedness and strong commitment to development.

    I am aware that there is a history of rancour dating back to the tenure of Governors Oyinlola and Alao-Akala who also belonged to the same party. The issue is therefore beyond partisan divide. It is past time to ditch the tempting resort of our people to the worst parochialist devil of our nature. Rather, we must now appeal to the best angels therein. It is time for both traditional and civil leaders to resolve the issue in the interest of Yoruba integration of which Ogbeni Aregbesola spoke so eloquently in Ado Ekiti. The future of the innocent youths is at stake.

     

     

     

  • Peter, truly phenomenal

    Let me apologise upfront to readers that the title of the piece here last week was meant to be “Dangote: Alas, our deus ex machina!” This was the intention of yours truly. But alas, what you got was “deus ex machine!” what a calamity! My machine was too forward in correcting my spelling. Once again, accept my apologies.

    This week, we shall revisit one of the heroes of this column, Mr. Peter Obi, former governor of Anambra State. He finally got Nigerians to notice him after his speech on October 1st at The Platform, an event of the Covenant Christian Centre. Ironically, he only repeated what he had been saying and doing in the last decade or so when he forced himself unto Nigeria’s abominable political scene; yet Nigeria’s media space is bursting with adulation as if Obi just dropped from Mars; so much for the attentiveness of the populace.

    Expresso had done four full length articles on Obi. The first is: “Gov. Peter Obi’s agonistes”, (July 22, 2011); “The Peter paradigm”, (March 14, 2014); “Troubled governors and Peter Principle”, (June 19, 2015) and “Crisis in the states: Buhari will need Peter Obi”, (October 30, 2015).

    Having reported the Nigerian story and her major dramatis personae for nearly three decades (and in fact having worked with one governor), I make bold to say that the Obi story is truly phenomenal and his tenure as governor was exceptional.

    Even out of office in the last two years, he has comported himself better than most of his contemporaries. He gave his successor a wide berth, improved himself at some of the best graduate schools in the world and remained single-minded in his charity to missionary schools. Of course he is nowhere near sainthood nor is he without fault, but our mired nation will sure need a clear head and solid mind like his.

    Reproduced below is “The Peter Paradigm”, first published here on March 14, 2014:

    The Peter paradigm

    Though I had attended Obi’s valedictory service in Awka, Anambra State, last Saturday and listened to the outpouring of encomium, I had long made up my mind about the governor, his tenure and temperament. The Awka show only served to reinforce what I believed. If his emergence in Anambra politics was turbulent, his time in office turned out rather paradigmatic, but not for the reasons most people thought.

    History will remember Peter Obi glowingly not because he troubled the red earth of Anambra so much or that he let loose a pantheon of brick and mortar over that yet rambling and shambolic entity. Peter is no big dreamer. His essence was his ability to put a leash on power and put it into sedation for all of eight years. Remember the famous words of Lord Acton, the British historian that, “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men… There is no worse heresy than that office sanctifies the holder of it”. It was the reverse for Obi and Prof Pat Utomi writing in The Punch last Wednesday made the point clearer. “How does a conference of this nature discuss the simple life in political office? Yet in truth, office holders squander a great part of the commonwealth in living power”.

    To make it more picturesque, Obi is like the matador who killed the raging bull of power. He got to Anambra when the state was disheveled and dysfunctional and her people had lost every faith in government. In fact, civic and political consciousness was a long forgotten past time. Before he came, it was an environment of each to himself and God for all. The little palliatives that was wrought by his immediate predecessor, Dr. Chris Ngige, was undone by his godfathers who tried to yank him off the seat of power violently, touching state landmarks and government offices in the process.

    Obi came to a state infested by a crop of wild, ruling party godfathers and uncouth money bags. That he, a political neophyte, could defeat them in a popular election says something about him and when they stole his mandate; that he could trail them through our mouldy law courts until he reclaimed his victory and ruled for eight years would make for a refreshing case study in postgraduate political science classes. Not to mention his patience and tenacity, but the legal precedents he has bequeathed Nigeria’s jurisprudence.

    Having killed the ogre of power and buried it, Obi set about running the state with so much commonsense, civility and frugality. Government business across the country today (except perhaps, Gov. Fashola’s example in Lagos State) is about 90 per cent frivolity and barely 10 per cent work; he managed to reverse that by cutting most of the frills and shunning endless ceremonies and red tapes. Example: On a bright day in Awka, the state capital, you would encounter over a dozen convoys with fleet longer than the governor’s blazing noisily through the awkward city. It was reported that Governor Obi would often give them right of way until most of them came to learn the lesson in humility and public etiquette he was trying to teach them ever so gently.

    The enlightened trader and businessman in him must have made him frugal to the point that his party members almost raised placards against him at a point. But he was headstrong: he wound down governor’s lodges and guest houses littered all over the country and put them to rent. He abhorred entourages large or small; he contained revelry, including champagne quaffing, in the Government House. He simply cut those excesses that are signposts of federal and most state governments across the land. This must explain the phenomenal feat of not taking a dime of loan for eight years in an era almost every state is on a reckless borrowing binge; and to think that the state got only an average of N3 billion monthly in federal allocation in Obi’s tenure. Not only did he not borrow, he left $150 million in cash and an investment in bonds worth about N30 billion. This is unprecedented in today’s Nigeria.

    Obi will also be remembered for his uncommon dedication to the Igbo. Being a product of a weak and fractured political party, it was wise and pragmatic to align with a centre that is benign and conciliatory. It is a strategy that worked for him.

    Though he had an integrated development policy through which his government made some impact in education, health and road infrastructure, he was obviously stumped by the local government system which can be said to be non-existent during his tenure. There still is no replacement for well-structured LGAs and LCDAs for a holistic development of a state. There must be something in the Nigerian system that has killed the third tier of government. Obi was also stymied by party politics, as he was unable to grow his party, the All Progressives Grand Alliance, APGA. The party in eight years remains as stunted as he met it. Lastly, he was unable to expand the scope of the state’s economy, living mainly off the monthly federal allocation. One example; Nigeria imports palm oil massively today, yet the economy of the entire Southeast can run largely on this commodity. (But he eventually brought SABmillers, among others, to Anambra State.)

  • Rethinking Southwest priorities (1)

    Rethinking Southwest priorities (1)

    In the last dispensation, marginalisation was the battle cry of an integral segment of a political tendency in the Southwest. It was a reflection of its perception of a centre and its periphery, a core with a favoured occupant and a margin with its forsaken elements. The tendency was unwavering in its complaint and, though too little and too late, the presidency was forced to respond in some form. Evidence: The over-publicised reconstruction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway which it still was not able to get off the ground until the present administration revived it with a demonstrated dedication.

    In reality, however, as aggressive as it was, that political tendency was neither dominant nor self-serving. It was not dominant because there was a greater number in the zone that preferred confronting the administration on the vital question of restructuring to asking for crumbs from the federal table. As it turned out, because the former group was not self-serving, and because its complaint was altruistic rather than egoistic, there was a meeting of minds with the other political tendency.

    The Southwest complaint about marginalisation was less about the distribution of position among political elite and more about the overall development of its infrastructure and the possibility of regional advancement, which had been hamstrung in the politics of the overbearing centre.

    The question for the Southwest has always revolved around the prospect of putting to work, for the advancement of the region in particular, but also the country in general, the mass of largely untapped human and material resources at its disposal. To the extent that it feels helpless in the centralised architecture of a quasi-unitary system that we run in the name of a federal polity, the complaint of marginalisation as arrested development makes sense.

    Having the memory of what the region accomplished in the golden era of Nigerian federalism in the late 50s and early 60s cannot but be frustrating in the present circumstance of retarded growth and unfulfilled expectations. Without the unfortunate brutal interruption of its forward march in the 60s, there is little doubt about where the old West might be now. But here we are with generations of youths condemned to a present mired in confusion, celebrating ignorance and greed, and a hopeless future. It hurts.

    Many of our compatriots who were forced into the trenches in the fight against military dictatorship in pursuit of true democracy truly believed that the successful outcome of the struggle was capable of entrenching freedom and genuinely participatory democracy. In addition, however, they also genuinely believed that the struggle would correct the mistakes of the military with regard to the fundamental issue of the structure of governance. But the midwives that delivered the Fourth Republic and its early paediatricians had also been the loudest cheer leaders for the ruinous policies and practices of the military era. And in and out of office, they have not relented in their defence of the failed ideas and ideals.

    The new administration, which was propelled into office by a coalition of forces that included some of the most strident advocates of political restructuring from the Southwest, appears to still be finding its way. Meanwhile, many of its loyal supporters are expressing the hope that it does the right thing in the matter that could make or mar the success of the progressive brand in four years. While it is still too early to be despondent, there has to be a serious effort in the desired direction to calm worried nerves.

    Of course, no one denies that there are too many irons in the political hearth and it takes wisdom and focused attention to get them all in shape. The inauguration of an Electoral Reform Committee is a case in point. Surely, elections are integral to an efficient and effective democracy, and the administration is right to prioritise the reform of the laws that govern our electoral practice.

    But it is also important to recognise that, as important as elections are, the structure of governance within which elections occur is equally, if not more, important. If the structure is wobbly, elections will not successfully fix it. The demand for the revision of the structure of the polity in the last 30 years has been so unrelenting, even in the face of several successes in the matter of electoral reform.

    So much for crying over spilled milk. My intention here is not to moan or brood over the failures of a quasi-unitary system. Rather my worry is about the state of the Southwest as a cohesive group, a people with a history of achievement that was and is still the envy of others. Assume the worst, that the progressive government at the centre, while willing, finds itself in a situation that it cannot deliver on political restructuring. What ought the Southwest to do? And since “ought” logically implies “can”, what can the Southwest do?

    We are cognisant of the fact that, in view of the constitutional provisions under which we operate, the Southwest cannot secede. There is no self-determination clause that can constitutionally or legally back such a drastic move, IPOB aspirations notwithstanding. A bloodless divorce must have to be the result of a consensual decision of all the parties. In any case, given the differing and sometimes contradictory tendencies within, it is unlikely that such a consensus is reachable, even within the Southwest. The lesson from the recent struggle for democracy is still too fresh to be forgotten.

    But the drastic option of secession is just that. The object of the rallying cry for restructuring is to enable the components of the federation to develop efficiently and effectively. For this object to be realised in the Southwest in lieu of restructuring, there is a more viable and perfectly constitutional and legal option than secession. It does not even require any out-of-the-box imagining. It only requires us to address ourselves to the questions: what worked for us in the past as a people? How is the present different from the past? In the light of the difference between the past and the present, what adjustments do we need to make to our past approach so that we can have a good outcome in the present?

    To the first question there is a simple answer. We had a fortunate combination of selfless leadership with the skill sets for economic and social development, a people with the inculcated values of hard work and the urge to self-improvement, and a large expanse of land and territory that was a boost to the fundamental requirement of the economy of scale.

    Consider this last factor for a minute. From Okeho in the north to Ikeja in the south, from Ado-Odo in the west to Ado Ekiti in the east, the products of the land complemented one another. Production was enhanced by friendly governmental policies such that there was enough for domestic consumption and export. We saw the beginning of an agro-industrial complex with Lafia Canning Industry, Ado-Ekiti Textile Factory, and a host of others.

    There is a need, therefore, to understand what is different from the past in the present. Is it leadership? Is it follower-ship? Is it availability of resources or factors of development? Or something else?

    First, on leadership, I would like to assume that we still have a crop of leaders who are genuinely committed to the development of human and material resources. To be voted into office in a free and fair election in which the  electorate vote their interests on the basis of manifestos shared with them and promises made to them, those electorate must be persuaded of the genuine motivation of the candidates.

    And perhaps more than the writer of the Book of Proverbs, our people believe in the sanctity of names and the fact that riches and honour are important only to the extent that they are not products of activities capable of spoiling one’s good name. Therefore, good leaders try to make their mark and, if they succeed, they have their good names unspoiled. Consciously or unconsciously, Chief Obafemi Awolowo got it. His name has therefore remained unforgettable.

     

    • To be continued

     

     

  • When tomorrow comes

    Preamble

    This is supposed to be a letter of appeal coming to Nigerian politicians from the pulpit of ‘The Message’ column. A similar letter was written in this column about four years ago to this same group of people. Letters of this type seldom come to the arena of politics where conscience is banished and everything in life is based whim even as self aggrandizement is considered to be the ultimate goal. Coming up at this precarious period of political labyrinth in Nigeria, this letter is necessitated by the current frightening political tension that is fast becoming a bubble which may bust anytime from now unless the Almighty Allah decides to save our country by His special Grace.

    If you politicians think that you can escape any calamitous consequence of your ongoing political machination which you are tendentiously weaving around Nigeria you may be day-dreaming. Those who engaged in similar machinations before you in the 1960s, 1980s and 1990s never survived its consequences.

    The function of conscience

    “Conscience”, according to Sheikh Uthman Dan Fodio, “is an open wound which only the truth can heal”. But one can talk of healing a wounded conscience only where and when it has not become cancerous.

    Prophet Muhammad (SAW) once gave a vivid description of the signs by which hypocrites can be identified.

    He said “hypocrites are known by three signs: When they talk they lie; when they promise they renege and when they are trusted they betray”.

    Most of you (Nigerian politicians) so much typify this Hadith that one wonders if the Prophet had Nigerians in mind when he was expressing that axiom.

    Deceptive motive

    It will be recalled that when most of you started agitating for a return to democracy in the late 1990s while a despotic military demagogue held sway, your seeming focus was on liberation of the Nigerian citizenry from the crushing claw of military despotism. And you did that in the name of freedom fighters or human rights advocates. But hardly had you succeeded in leading the masses to drive away the military boys than some of you began to agitate for your selfish interest by claiming to want ‘to serve your people’.

    Thus, based on that claim, your godfathers or godmothers warmly embraced you not minding your hidden agenda especially when such agenda did not contradict theirs. That claim, which turned out to be the bait with which you deceptively lured ordinary Nigerians into the struggle that ended up in raising your own political pedestal to the height upon which you stand today was a covenant. And that covenant was not just between you and the people you claimed to want to serve but also between you and the Almighty Allah who knows every manifest and hidden agenda. And He will surely hold you accountable for it.

    To you, it does not matter whether you were genuinely elected or surreptitiously smuggled through the back door by depriving others who were more qualified than you of their legitimate rights.

    Your original claim before you were smuggled into whatever position you occupy today will be weighed against your action or inaction in that position or after you might have left the stage. And you will be judged accordingly.

    Just as you will call on God for justice if you were in the shoes of the deprived ones so they will take your case to God’s court in quest of justice. And the prayer of a cheated person, according to Prophet Muhammad (SAW), never suffers a divine denial.

    Remember

    As you shamelessly graded figure 16 higher than figure 19 sometime ago and audaciously classified theft as a lesser crime than corruption all in the name of politics, you must remember that God’s judgment can neither be manipulated nor appealed. And no matter how long it may take, Allah’s judgment will be executed perhaps when you least expect.

    As fathers and mothers who politically arrogate the nation’s leadership to yourselves without thinking of the lessons that the younger ones can learn from your conduct on their way to the top you have evidently demonstrated that you are unqualified to bequeath any sensible legacy to the future generations.

    If anything, your thoughtless public utterances, your shameless public actions and counter actions as well as your devilish body language are more destructive to Nigeria’s future than ever imagined. In fact, you can be called anything but patriotic gentlemen of honour which you call yourselves and as such you are unprecedentedly a disgrace not only to Nigeria as a country but also to Africa as a continent. But since you seem to have permanently enlisted immorality as a vital

    instrument of politics without thinking of its consequences and thus behaving like intoxicated horses without reins, you are left to your conscience if you have any.

    Life without justice

    In Islam, two issues are fundamentally sacrosanct both of which Allah does not take lightly. These are sacredness of life and dispensation of justice. It is a great iniquity for any human being to engage in murder and injustice under any guise. Thus, anybody who kills fellow human beings extra-judicially in the name of religion or politics is nothing but an unbeliever of a sadistic nature. In Islam, killing a fellow human being deliberately under whatever guise, without passing through a due process of law, is such a grievous sacrilege that cannot and should not be perpetrated without commensurate penalty, if not here on earth, definitely in the hereafter.

    Besides paganism, nothing draws the wrath of Allah as fast as these two crimes which Satan may continue to ask you to ignore at your own peril. Murder is physical termination of the life of a fellow human being. Injustice is killing a person mentally, psychologically, politically or spiritually by denying him his legitimate right. Now, which of these has not occurred officially and severally in the course of your political sojourn? How will you explain it to God?

    Legislative duty

    In Islam, rule of law is the foundation of justice but legislation is the material with which that foundation is built. Those of you who voluntarily chose to legislate for the rest of us hardly see yourselves as the foundation layers of justice who should not betray the course of justice. As legislators, you are looked upon by most Nigerians as honourable leaders neither because you are more qualified intellectually than those for whom you are legislating nor because you are wiser and more experienced than them. What makes most of you legislators in the lower or upper chambers of the legislative arm of government is sheer expediency arising from queer inadequacies sadly fostered by our so-called political system which gives room for gerrymandering and manipulation. If such opportunity comes your way illegally, let it not be mistaken for good luck. It may rather be a calamity waiting to strike in future.

    And when it strikes, no one except Allah can tell the extent of its effect. At least you can see how the consequences of the heartless annulment of June 12, 1993 Presidential election have become a draconian spectre chasing the ghost of every Nigerian even after almost two decades of licking our political wound.

    Subversion

    Due to lack of conscience, most of you may have forgotten, but you need to be reminded that shortly after you took oath of office either in 1999 or 2003 or 2007 or even 2011, you started subverting the covenant into which you voluntarily entered with the people who elected or nominated you directly or indirectly. That covenant is to serve them (the people). And those who serve are nothing but servants.

    But no sooner had you been sworn into office than you started calling yourselves leaders and not servants again. By implication, you have so dangerously promoted desperation and impunity to the front burner of Nigerian politics that whoever thinks of serving the country, today, through any public office is seen as a devil that must be kept at an arm’s length. From your public conduct, any right-thinking person can vividly see the types of families you are breeding for the nation.

    Executive duty

    As members of the Executive arm when you travel abroad officially, at people’s expense, you are never alarmed by the way the systems work in those countries. You never bother to ask questions about the effective functions of electricity, the smoothness of roads, the flow of portable water and the excellent of educational system that promotes probity and decorum in those countries. Rather, your primary concerns are the personal ephemeral gains accruable to you at the expense of the present and the future. For the past 16 years of Nigeria’s fourth republic you have been at the saddle of government without being able to show in concrete terms what value has that length of time added to the lives of ordinary Nigerians. Your emphasis is power rather than governance and you often go about it in such a manner that gives the impression that government is much more about destruction than construction.

    Nigeria as OPEC member

    You do not even feel ashamed that Nigeria is the only OPEC country that imports refined petroleum products for domestic consumption simply because you are beneficiaries of the corrupt device which you deliberately put in place in the name of subsidy. Even if Nigeria never had electricity before and wanted to start one to boost her economy, is a period of 16 years not enough to provide a functional one especially given the enormous amount of wealth with which she is endowed? In modern time, no technological device provides as much opportunity for jobs and economic growth as electricity. Yet, it is that major device that you deliberately hold down to deprive the populace of the wherewithal to rise mentally and intellectually so that you can turn them into perpetual slaves to be ruled forever. In such a situation, why wouldn’t corruption be unconscientiously legislated into legitimacy? And now, Nigeria is held to a standstill because every one of you must personally have a chip of any juicy future now without caring about what may become of your own children in future.

    Most of you as fathers and mothers will want your children to grow up as responsible men and women, yet, you have nothing in you that can serve as good examples for those children. You tell lies with relish.

    Yet you want your children to be truthful. From where do you expect them to inherit truthfulness? You steal public funds with unbridled audacity. Yet you do not want your children to called thieves. What other names should the children of thieves bear other than thieves?

    Sermon

    The Message hereby implores you Nigerian politicians to search your conscience and fear God. Remember that some people had governed this country in the past. Among them were those who tried to combine the roles of the executive, the legislature and the judiciary together, in the name of military rule, made possible by coup d’état. Where are they today?

    Governance has its tenure. Four years may look endless, but for the wise, it is not more than a flash of lightening  which only a fool will rely upon to walk his way through the darkness of the night. You are in government today. But remember that you will soon become former this or former that just like those before you.

    Duties of public servants

    Ordinarily, your duty as government officials, whether in the executive, legislative or judicial wing, is to serve your country in such a way that you can create a historical window for yourselves through which the future generations can retrospectively peep into your lives with reverence. But since everything in Nigeria has been peculiarly monetised (courtesy of Obasanjo regime), it has become a rule that those who hold sway in government, in whatever capacity, must take the lion’s share of our national cake through our lean annual budget. That is why you randomly but embarrassingly throw some damaging pebbles into our political brook to cause unnecessary ripples in the serenity of that brook to the total disadvantage of today and tomorrow.

    Political vendetta

    Some of you think or talk of impeachment only when your salaries, allowances or extra budgetary largess suffers a reduction or delay. It does not matter to you whether or not the entire workforce in Nigeria remains unpaid for years. Once you are able to amass whatever comes your way legally or illegally the rest of the populace can go on hunger strike forever. It is rather shameful and disappointing that even some of you who claim to be Muslims are participating in such an evil charade despite your proclamation of Islam.

    Conscience, though invisible, has a mirror which only a few people know of. That mirror is shame. A person without shame is a person without conscience. And that is the main distinction between a genuine Muslim and a nominal one.

    Prophet Muhammad (SAW) admonished the Muslims thus in respect of shame: “once you are bereft of shame, you can go ahead to do whatever you like”. This means that without shame you are a nonentity who can even strip naked in the market place. We can all see the example of this in a former President of this country who is now menstruating through his mouth at any public place.

    Admonition

    Dear Nigerian politicians, let it be kept permanently in your brain that the only thing which keeps people alive in history even long after their demise is service to humanity. Prophets Isa (Jesus), and Muhammad (SAW), had neither bank accounts nor estates to bequeath to anybody. Their heritage is more than any material wealth for the entire world today. That heritage is service to humanity. What is your own planned heritage if only for posterity? That is a big question which only people with conscience can answer. And, as Muslims or Christians, you should be able to answer it if you truly follow the right guidance of those noble men of impeccable character.

    Conclusion

    Remember that you are in a ship already voyaging on the high sea towards the shore. And at that shore are fierce customs officers waiting to check the contents of your cargo. Be always at alert.

    Remember that if you cultivate friendship with Satan he will favour your wish. But if he grants you one favour, he will take ten from you in return. Be Muslims by name, conduct and mannerism. Whatever you do as Muslims will affect the image of Islam in one way or the other. I hope you will return home as Muslims that you claim to be and not as renegades. Remember all this and adjust now that you may be able to raise your head aloft when tomorrow comes.

  • Jet-lagged Presidency

    After 17 months, the presidency finally puts up for sale, two jets out of a total of 10 in the Presidential Air Fleet (PAF). Some of the remaining craft would go to the Nigeria Air Force in due time, we are told.

    It is salutary that this is happening at last (though grudgingly, it seems) however, the refrain out there is: “a little too late.” We concur because Nigerians had expected that this would be among the first actions taken by President Muhammadu Buhari upon ascending power on May 29, 2015. Considering that he does not require the National Assembly or emergency powers to whittle down the number of jets on the PAF to just two, what was the delay about? At least about N5 billion would have been saved if this action was taken a year ago? Would it not have made a better impression on the people if the review had been completed at a go with an especial note as to the possible earnings and savings from the exercise? This government does not seem to understand the atmospherics of governance. People want to ‘know’ that their government is working; they want to ‘see’ evidence of work. They want to see that eight of the 10 PAF jets have been painted to Nigeria’s colours as the nucleus of a new national carrier; they want to see the president in a mega rice farm/plant/full process poultry farm or an emerging co-locative refinery. They want to see that crucial things that will take us out of our current mire are being pursued.

    We can’t quite SEE anything now.

  • Hope @ 56

    Hope @ 56

    It is another birthday anniversary for dear country. And for nations, as for individuals, birthdays are joyous occasions with boisterous galas, concerts, balloons, fireworks, exciting rendering of the national anthem and display of national colours. For us, however, on this birthday, as others before it in the last twenty- something years, we have been forced to low-key celebrations.

    If we go back just 23 years, 1993 saw us contending with the self-inflicted wound of political unrest following the annulment of the presidential election. From then until 1998, ours was a nation in distress, unsure of its survival or longevity, let alone prosperity. Then the military retreated and the nation got a new lease of life.

    Or so we thought. The depressing state of the nation in the last 16 years, especially after we ought to have learnt from the terrible mistakes of the earlier 40, is mind boggling. History is strict. It works according to its inscrutable laws without bending to the wishes of anyone, and it cares less about human motivations.

    As it has warned us repeatedly as a nation, history repeats itself to the detriment of those who refuse to correct the path it has once pronounced upon as ill-fated. But we have ignored every such warning. There is no point rehashing the foibles of our remote and immediate past. It is more important to remind ourselves what the possibilities are if we set our minds to the task of nation-building, moral regeneration and economic renewal.

    In the matter of nation-building, we must recognise the simple truth that as long as we remain unfaithful to the truth that individuals and groups count and deserve equal treatment, we cannot even begin to see a credible path to nation building, a precursor of national unity. A nation must exist before we can talk of its unity. We now have a country, a territorial space, NOT a nation, if by this term we mean a people with a shared sense of belonging and a willingness to make sacrifices for the continued existence and prospering of the whole.

    Since Nigeria’s birth, nation-building and national unity have not been taken seriously as indispensable requirements for the advancement of the country. We counted on raw power to cow individuals and groups into submission. It has not proved effective and there is no reason to believe that it will. Over-dependence on raw political power is dangerous for a country still in the throes of ethnic divisions and sectarian suspicions. To build a nation where no human is oppressed, we need to invite all its components to the architectural design desk. Once they feel a part of the project, it shouldn’t be difficult to attract them to the construction site.

    To the observation that every constitutional conference or summit in the last 60 years has been an invitation to the architectural desk, I respond that it has not all been motivated by the general will. Instead, the private or group will to dominate and get the most for self or group to which it belongs, rather than the will to do the best for the new country to become a thriving nation, has been dominant. The general will demands not just objectivity of thinking, but also the readiness to sacrifice some self-interest for the greater good of the whole.

    The result of past efforts is that once a group, which had approached the issue with an open mind and a readiness to sacrifice, saw the selfishness of another, displayed with utter disregard for the national interest, it naturally went back in its trenches and soon everyone was in defensive mode. The goal of nation building and national unity necessarily takes the back bench when individual and group interests are prioritised. For this reason, at every turn of the road in our search for national unity, the outcome has been so predictable. By feeding individual or group interest into the box, it is illogical to expect the emergence of national interest.

    For the desirable outcome of nation-building and national unity, we must first ask the question: what are the tools of nation building and what factors preserve national unity? First is seeing the individual or group as part of a whole. Second is identifying the essentials for the survival and advancement of the whole. Third is willingness to make individual and group sacrifice for the sake of the whole. Each of these is a vital link in the chain, the most difficult being the second. It is what goes into its norm and what we have been unable to agree upon in the last 50 years.

    For a country of diverse population with a history of mistrust, what is constitutionally and structurally essential for building trust and promoting unity? When we answer this question with the objectivity and neutrality of mind that it requires, we will be ready for the next higher plane of national advancement.

    In the matter of moral regeneration, we cannot deny that in the last 40 years, we have slid from a people imbued with moral conscience to one wallowing in moral squalor. The evidence is beyond dispute and it is inevitably linked to our economic degeneration. A people without a sense of justice, fairness and decorum in their relationship to their country and to fellow-citizens cannot expect to collectively climb the highest rung of the ladder of economic achievement. Surely, some will thrive at the expense of others. But in their selfish ascendancy, they will negatively impact the rise of the collective.

    Consider the condition of the filthy rich who have it all at the expense of the majority in the dungeon of existence. They are afraid to venture out without security. They live in gilded cages watching their back for fear of kidnappers and armed gangs. Those riches can be used to improve the standard of education across the land, an important prerequisite for producing marketable graduates.This improves employability, which reduces the risk of the devil finding them jobs in the darkest territories of earthly hell. This in turn improves the security of the rich and enables them to enjoy their wealth.

    The absence of moral leadership in the political, business, educational, and, sadly, religious sectors, is inexcusable and is directly responsible for the loss of three generations of Nigerians, thus far, to cultism, drug abuse, robbery and generalised moral lapses. This makes it extremely difficult to see a path towards moral regeneration in the near term.

    Surely, economic deprivation did not promote ethical delinquency in the past. That was because despite their failures in other matters, the leaders of the First Republic managed to provide for the well-being of citizens and they lived modestly themselves. This suggests that leadership by example matters in the matter of moral regeneration. Whatever change you desire to effect in others, let them see it clearly in you.

    The matter of economic renewal is not that complicated. Paraphrasing the enigmatic Kwame Nkrumah, with political kingdom secured, everything else will follow. However, gaining political kingdom is much more than securing flag independence. It also requires dismantling the colonisers’policy of divide and conquer, and transiting from being a mere supplier of raw materials to the coloniser and market for its finished products. Unfortunately, by not addressing the legacy of divide and conquer, we failed to really achieve the political kingdom and all the other steps logically failed to follow.

    Assume we achieve nation building and national unity, and we have purposeful leadership focused on economic renewal, our collective endeavour should be easy to achieve. President Muhammadu Buhari has laid down an agenda of economic diversification based on agriculture and mining. If sectionalism does not get in the way, if every part of the country is treated equally in the development of the infrastructure needed for the exploitation of its natural endowments in agriculture and mining, and if education becomes a priority so that quality products are released to the labour market, then we can be confident that economically, the sleeping giant will wake up again to its destined responsibility in Africa and the world.

    Happy October 1st!