Category: Femi Macaulay

  • A builder and his building

    A builder and his building

    It was a tragic drama and a dramatic tragedy. A spectacular 21-storey giant had a great fall at Gerard Road, Ikoyi, Lagos, on November 1.  The high-rise under construction in the highbrow neighbourhood was reduced to a lowly status.

    Tragically, many people who were at the site, for one reason or another, died.  The dead included the ambitious builder of the ambitious residential tower and CEO of Fourscore Homes, Femi Osibona. He was aged 55.

    It is said that art imitates life. Life can also imitate art. News of the Ikoyi building collapse and the spotlight on Osibona brought to mind a play by the distinguished Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen titled The Master Builder, first published in 1892.  Described as a play of “heightened ambiguities,” it is regarded as one of Ibsen’s “more significant and revealing works.”

    Here is a synopsis of the play from Wikipedia: “Halvard Solness is a middle-aged master builder of a small town in Norway who has become a successful architect of some distinction and local reputation. One day while having a visit from his friend Doctor Herdal, Solness is visited by Hilda Wangel, a young woman of 23, whom Doctor Herdal recognises from a recent trip that he had taken. The doctor leaves, Solness is alone with Hilda, and she reminds him that they are not strangers – they had previously met in her home town 10 years ago when she was 13 years old.

    “When Solness does not respond immediately, she reminds him that at one point during their encounter he had made advances to her, had offered her a romantic interlude, and promised her “a kingdom,” all of which she believed. He denies this. She gradually convinces him, however, that she can assist him with his household duties, and so he takes her into his home.

    “Solness is also the manager of an architectural office in which he employs Knut Brovik, his son Ragnar Brovik, and Kaia Fosli. Kaia and Ragnar are romantically linked, and Ragnar has ambitions to become promoted in his architectural vocation, which Solness is reluctant to grant or support. Solness also has a complicated relationship with his wife Aline, and the two are revealed to have lost children some years ago as a result of a fire. During this time, Solness builds a closer tie with Hilda while she is in his home, and she supports his architectural vocation and new projects.

    “During the construction of his most recent project which includes a towering steeple, Hilda learns that Solness suffers from acrophobia, a morbid fear of extreme heights, but nonetheless she encourages him to climb the steeple to the top at the public opening of the newly completed building. Solness, inspired by her words, achieves the top of the tower, when he suddenly loses his footing and crashes to his death on the ground before the spectators who have arrived for the opening of the new building. Among the spectators standing aghast at the sight, only Hilda comes forward as if in silent triumph. She waves her shawl and cries out with wild intensity “My—my Master Builder!”

    Read Also: Ikoyi collapsed building death toll hits 44

    Osibona’s life ended at the site of his building like that of the master builder in Ibsen’s play.  In the play, the building did not collapse, but the builder fell to his death. Osibona’s building collapsed and killed him.

    He had a grand architectural dream. The fallen tower was one of three towers, collectively known as 360 Degrees Towers.  He painted a picture of the project in an interview with TVC about three months ago. “We are actually building a seven-star hotel,” he explained. “They are flats, but we make it feel like you are living in a seven-star hotel. Everything that is in a seven-star hotel, you will have there. But the only difference is that you own the property. We have not advertised and we have sold more than 50 per cent…Here in 360, we have security, exceptional view, offices, clubhouse, and open recreation area. Practically everything you have in a seven-star hotel.”

    The project and the builder attracted attention in 2020 when it was reported that Osibona had tried to prevent officials of the Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA) from sealing off the building in question. The agency was said to have observed some “anomalies.”

    The agency’s general manager, Gbolahan Oki, was quoted as saying Osibona “got an approval for a 15-storey building and he exceeded his limit…and the materials he used are so inferior and terrible. The materials he used, the reinforcement, are so terrible. He got approval for 15 floors but built 21.” There is a controversy over the number of floors he got approval to build.

    The claim that he was supposed to limit the towers to 15 storeys but went beyond the number raises questions not only about structural integrity but also the builder’s integrity.  It is thought-provoking that Osibona in the television interview mentioned two cases in London that bordered on his company’s breach of building approval. According to him, in 1999 he had applied to build a two-storey extension.  “The council wanted to write two-storey, they wrote three-storey. When we started developing it, neighbours went to report to the council because in London when an area is for two-storey buildings, you can’t do a three-storey,” he said.   He added: “They made a mistake; they agreed that they made a mistake so I should not do the three storeys. I went on and did the three storeys.”

    On another occasion, he had applied to build a six-storey structure. “Again the council made some mistakes; they wanted to write six-storey, they wrote seven-storey,” he said. These accounts are indeed intriguing.  He claimed that the authorities made a mistake in two different cases, which he exploited.

    He claimed to have worked successfully as a developer in London, Atlanta and South Africa, after his university education in England and “buying and selling shoes and suits” from 1991 to 1997.  He had also executed some building projects after he returned to Nigeria, before he dreamed of his biggest work which eventually proved to be too big for him.

    He was a hero in the country’s real estate development sector but the collapsed tower calls into question his heroism. Tragic heroes have tragic flaws. Osibona gave an insight into a possible flaw.  He said: “When I first came to Nigeria, I believed in consultants. If an architect tells me something I’ll do whatever he tells me to do; if a structural engineer tells me something I’ll do whatever he tells me to do. It was later that I realised that these consultants only offer advice based on the book, they do not understand the practical aspects of the work.”  Ironically, he was not a trained builder but saw himself as a master builder.

    The state government’s investigation into the disaster is expected to unearth the immediate and remote causes, and prevent a recurrence.

  • Femi Esho at 75: Music collector extraordinaire

    Femi Esho at 75: Music collector extraordinaire

    Music collectors are defined by their music collections. The extraordinary music collection of Mr Femi Esho, Chairman/CEO of Lagos-based Evergreen Musical Company Ltd, who turned 75 on October 29, makes him a music collector extraordinaire.

    “I started collecting music at the age of 12,” he told attendees at an electrifying event that celebrated “10 Music Legends of Lagos Evolution” in December 2017. The show, which took place at City People Event Centre, Gbagada, Lagos, was organised by City People Entertainment, Evergreen Musical Company and Members of Music Icons.  It was a celebration of Apala, Sakara, Juju, Highlife, Fuji, Waka, Folk, Agidigbo, Afrobeat and Were.

    Many of the melodies that evening were blasts from the past.  They were from a time when things were not what they are now. I had wondered: What makes music evergreen? Today’s music will become yesteryear music tomorrow. But evergreen music is not just yesteryear music. Evergreen music means more than yesteryear music. The quality of memorability makes music evergreen. The sounds of yesterday prompted reflection on the sounds of today.

    Ultimately, Esho was the star of the show. His company is described as “Africa’s greatest custodian and producer of music of yesteryears.” He was at the centre of the show with his long white beard, doing what he had mastered over the years. He gave insight into the works of the awardees and why they deserved the awards. He displayed impressive knowledge of Nigerian music history.

    When I first met him some months before the event, at the Lagos residence of his friend who is also my friend, he gave me a valuable collection of the works of Afrobeat king Fela Anikulapo Kuti that included “5 Audio CDs, 1 DVD (Live Performances) and 24-Page In-Depth Biography.”  We got talking and he got me thinking.

    His passion for music is infectious. I thought about his services to Nigerian music and his enthusiasm. When he gave me his calling card, I was struck by the fascinating quote inscribed on it: “Without music, life would be an error – Friedrich Nietzsche.”

    Information supplied by his daughter and Managing Director of Evergreen Musical Company Ltd Bimbo Esho, who has chosen to follow her father’s path, shows that the outstanding music collector is in a class of his own. She said: “Today, Femi Esho is the undisputed largest collector of music of yesteryears with over 150,000 vinyl plates made up of 78rpm breakable plates, 45rpm and 33rpm, hundreds of reel-to-reel tapes, thousands of cassette tapes of various music along with archival materials such as His Master’s Voice (HMV), various reel-to-reel machines, various turntables with the oldest 100 years old, books and newspaper articles on Nigerian music, video recordings of early Nigerian music icons.”

    Before he formed his musical company, he had worked for the Lagos State government under its first military governor Mobolaji Johnson, and a major architectural firm. He had also set up an Advertising/PR agency, and ran a printing consultancy.

    His social life equipped him for the formation of his musical company. “He was a regular at popular clubs like Paradise Hotel, Independence Hotel, Central Hotel, all in Ibadan,” his daughter said. “In Lagos, he was a popular patron of the Kakadu Hotel, Paradiso, Cool Cats Inn, Lido Bar, Central Hotel, Western Hotel, West End Coliseum, Abalabi, Ambassador Hotel, Stadium Hotel, Caban Bamboo.” She also said he “gave his entire life to music” in the early 1990s.

    Apart from his musical company, he also formed a band dedicated to evergreen music. It is a testimony to his band’s quality and the demand for evergreen music that the band has performed at prestigious places in Lagos, including Metropolitan Club, Ikoyi Club, MUSON Centre, Island Club and Yoruba Tennis Club. It has also been patronised by various corporate giants.

    He has presented radio and television programmes promoting evergreen music, particularly Highlife. He presented “Highlife Renaissance” on Raypower, the first private radio station in Nigeria, weekly for about three years.  To mark Nigeria’s centenary celebration in 2014, he reviewed Nigerian music from 1914 to 2014 in a programme on the network service of Nigerian Television Authority (NTA).

    His musical company has revived the works of music greats such as Bobby Benson, Eddy Okonta, Rex Jim Lawson, E.T. Mensah, Joe Mensah, Haruna Ishola, Victor Olaiya and I.K. Dairo through a repackaging project involving music from the 1920s.

    “Highlife and some of its variants originated from Nigeria, Ghana and a few other African countries, hence it can be described as our gift to the world,” Esho observed, adding “In terms of the reign of Highlife, you can hardly find more than three of four recreation spots where the music is still enjoyed by patrons of musical bands. We feel that the situation portends a great danger to our indigenous contribution to the world of music, something that has the potential of being a major income earner for Nigeria if properly harnessed.’’

    Esho launched the Evergreen Music Heritage Foundation, located in Surulere, Lagos, “to preserve and safeguard musical heritage.”  Significantly, it is “a one-stop place for research and documentation of over 10,000 Nigerian musicians,” and  ”will help to create a world-class archival institution to cater for the needs of researchers, anthropologists and sociologists the world over.” The public and private sectors should support it as a service to culture and tourism.

    Born on October 29, 1946, in Ilesa, in present-day Osun State, he has attained an international stature based on his services to music, which he regards as a universal language that transcends boundaries.  A striking story, narrated by his daughter, demonstrates the value of his efforts to preserve yesteryear music. When he visited Ghana in 2008 to seek permission rights to release the works of some old Ghanaian Highlife stars, the late Jerry Hansen of the Ramblers Dance Band, who was then 86, “could not hold back his tears as he exclaimed that it was a great shame that Femi Esho came all the way from Nigeria to present to him all his lost works.” The drama showed the importance of music collection, and underlined Esho’s significance as a music collector.

    I wish the man of melodies more melodious years.

  • Lekki shooting report: Suspicion and suspense

    Lekki shooting report: Suspicion and suspense

    Perhaps predictably, Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has responded to public suspicion regarding the expected judicial panel report on the controversial Lekki tollgate shooting in Lagos, on October 20, 2020.

    As the first anniversary of the #EndSARS nationwide turbulence created disquiet, the governor spoke on rebuilding the state at the10th meeting of the National Council on Lands, Housing and Urban Development, held in Lagos.

    Sanwo-Olu said on October 21:  “The panel concluded its sittings about three days ago and has asked for time to put the reports together behind closed doors. We do not know the content of the report, but we want to say publicly that, upon the handover of the report, we will be making it public. We will not cover up anything.

    “This is not who we are and that is not what our government stands for. We will make full disclosure of whatever recommendations that the panel will come up with.”

    He recalled that the state “was hit by violence in the aftermath of the EndSARS protests”; and “witnessed massive destruction of infrastructure, iconic buildings, transport infrastructure, police station and others.”

    The greatest destruction was the tragic destruction of lives in parts of the state during the unrest.  In particular, there are loud claims that soldiers had “massacred” peaceful protesters against police brutality at Lekki. The Lekki incident continues to generate widespread interest because of its human rights and accountability angles. A 2020 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, released by the US government in March this year, further drew attention to the lack of clarity, and the need for clarity, concerning the shooting.

    “Accurate information on fatalities resulting from the shooting was not available at year’s end,” the report said. The use of the word “massacre” by anti-government narrators to describe the alleged mass killing on the evening of that day has been faulted by pro-government voices who insist that it is untrue, or a tendentious exaggeration.

    Read Also: #EndSARS’ anniversary and beyond: please claim and expand your great moral victory!

    The pro-government voices ask: If there was a “massacre” at Lekki, where are the bodies?  They also counter the claim that the soldiers had got rid of the bodies, arguing that there have been no announcements of missing persons by relations of those allegedly massacred and disposed of.

    The Lagos State Judicial Panel on Restitution for Victims of SARS-related Abuses and Other Matters was set up in October 2020 to investigate cases of police abuse of power and human rights violations, and determine restitution for victims. Importantly, the panel’s findings are expected to clarify the controversial Lekki shooting. Did soldiers indeed “massacre” civilians engaged in a peaceful protest against abuse of power by the now-dissolved Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad of the Nigeria Police Force, known as SARS?  The Lekki protesters were the focal point of the nationwide #EndSARS protests.

    It is noteworthy that the  Nigerian Army initially claimed its personnel were not at the tollgate when the incident happened, then later admitted it had deployed soldiers to the place with live and blank bullets, maintaining that soldiers shot blank bullets into the air to disperse the crowd and did not kill any protester. So there was shooting. The question is: Were protesters shot with live bullets?

    Alarmingly, panelist Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa (SAN) was quoted as saying ”There are attempts to frustrate the #EndSARS Judicial Panel from reaching meaningful conclusions on investigations into the Lekki tollgate incident of 20th October 2020.” Who tried to “frustrate” the panel’s investigative efforts concerning the Lekki shooting?  How? “I will give details subsequently,” Adegboruwa said.

    He spoke to journalists after panel chairperson Justice Doris Okuwobi (retd) announced, on September 18, the suspension of the panel’s sitting until further notice.  This development, a month to the panel’s October 19 deadline, was a cause for concern.

    It was unclear if Adegboruwa’s claim had something to do with the suspension of the panel’s sitting. The chair explained: “There are two reports that we are expected to work on; we are not close enough to any of them. We cannot continue with the sitting and end the assignment without concluding… We have to collate and evaluate petitions already heard so as to make findings and recommendations, even on the Lekki shooting.”

    It started as a six-month investigation.  The initial deadline was April 19, 2021. Then it changed to July 19, 2021 following a three-month extension. Then it changed yet again to October 19, 2021 following yet another three-month extension. How did the panel find itself in this situation? Could it have been avoided? Did the panel have too much to do in so little time? Will the panel’s reports be credible?

    The panel did not resume sitting before the deadline, and ended its sitting on October 18, a year after its inauguration.  According to Justice Okuwobi, the panel received 255 petitions from members of the public, 252 were considered for hearing, and it reached decisions on 182 petitions. The panel awarded N410 million as compensation to 71 petitioners. It is not clear what will happen to the 52 petitions that were not heard before the panel ended its sitting, and other petitions not resolved.

    Significantly, on the long-awaited report on the Lekki tollgate shooting, the panel’s chair said it was being prepared and noted that the investigation of the incident, including the taking of evidence and exhibits, had been completed. She said the panel’s recommendations would include compensation to victims, if any, of the Lekki tollgate incident.

    The panel had received about 14 petitions concerning the incident. The petitioners alleged that soldiers from the army’s 81 Division, Victoria Island, Lagos fired live bullets that killed protesters.  They also claimed that policemen shot at protesters.

    The army’s cooperation with the investigators left much to be desired.  Commander of 81 Division Brig. Gen. Ibrahim Taiwo had testified before the panel, denying the claim against the army.  Curiously, the General Officer Commanding 81 Division, Maj. Gen. Godwin Umelo, and the Commanding Officer, 65 Battalion, Bonny Camp, Victoria Island, Lagos, Lt. Col. S.O. Bello had shunned the panel’s invitation on more than one occasion. In particular, Lt. Col. Bello was a person of interest because he led the battalion involved in the Lekki shooting.

    After the army stopped cooperating with the panel, the panel’s chairman in January was reported saying the army’s failure to honour lawful summonses meant that it could not justifiably complain of a denial of fair hearing after the panel had presented its findings to the government.

    All eyes are on the panel and the state government. The public wants to know the panel’s findings and recommendations on the Lekki shooting, and the government’s position.

  • Felabration and state of the nation

    Felabration and state of the nation

    There is no question about his greatness among the greats.  The ritual of remembrance tagged Felabration 2021 resurrected Afrobeat phenomenon Fela Anikulapo Kuti. His remains lie in an inventive tomb on the grounds of his former residence on Gbemisola Street, Ikeja, Lagos, which is now Kalakuta Museum, but his spirit soars beyond the restriction of the grave.

    The 22nd edition of Felabration in Lagos, October 11 to17, 2021 showed how well the annual festival of music and arts celebrating Fela has evolved.  The one-week celebration included a symposium that addressed a timely question, schools debate, art competition and dance competition that highlighted Fela’s legacy through art and dance, and musical concerts.

    The thought-provoking symposium addressed an important question, ‘The National Question: Evolution or Devolution?’  It is evident that Nigeria needs to review its federalism in the face of separatist agitations based on systemic imperfections. The Yoruba Nation agitation and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) rebellion, for instance, notably reflect a critical national question that demands an answer.

    A lawyer and activist, Dele Farotimi, who spoke at the event, argued:  ”Evolution is a natural process of emergence while devolution speaks to the decentralisation of power and delegating power to lower authorities. These two things are incongruous when it comes to Nigeria because Nigeria is not an evolutionary phenomenon; it is a product of an amorous relationship between the British and their several mistresses in the place called Nigeria and they were all lumped together. You don’t talk about devolution when a country has been stitched together on very clear terms, one of which is the division of power between the Federal Government and the regions.”

    Another participant, the Secretary-General of the Lower Niger Congress, Tony Nnadi, argued:  ”Let us rule out devolution because you are taking from where there is the power to give to the constituent elements, but in a federation, it is the constituent units that donate the power that goes to the centre. To think that the federal government would give this to states or geopolitical zones is to misunderstand what we are discussing here. The revolution that is the solution to the problem is only taken from the perspective of evolution.”

    The debate continues. But it cannot continue forever. The answer to the national question must be found while there is still a nation. It is interesting that this year‘s Felabration theme was “Viva Nigeria Viva Africa,” based on Fela’s 1969 song Viva Nigeria.  Recorded in Los Angeles, USA, during the Nigerian Civil War, it presents another side of Fela, different from the fiery fighter.

    According to Songfacts, “Although it is written in his trademark Afrobeat style, it is not a typical Fela Kuti song. For one thing, he doesn’t actually sing but talks throughout, calling for peace, love, and the brotherhood of all Africans, especially his fellow Nigerians.” Indeed, Fela biographer Tejumola Olaniyan described it as his “most politically scandalous and compromising composition.”

    The composition, which lasts only 3 minutes 45 seconds, is food for thought about the state of the nation today.  It calls for unity, but the country is disunited today and its existence is threatened by separationists. What would Fela think about Nigeria’s existence today?

    Fela’s AIDS-related death in August 1997, at the age of 58, meant that a critical progressive voice had been silenced. He was not just a musician but a musical icon with a sense of mission. It is a point to ponder how he would have reacted to Nigeria’s renewed democratic experience that began in 1999, about two years after his death. His unapologetic activism on the side of the people was daring and defiant; and he was willing to pay the price for his anti-establishment campaign. Music was indeed a weapon for him, and he used it against the enemies of progress with all the potency of a visionary iconoclast.

    Fela’s fight for pro-people governance got him into trouble; he was arrested several times. His residence at Agege Motor Road in Lagos, known as Kalakuta Republic, was burned by hostile soldiers in February 1977.

    At the Felabration 2021 symposium, human rights lawyer and activist Femi Falana (SAN) noted Fela’s contribution to reforms in the country.  He said: “Fela sang about ‘Sorrow, Tears and Blood,’ which spoke about torture by the police and the military. It was not until 2017 that the Anti-Torture Act was enacted by the National Assembly. Under that law, a police officer who tortures anybody shall be prosecuted and the penalty is 25 years in prison. We must thank Fela for that.”

    Falana also observed: “Under the 1963 constitution, the government was not liable for any atrocity it committed against the Kuti family. However, that is no longer the rule. Under section six of the 1999 constitution, the government, whether federal, state and local, can be brought to book and taken to court. I want us to realise that these are reforms instigated by Fela and other forces in Nigeria.”

    It was a big positive for Fela’ s spirit when in  July 2018 French President Emmanuel Macron visited the New Afrika Shrine at Agidingbi, Ikeja, Lagos, an unlikely attraction for a visiting president.  Regarded as the home of Afrobeat, the Afrika Shrine was originally founded by the late music legend, but was rebuilt at another site and renamed New Afrika Shrine by his son, Femi Kuti, who is also a music star in his own right. The new place is the main Felabration venue every year.

    Macron’s historic visit to the nightspot, the first by a president, was the stuff of news. Not surprisingly, stigmatised because of its marijuana-smoking crowd and its hedonistic devotees, the Shrine was a no-go area to leaders until Macron rewrote the narrative.

    Recalling his stint as a diplomatic worker in Nigeria in the early 2000s, he said:  ”I discovered Nigeria and I discovered Lagos and I discovered the Shrine. This place is an iconic place and it is a place where the best of music is given…the Shrine is a cultural hub… I want to say with a lot of humility that I recognise the importance of this place.”

    It was at the New Afrika Shrine that Macron made perhaps his most striking remarks about governance and change during his visit to the country. It was a befitting setting. He observed:  ”Let me remind you that this place – Shrine – is a music place as well as politics, which is needed to change society.”

    The power of Felabration is its focus on Fela’s fight for sociopolitical change using the power of his internationally acclaimed music.

  • Romanticising Abacha

    Romanticising Abacha

    By Femi Macaulay

    Interestingly, Nigeria’s 61st independence anniversary on October 1 coincided with the 25th anniversary of six states created by the late Gen. Sani Abacha who ruled the country dictatorially from 1993 to 1998.  When Abacha created Bayelsa, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Gombe, Nasarawa and Zamfara states in 1996, it may well have been a move to achieve historical relevance.

    It is noteworthy that the creation of these six states increased the number of states in the country to 36, and no other state has been created since then despite the incessant campaigns for new states.

    In a way, the 25th anniversary of these states resurrected Abacha who died in office in June 1998. But it was an uncelebrated resurrection.  His name evokes unimaginable brutality and unimaginable kleptomania. Curiously, a governor in one of the six states he created celebrated him.

    It is said that some things are better left unsaid. Bayelsa State Governor Douye Diri disregarded this wisdom in his remarks during a thanksgiving service to mark the state’s 25th anniversary and the country’s 61st independence anniversary at King of Glory Chapel, Government House, Yenagoa.

    The state was created from Rivers State by the Abacha military regime on October 1, 1996.  Nigeria became an independent country on October 1, 1960. So October 1st is significant to the state and the country.

    A statement by the governor’s media aide, Daniel Alabrah, quoted him as saying some things that perhaps should have been left unsaid. Diri said:  ”Let me use this medium to thank one man. He may not be popular in Nigeria but to me and all of us Bayelsans, we see him as a great man, a hero; the man who by the stroke of the pen signed the creation of Bayelsa State. I am talking about the late General Sani Abacha.”

    Diri is entitled to his perspective, but it is a narrow perspective indeed. It is understandable that the governor feels grateful to the man who created the state he governs. He may not have become a democratically elected governor if the state had not been created.

    But he overlooked the evils of the Abacha regime, which cannot be redeemed by the creation of the state and five others.  Gen. Abacha was a military dictator whose authoritarian regime was responsible for the deaths of many pro-democracy fighters. Many prominent and not-so-prominent Nigerians fled the country to escape his hit squad. During his time in power, he intimidated the existing political parties into endorsing him as the sole presidential candidate in a desperate self-succession effort.

    Notably, Abacha prevented the inauguration of Chief M.K.O. Abiola who won the country’s historic 1993 presidential election annulled by his predecessor, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. Abiola was detained for four years by the Abacha regime, and eventually died in detention in July 1998, a month after the dictator’s death.

    Read Also: Abacha remains our hero in Bayelsa – Diri

    Abiola is today regarded as a symbol of democracy. President Muhammadu Buhari awarded him Nigeria’s highest national honour, Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR), posthumously in June 2018, and changed Nigeria’s Democracy Day to June 12, the date of the historic 1993 presidential election.

    It is noteworthy that Diri is a beneficiary of the pro-democracy struggle by Abiola and many activists. It is ironic and a dishonour to the fighters that fought for the restoration of democracy that Diri described the anti-democratic oppressor as “a great man, a hero.”

    Abacha’s evil was compounded by his kleptomania. He is believed to have stolen money to the tune of over $3 billion from the treasury. The story of his mammoth loot stashed away in banks across the globe continues 23 years after his death. He was described by a US Justice Department official as “one of the most notorious kleptocrats in memory, who embezzled billions from the people of Nigeria while millions lived in poverty.”  That is Diri’s hero.

    Something about the size of the loot says something about the size of the looter’s appetite.  The infamous Abacha loot, for instance, exposed his mind-boggling greed. At a forum on asset recovery organised by the Swiss Embassy and the African Network for Environment and Economic Justice in Abuja in June 2018, the then  Switzerland Ambassador to Nigeria Eric Mayoraz said: “All funds hidden in Swiss banks by Abacha were fully repatriated and so we don’t have any of such funds in Switzerland again. $752m was returned in 2005 and we discovered more and more in other banks and that involved the $322.5m that was repatriated earlier this year.” In other words, over $1billion Abacha loot had been returned.

    The diplomat employed diplomatic language when he justified the concern of the Swiss government that the $322.5m should be well managed and spent to enrich the poor. Mayoraz said: “Unfortunately, some of the assets that were returned, there was not so much transparency in it. So, we have to introduce the World Bank to get involved in this so that this particular one can be used by the Nigerian government with the monitoring of the World Bank.”

    From January to April 2020, about N23.7 billion of the N125 billion ($322.5 million) recovered Abacha loot was  disbursed to  about 703, 506 vulnerable Nigerians under the Federal Government’s Conditional Cash Transfer scheme, according to the Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ). The non-governmental group led the Monitoring Transparency and Accountability in the Management of Returned Assets (MANTRA) project.

    In 2014, the US Department of Justice had highlighted Abacha’s looting methods, and was reported to have frozen $458 million in corruption funds linked to him in secret bank accounts across the world. The action was described as “the largest kleptocracy forfeiture ever in the US.”

    The US Department of Justice had identified Abacha’s looting style which, interestingly, has not gone out of fashion in the country even under democracy. Abacha’s “fraudulent schemes” included “the ‘security votes’ fraud, through which more than $2 billion was embezzled from the Central Bank of Nigeria.”  Sadly, the “security votes” fraud is still in vogue among people in power in the country today as an easy path to wealth acquired fraudulently.    Governor Diri demonstrated a poor sense of history by romanticising Abacha. It’s impossible to deodorise Abacha.

  • Adebayo Williams at 70: Intellectual superman

    By Femi Macaulay

    When a celebrity who doesn’t celebrate his birthday is celebrated on his milestone birthday, it is a celebration worth celebrating.  It was not a private matter when Prof. Adebayo Williams turned 70 on September 9.  The luminary couldn’t hide his light. He attracted glowing tributes because he is aglow. The celebration of the celebrator underlined his celebrity.

    His story celebrates the mind and mental possibilities. He was my teacher when our paths first crossed in the first half of the 1980s. He is still my teacher almost 40 years later. He does not know, and cannot know, how much I learnt from him as a student at the former University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State. He does not know, and cannot know, how much I have learnt from him as a co-member of The Nation’s editorial board.

    There are moments I wonder if it is all a dream, sitting with him and other editorialists in the newspaper’s board room to discuss editorial topics. The context seemed even more unreal because of the presence of another teacher who taught me at the same university, Prof. Ropo Sekoni, who recently retired from the editorial board.  It was flattering to share the same space with two of those who shaped my writing life at editorial meetings week after week.

    I was first drawn to Williams at Ife by his mental magnetism. Certainly, I wasn’t the only student who experienced his electrifying presence in the lecture theatre and his stimulating lectures. Of course, he was decades younger then, but the promise of greatness was unmistakable. I went to his office often just to enjoy the riches of his mind. He accommodated me. We soon became mentor and mentee, not in any formal sense, but essentially. We would engage in fencing for long periods, and I always left his office more educated than I was when I entered the place.

    After I left Ife, we met again at African Concord in Lagos where I worked in the early 1990s. By this time, Williams was established as an outstanding columnist, although he still worked as a university lecturer at Ife. We met yet again at Africa Today in the early 2000s. The magazine was published in London, and Williams, based in the US at the time, was its star columnist.

    In his years as a columnist for Lagos-based Newswatch magazine, 1985-1990, he demonstrated patriotism and progressivism through his stylistically sophisticated columns.  He also wrote memorable columns in Tempo/The News magazines, 1993-1995, and was a major participant in their journalistic crusade against military rule in Nigeria.

    It is significant that his involvement in journalism did not weaken his involvement in academia.  Interestingly, he was a journalist before he became an academic. He had worked as a sub-editor at Nigerian Tribune in Ibadan before going to the university in 1971.

    The national turbulence that followed the annulment of the country’s historic 1993 presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola brought out the political fighter in Williams. During the intense pro-democracy struggle to reverse the annulment of the election by Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Williams fought on the side of the people. Babangida’s successor, Gen. Sani Abacha, who supported the annulment, made the country unlivable for many political activists, which was compounded by difficult socio-economic conditions.  It was perhaps predictable that Williams joined the exodus of the oppressed.

    He became the Director General of Africa Policy Group, a London-based think-tank focused on governance issues in 1995. His deep interest in governance and democratisation in Africa can be observed in his profound essays in various newspapers and magazines over the years. In 1997, he returned to the Centre of African Studies, University of Birmingham, England, where he had an earlier stint as Leverhulme Fellow from 1988 to 1990, as Visiting Lecturer and Honorary Research Fellow, a position he held till 2006.

    In 1998, he became a fellow of African Studies Centre, University of Leiden, Holland and Professor of Liberal Arts, Savannah College of Art and Design in the US.  In 2004, he joined University of The Incarnate Word, San Antonio, Texas USA, as Amy Freeman Lee Distinguished Chair of Humanities and Fine Arts.

    His brilliant academic career and accomplishments are worth celebrating particularly because he is a homegrown intellectual.  He was produced by University of Ife, where he earned his first degree in English Studies, and master’s degree and doctorate in Literature, and rose to the position of Senior Lecturer in the Department of Literature in English at the university in 1986.  The giant from Gbongan, in present-day Osun State, rose above this background to become a man of the world.

    It is a testimony to his brilliance that his scholarship transcends the literary sphere. He is internationally recognised as a multidisciplinary and multidimensional intellectual and respected for his contributions to literary theory, political theory, post-colonial theory, cultural production and creative writing.

    He has occupied positions that highlight his political value. He was Chairman, Lagos State Electoral Reform Panel, 2008-2010. Also, he was Chairman, Lagos State Gubernatorial Advisory Committee, 2010-2018, under Governors Babatunde Fashola and Akinwunmi Ambode. He is a member of the Board of Trustees, Obafemi Awolowo Institute for Governance and Public Policy.

    Williams has made a name for himself as an arresting and inimitable prose stylist.  His essayistic potency is widely celebrated. His essays, thoughtful and thought-provoking, and presented with linguistic grandeur, are the signature of his creative soul. He won the Odunewu Prize for Informed Commentary in 1993 and 2000. His essays usually offer multiple quotable quotes. For instance, writing about the role of journalists, he said: “It is our business to make sense of senselessness.”  He writes consistently about the country’s underdevelopment and why underdeveloped leaders cannot bring about development.

    Apart from his numerous scholarly articles, and essays in newspapers and magazines, he has published three novels, The Year of the Locusts and The Remains of the Last Emperor, which won the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA) Prize in 1988 and 1995, and Bulletin from the Land of Living Ghosts.

    We reconnected at The Nation, where he is a big fish and writes a compelling column under a pen name. In his office, we explore word behaviour and semantic possibilities under the influence of unseen creative powers.

    There are men and supermen.  Prof. Adebayo Williams is both man and superman.  I wish him many happy returns and God’s blessings as he enters his septuagenarian years.

  • NDDC and underdevelopment

    NDDC and underdevelopment

    It is ironic that the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), which is supposed to be a development agency, is a major agent of underdevelopment in the oil-rich region.  Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami,  who received the NDDC forensic audit report from Minister of Niger Delta Affairs Godswill Akpabio, in Abuja, on September 2, lamented the “uncompleted and unverified development projects” in the region “in spite of the huge resources made available to uplift the living standards of the citizens.”

    Malami, who represented President Muhammadu Buhari, said there were “over 13,777 projects, the execution of which is substantially compromised,” even though the commission got “approximately N6tn” from “budgetary allocation” and “income from statutory and non-statutory sources,” from 2001 to 2019.

    There is no doubt that the NDDC, established in 2000 by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration, has failed to develop the Niger Delta as expected.   The first commercial oil discovery in the country happened in Oloibiri in present-day Bayelsa State, in 1956; and the first oil field began production in 1958. More than six decades later, the story of underdevelopment in the Niger Delta is a continuing story.  Nigeria is a major oil-producing country. Nine oil-producing states make up the Niger Delta. They are: Akwa Ibom, Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa, Cross River, Ondo, Edo, Imo and Abia.

    It is condemnable that many communities in the region that produces the country’s oil wealth reflect not only a lack of prosperity but also perplexing poverty. It is noteworthy that, in October 2019, President Buhari, who was represented by his Special Adviser on Niger Delta Affairs, Senator Ita Enang, apologised for the region’s underdevelopment   during the reopening of Oil Mining Lease (OML)-25 facility in coastal Belema in Kula Kingdom, Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State.

    Buhari said: “We have been to the communities (in Kula Kingdom). I felt touched that the people were asking for schools, hospitals and potable water in 2019, after 40 years of oil and gas being taken from their soils. I scooped water from the pond that the people drink. It was smeared with crude oil.

    “On behalf of the nation, I apologise to you. We will change for the better. We will not only build schools, hospitals and provide potable water for you; we will provide complete communities for you. We will work with the Rivers State government, Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), amnesty office and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs.”

    In the same month, he ordered a forensic audit of the agency’s operations from 2001 to 2019, which suggested that his administration’s anti-corruption campaign had finally reached the NDDC.

    He had approved a new 16-man NDDC board in August of the same year.  Subject to Senate confirmation, he had approved Dr Pius Odubu from Edo State as chairman, Bernard Okumagba from Delta State as managing director, and Otobong Ndem from Akwa Ibom as executive director, projects.   Then there were twists and turns encouraged by the President himself.

    President Buhari had ordered the audit after approving a new governing board for the agency, subject to Senate confirmation, without waiting for the Senate to confirm the board. Perhaps it would have been more logical if he had waited for Senate confirmation of the board, and then ordered the audit under the new board.

    By the time the Senate eventually confirmed the new governing board, Akpabio had set up an interim management team to oversee a forensic audit of the agency.

    Curiously, after the Senate confirmation, rather than inaugurate the board he had initially approved, President Buhari did a somersault.  In December 2019, his spokesman said he had approved that the NNDC board ”be recomposed and inaugurated after the forensic audit of the organisation.”  He also directed that the agency’s interim management team “shall be in place till the forensic audit is completed.”

    In December 2020, President Buhari had appointed an interim administrator to run the agency. Effiong Akwa, who had been the agency’s acting executive director, finance and administration, was “to assume headship till completion of the forensic audit,” according to the government.

    The commission’s acting managing director, Prof. Daniel Pondei, was removed, the government explained, as “a result of a plethora of litigation and a restraining order issued… against the Interim Management Committee of the NDDC by a Federal High Court in Abuja.”

    President Buhari had earlier “extended the tenure of the Professor Keme Pondei-led Interim Management Committee… from May 1 to December 31, 2020,” according to a statement by his spokesman, adding, “The extension is to cover the period of the forensic audit of the NDDC.” The audit went beyond the date.

    The audit was reported to have started in April 2020.  The Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved a contract of N318 million for the engagement of a lead consultant for the audit.  Allegations of continued corruption at the agency mean that the interim administrator and the supervising Minister of Niger Delta Affairs face credibility challenges.

    It is abnormal that the NDDC is still run by an interim administrator. This arrangement is not the same as having a lawfully appointed and approved board for the commission, with the implications for transparency and accountability.

    Now that the forensic audit report has been submitted to the Federal Government, the implementation of the recommendations is another matter.  Among the recommendations, presented by the Lead Forensic Auditor, Tabir Ahmed,  is that the NDDC should be made to operate within the limits of its annual budget and ensure that only projects budgeted for are awarded each fiscal year.  The report also recommended that mobilisation payment be abolished, and the agency should employ project consultants to ensure accurate supervision and valuation of projects. Additionally, it was recommended that the agency should adopt a standard for costing contracts with appropriate profit margins.

    According to the President, the Federal Government will “apply the law to remedy the deficiencies outlined in the audit report as appropriate.”  ”This will include but not be limited to the initiation of criminal investigations, prosecution, recovery of funds not properly utilized for the public purposes for which they were meant for amongst others,” he said. The goal is to improve the standard of living of the people of the Niger Delta “through the provision of adequate infrastructural and socio-economic development,” the government said.

    Those implicated in the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta will try to prevent the implementation of the forensic audit report. The government needs to demonstrate that it is against the underdevelopment of the region by implementing the report.

  • Sponsors and suppliers

    Sponsors and suppliers

     

    Enablers of banditry and terrorism in the country are certainly categorisable. There are sponsors and suppliers in a hierarchy of enablers. Curiously, the Federal Government’s war against bandits and terrorists has exposed more suppliers than sponsors. But sponsors are the giants that make it possible for suppliers to thrive.

    When it was reported that 400 alleged Boko Haram sponsors had been arrested, it suggested a new level of seriousness in the fight against terrorism. The arrested alleged financiers of the terrorist group were said to be businessmen, including bureau de change operators. They were arrested in Kano, Borno, Abuja, Lagos, Sokoto, Adamawa, Kaduna and Zamfara.

    The arrests were believed to have been carried out based on investigations. The suspects were, therefore, expected to be prosecuted without delay. The Special Assistant on Media and Public Relations to the Attorney-General of the Federation, Dr Umar Gwandu, was reported saying the prosecution of the suspects “will commence as quickly as possible.”

    Three months after the arrests in April, the suspects have not been arraigned. It is puzzling that the Federal Government is apparently delaying their trial.  Gwandu was later quoted as saying the process to prosecute them was ongoing. “Journalists will be notified at an appropriate time,” he said.

    It is unclear when the said process would be completed, and the suspects arraigned. Also, it is unclear why the process has not been completed. If investigations had implicated the arrested suspects, there should be no difficulty in putting them on trial. The longer it takes to arraign them, the greater the public feeling that the government is not quite ready to deal with alleged sponsors of terrorism.

    The narrative that the country’s security crisis is fuelled by politicians, government officials and businessmen has been spread by those who blame saboteurs for insecurity. For instance, Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma attracted attention by circulating the allegation that saboteurs are to blame.

    Ortom of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the main opposition party, had described kidnapping for ransom as “another lucrative business in Nigeria with strong suspicion of connivance with government officials.” Uzodinma of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the ruling party, told journalists that politicians were funding banditry to sabotage the Buhari administration.

    The arrest of 400 alleged Boko Haram sponsors is an opportunity for the government to show that saboteurs exist and they are not faceless. This is why their prosecution should not be further delayed. Their trial will also encourage public confidence in the government’s effort to tackle insecurity.

    The Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), should note that it is important to put the suspects on trial without further delay in order to establish the truth.  It is not enough that they are awaiting trial.  His aide spoke about “an appropriate time” for their trial. That time is now.

    It is noteworthy that the identities of the arrested alleged terrorism financiers have not been officially publicised, which is different from the treatment of cases involving arrested alleged suppliers of arms and food to bandits.

    Obviously, bandits need weapons and food, which enable them to carry out their evil activities. In June, the police arrested 60-year-old Umar Muhammed, an alleged supplier of weapons to bandits. According to the police, he used his vehicle to transport hidden guns from one place to another, and he was caught with weapons.

    In another case, policemen on patrol stopped four men suspected to be bandits on motorbikes on Tsaskiya-Ummadau Road, Safana Local Government Area of Katsina State.  They are: Ibrahim Abdullahi, 40; Tukur Musa, 35; Abubakar Ibrahim, 21, and Rabi’u Hamisu, 19. The police found N3.4m, and Abdullahi, their leader, was said to have revealed that they were gun suppliers and had received the money from a notorious bandit, Tukur Rabiu, for six AK-47 rifles delivered to him. He said he got N100, 000 as commission for each weapon he supplied.

    The police said:  ”Rabiu is hibernating at Rijana Forest, along Kaduna-Abuja Road… The suspect also confessed to be a gunrunner for one Abu Rade, a notorious bandit hibernating at Rugu/Dumburum forests of Katsina and Zamfara states.”

    Also, the FIB Intelligence Response Team (FIB-IRT) arrested members of a group that allegedly supplied drugs, bread and other food items to bandits operating in Zaria, Kaduna State and its environs. They were apprehended at the Rigachikun base following a tip-off, and revealed that they usually supplied bread to bandits at Galadimawa, Damari, Kidandan and Awala camps in Birnin Gwari and Giwa local government areas, Kaduna State. One of them said they also supplied information to bandits which helped their kidnapping and cattle rustling operations.

    Bakery owner Hassan Magaji, who was arrested, said: “It was my workers that were arrested by the police on their way to deliver bread, and they brought them to my factory.” According to him, “The boom in my business began when I started supplying bread to bandits.” He had an agreement with them that they would pay upfront for their bread supplies.

    He gave striking figures that showed bread consumption in the bandits’ camps, which possibly involved kidnapees, and the good profit he made.  ”They started with bread worth N20, 000 and gradually increased it to N50, 000 a day,” he said. “After removing the cost of the ingredients, I make as much as N150, 000 in a week.”

    Business was better for him whenever the bandits kidnapped many people, he observed, adding that he supplied bread worth N70, 000 daily to the bandits that abducted some university students in Kaduna State. There have been recent cases of mass kidnapping of students for ransom in the state.

    Suppliers of arms and food to bandits help them to sustain their evil activities. Not surprisingly, the police accused the arrested suppliers of criminal conspiracy.  The fight against banditry should be not only against bandits but also those who aid them, just as the fight against terrorism should be not only against terrorists but also those who aid them.

    Sponsors and suppliers who fuel the country’s security crisis have a lot of explaining to do. The authorities also have a lot of explaining to do when they fail to promptly prosecute arrested alleged insecurity enablers.  A striking instance is the case of the 400 alleged Boko Haram financiers who are said to be awaiting trial three months after their arrest.

  • Kanu: Beneath the surface

    Kanu: Beneath the surface

    By Femi Macaulay

    On the surface, controversial Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) leader Nnamdi Kanu was dramatically rearrested in a foreign land and, according to Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami (SAN), “brought back to Nigeria in order to continue facing trial after disappearing while on bail regarding 11-count charge against him.” He described Kanu as a “fugitive,” saying he had been arrested on June 27 “through the collaborative efforts of Nigerian intelligence and security services.” He called the action an “interception.”

    Starting the story from the beginning, the minister said “Kanu was arrested on 14th October, 2015 on 11-count charge bordering on terrorism, treasonable felony, managing an unlawful society, publication of defamatory matter, illegal possession of firearms and improper importation of goods, among others.

    A judge at the Federal High Court, Abuja revoked Kanu’s bail that was granted him on health grounds and issued a bench warrant for his arrest on the same date, over his failure to appear in court for hearing.”

    Malami added: “He has, upon jumping bail, been accused of engaging in subversive activities that include inciting violence through television, radio and online broadcasts against Nigeria and Nigerian State and institutions.

    Kanu was also accused of instigating violence especially in Southeastern Nigeria that resulted in the loss of lives and property of civilians, military, paramilitary, police forces and destruction of civil institutions and symbols of authorities.”

    Curiously, the Federal Government’s announcement of Kanu’s “interception” did not provide important details on where and how it happened. His lawyer, Aloy Ejimakor, supplied thought-provoking details on July 15 following an interaction with him about three weeks after he was brought back to the country and detained.

    According to the lawyer, “Kanu was in point of fact tortured and subjected to untold cruel and inhuman treatment in Kenya. He said his abductors disclosed to him that they abducted him at the behest of Nigerian government.

    “He was blindfolded and driven to the tarmac very close to the plane without passing through the airport immigration… Kanu was flown to Abuja in the private jet on Sunday 27th June, 2021 from Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, Nairobi and he was the lone passenger.”

    Beneath the surface, there may well be reasons Kanu was so desperately hunted down beyond the minister’s public explanation. President Muhammadu Buhari is unlikely to have forgotten that Kanu, after jumping bail and fleeing the country, had helped to spread the fantastic story that the president was dead and a look-alike from Sudan, Jubril Aminu Al-Sudani, was in charge at Aso Rock, the seat of federal power.

    Kanu had disappeared in September 2017 during an army exercise in the Southeast, “Operation Python Dance.”  His lawyers had argued that the Nigerian Army authorities should be made to produce him, and alleged that “rampaging soldiers” abducted or killed him after invading his house in Afara-Ukwu Ibeku, Umuahia, Abia State.

    He resurfaced with a bang after a mysterious 13-month disappearance. An October 2018 online video showed him praying at the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem.  A British Nigerian, he continued his pro-Biafra secessionist campaign outside the country.

    In December 2018, Kanu released what he called six “scientific” facts to support his absurd claim that an impersonator, a Buhari clone, was playing the role of president of Nigeria.  First, he said, “Jibril is about 50 years old and it shows in his gait, his vibrancy, and the smoother tone of his face and skin. There’s also a slight difference in earlobes between the two men.”  Second, he “appears to have a fuller mane of hair, much darker hairlines, and now permanently spots a cap that he has refused to remove despite repeatedly being dared to do so.” Third, he “does not speak Fulfulde but speaks Hausa only.”

    Fourth, “one notices a profound distance when in public between Jibril and Buhari’s family members, especially Buhari’s wife, Aisha and son Yusuf.”  Fifth, “Buhari was a very tall person, noticeably taller than other equally tall public officials such as Senate President Saraki, who now appears taller than the man claiming to be Buhari. How come?”   Sixth, since his ‘acclaimed’ recovery from his debilitating ailments and discharge from the London Hospital, the man that claims to be Buhari has not been traveling to London for mandatory follow-ups. Is it medically possible that someone who was ravaged to the point of looking skeletal and underwent complex surgeries would suddenly heal to the point that he no longer needed clinical follow-ups?”

    The controversy about the president’s real identity petered out. President Buhari was reelected in 2019. Two years after, Kanu has found himself in a situation where he may be required to shed light on the incredible narrative of the existence of a Buhari double, which he promoted.  In detention, he may reflect on the things he had said about President Buhari.

    Does he still think the man in the Presidential Villa is not Buhari but a lookalike?  Does he regret making such a ridiculous claim? Does he now accept that Buhari is not dead and has been president since 2015?

    His separatist group once described him hyperbolically as “a man that commands 50 million people with presence in over 100 countries of the world, making him only second to Pope Francis as the personality with the largest cult following on earth.”  Such a man should not have allowed his separatist struggle to separate him from reality.

    His trial promises twists and turns. The issues include how Kanu was arrested and brought back to the country, why he fled the country, his words and deeds as IPOB leader, and the group’s rebellion. The question is: Will he get a fair trial?

    It is noteworthy that the Federal Government controversially demonstrated state capacity in this striking drama. Did it have greater reasons to do so in this case? IPOB represents just one manifestation of the country’s insecurity challenges. There are various others across the country, threatening the country’s soul.  Does Kanu’s case indicate a renewed effort to deal with the agents of insecurity wherever they may be found?

  • Babalakin at 61: A pathfinder’s paths

    Babalakin at 61: A pathfinder’s paths

    By Femi Macaulay

     

    There is no doubt that the Murtala Muhammed Airport Domestic Terminal 2 (MMA2) in Lagos is an exemplary result of public-private partnership (PPP). It was constructed 14 years ago under a Design-Build-Operate-Transfer (DBOT) agreement with the Federal Government, the first major DBOT project of such magnitude in Nigeria.

    ”There is no airport terminal in Nigeria that has the flow of MMA2 because it was well thought out and designed,” Resort International Limited (RIL) Chairman Dr Wale Babalakin (SAN) observed at the 2019 annual lecture of the Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN) in Lagos, where he spoke on “Infrastructure Development and Growth in Nigeria: Prospects and Challenges.”

    Babalakin’s company, Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited (BASL), is the private partner in the partnership and operator of the terminal. It is noteworthy that the company, the reserved bidder, was asked to handle the project after the preferred bidder’s failure to perform.  He said the company achieved a high design standard because the terminal was designed by Nigerian and South African architects.  He deserves credit for his contribution to the country’s infrastructure development. He turned 61 on July 1.

    “If we had been allowed to continue, phase two would have been completed 10 years ago and we would have had one of the best Airports in Africa,” he said in his lecture. It is unclear why there was discontinuity, but it is clear that the country would have benefitted from continuity.

    The country’s underdevelopment is the result of poor infrastructure development. Babalakin noted in his lecture that infrastructure development “is about serious commitment and a lot of intellectual rigour.” Sadly, it seems these essentials are in short supply in the country’s corridors of power.

    Babalakin’s MMA2 success possibly prompted the Federal Government to consider concession arrangements for other airports.  In 2016, the government announced  that it had concession plans for  all the 22 federal airports to enable them to function efficiently and profitably, beginning with the ones in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt and Kano. At the time, he had observed that his company’s “eye-opening effort” encouraged the authorities to pursue concession deals concerning the airports.  Importantly, Minister of Aviation Sirika Hadi in June said concession arrangements for the four airports would be completed by August. It remains to be seen if the standard set by Babalakin would be achieved.

    Considering his notable MMA2 achievement, it may well be that the country lost a big infrastructure development opportunity when the Federal Government controversially terminated the 2009 concession agreement with another of his companies, Bi-Courtney Highway Services Limited, for the reconstruction and modernisation of Nigeria’s busiest and most important highway, the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, under a DBOT agreement. Babalakin said the government “terminated the concession for lack of performance without disclosing to the public that they had held us down for 22 months.”

    His company was the preferred bidder under the Umaru Yar’Adua administration, but the Goodluck Jonathan administration terminated the agreement in 2012 after Yar’Adua’s death. Ironically, Jonathan was vice president at the time the agreement was signed.  The public-private partnership was jettisoned and the government awarded the contract for the road project to Julius Berger Plc. and RCC Nigeria Limited.

    ”It is just a repeat resurfacing of the 1977 road,” Babalakin said in his lecture two years ago.  ”The architecture of that place has changed phenomenally since 1977 and our design accommodated all the changes… Our total cost was N112b. Now, over N350b has been spent on 40% of what we planned to build and they are still at 40%.” It is noteworthy that the road repair is ongoing.  Chairman of the House of Representatives committee on works Abubakar Kabir, in June, during an inspection of roads in Lagos and other parts of the Southwest, said the Federal Government was working towards completing the road rehabilitation project before May 2022.

    There is a significant difference between resurfacing the road and modernising it. If his company’s design had been allowed to materialise, the country would have benefitted from the difference.  He explained in an interview last year: “The project on that road included seven overhead bridges… I’m not even sure there is one overhead bridge on the one being built now. Also, our project had proper lay-bys; you didn’t have to buy petrol on the road. You had to go off the road for about one minute where you would find a restaurant, small hotel and all the facilities you would require. We had three of such on each side of the road. We also had a truck bay that could accommodate 12,000 trucks and was expandable because we counted the number of trucks on the road then and they were about 4,000. Now, we are told that they are about 6,000.”

    Another project involving Babalakin’s company that shows how the government’s actions ironically contribute to the country’s underdevelopment is the planned redevelopment of the old Federal Secretariat, Ikoyi, Lagos.

    Babalakin’s RIL  had paid N7 billion for the property in 2005 after a successful bid, and in October 2006 signed a Development Lease Agreement (DLA) for 99 years with the Federal Government to redevelop the disused Secretariat complex into 480 luxury apartments. But the property lies in ruins 16 years after the agreement because of obstacles created by the Lagos State government which said the Federal Government should have sold the complex to it.

    The company went to arbitration against the Federal Government and won. Under the agreement the Federal Government was supposed to be responsible for obtaining a no-objection approval from the Lagos State government, if necessary.  The company was awarded N50 billion as damages in a judgement delivered by the tribunal in December 2015.  The cost awarded has not been paid by the Federal Government, and the Lagos State government has not changed its obstructive position.

    Whether it’s an aviation project, a road project or a housing project, Babalakin has encountered government-driven obstacles to his infrastructure development efforts. But the seasoned lawyer-cum-businessman remains a consistent advocate of the public-private partnership approach to development.  Based on his personal experience, he listed the enemies of public-private partnership in Nigeria  at the 2016 Nigerian Economic Summit in Abuja, including the attitude of the government, lack of respect for sanctity of contracts and the rule of law, lack of investor security, corruption and malice.

    Notably, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, in March, at the opening ceremony of a two-day retreat of the National Council on Privatisation (NCP) in Abuja, observed that Nigeria needed public-private partnership arrangements to solve its massive infrastructure deficit because the country required at least $2.3 trillion over the next 30 years to deal with the infrastructure gap which the government alone could not provide.

    So Babalakin, a vocal and active champion of public-private partnership, remains relevant to the country’s infrastructure development goals. The pathfinder is still needed to find paths.