Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Where is Enwonwu’s ‘Drummer’?

    Where is Enwonwu’s ‘Drummer’?

    How can a public sculpture by a master artist vanish without any explanation from the authorities? The curious disappearance of the commissioned 1978 4-foot bronze masterpiece by the legendary Nigerian artist Ben Enwonwu, titled “The Drummer,” is the subject of a viral post by artist and writer Mudiare Onobrakpeya. His January post is titled: “The Missing Drummer: Ben Enwonwu’s Lost Landmark at NITEL House.”

    The disappearance of this sculpture is a hot issue in the Nigerian art world. It was commissioned for the NET Building (later the NITEL/NECOM House), which was the country’s telecoms nerve centre, on Marina, Lagos. The work stood there majestically from 1979 until it disappeared mysteriously around 2022. 

    It depicted a traditional drummer and was meant to symbolise telecommunications—the drum being Africa’s oldest long-distance signaling system. “The Drummer was a masterstroke of symbolism,” Onobrakpeya observed.

    The piece remains missing. Art historians and the artist’s family have raised questions about its “silent disappearance.” Onobrakpeya lamented: “Not relocated with ceremony. Not conserved in a museum. Not publicly documented. Simply absent—absorbed into the familiar silence that surrounds cultural loss in Nigeria.” He said: The seriousness of this disappearance lies not only in the artwork itself, but in what the building represented… proof that modern Nigeria could rise high without abandoning its cultural voice.”

    According to him, “the story of the sculpture’s fate is riddled with contradictions. Some public records suggest it is still there. Others—more credibly—state that it was removed. A national newspaper quotes Enwonwu’s son confirming that the work used to be at NITEL before it was taken down. Architectural commentary suggests it remained visible until around 2022, making its disappearance recent, traceable, and verifiable.”

    He argued: “This confusion is precisely how cultural assets vanish in plain sight. When certainty dissolves, accountability follows.

    “NITEL’s institutional collapse and the murky afterlife of its properties created ideal conditions for heritage loss. But one principle must be stated clearly: the sale or transfer of a building does not automatically include the right to remove public art.”

    The inevitable question: What happened to the artwork? “There are only three plausible scenarios,” Onobrakpeya reasoned. His thoughts: “First, removal for renovation or safety—if so, there should be records, condition reports, storage locations, and photographs.

    “Second, quiet transfer into private hands—where silence slowly converts patrimony into property. Third, outright theft disguised by bureaucratic confusion.”

    According to him, “Any of these scenarios is traceable—if the will to investigate exists. Public sculpture is not like private painting. A painting can disappear into a home. A public monument disappears in full view—and the public is told to move on. When a society accepts that, it signals that stealing from the commons is easy.”

    There is no question that the situation demands action from the authorities. Onobrakpeya called for: “A public declaration of the sculpture’s status. A proper inventory of Enwonwu’s monumental works. Heritage and law-enforcement involvement. And a recovery effort focused not on scandal, but on restoration and public access.”

    Ultimately, he argued, “The Drummer is not just missing bronze. What is missing with it is governance—the discipline of knowing what we own, where it is, who is responsible, and how it is protected.”

    He added that until the missing sculpture is clearly accounted for, “every institution connected to that building remains part of the chain of disappearance.”

    Ben Enwonwu, a painter and sculptor, died in Lagos in 1994, aged 76. He was born in Onitsha, in present-day Anambra State. Described as “arguably the most influential African artist of the 20th century,” he was “one of the first African artists to win critical acclaim.” He exhibited in   Europe and the United States and was listed in international directories of contemporary art.

    A beneficiary of a joint Shell Petroleum Company and British Council scholarship, in the 1940s he studied at the prestigious Slade School of Fine Art, University College, London, and the Ruskin School, Ashmolean, Oxford University. He received an honorary doctorate degree from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State, in 1969.

    He was appointed the first professor of Fine Arts at the University of Ife, Ile-Ife, from 1971 to 1975; and also, art consultant to the International Secretariat, Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) in Lagos, 1977.

    His public sculptures include “Anyanwu” (1954–55), commissioned for the Nigerian National Museum in Lagos; and “Sango” (1964), a 14-foot representation of the Yoruba god of thunder and lightning, holding his double-axe staff, symbolising power and energy, displayed in front of the Eko Electric Distribution Company (EKEDC) (formerly NEPA) on Marina, Lagos.

    In two striking cases, the sale of Enwonwu’s art after his death highlighted the growing global recognition and value of African art.  His portrait, “Christine” (1971), was in October 2019 sold at Sotheby’s in London for £1.1 million (around $1.4 million USD). Another portrait, “Tutu” (1973), was in 2018 sold at auction for £1,205,000 by Bonhams.  

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    It is thought-provoking that while Enwonwu’s private paintings are being rediscovered overseas and sold for millions, his public bronze monument, “The Drummer,” has disappeared from Lagos.

    It is commendable that important advocacy groups are currently pushing the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) to move beyond “general audits” and launch a specific task force to locate “The Drummer.” These groups include the Ben Enwonwu Foundation (BEF), the Bruce Onobrakpeya Foundation (BOF), and the Society of Nigerian Artists (SNA). The NCMM is targeted as the agency responsible for enforcing recovery.

    Curiously, there has been no formal confirmation from the Nigerian government or the current owners of NECOM House regarding the whereabouts of the sculpture. The entities involved in the building’s privatisation and current upkeep have not responded to public inquiries about whether the piece was moved for “safekeeping,” sold as part of the real estate, or stolen.

    The crux of the matter is that the sculpture was commissioned for a state-owned corporation (NITEL) that was later privatised, making it vulnerable to being treated as private furniture rather than a national treasure.

    The Federal Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy and the NCMM must demonstrate a sense of responsibility, and pursue this issue to a logical conclusion.

  • A question of empathy

    A question of empathy

    It is thought-provoking that a posthumous birthday celebration triggered questions about murder and government compensation because the death was connected to government-related operations.

    The family of Bamise Ayanwola marked her birthday on November 30, seven months after her killer was sentenced to death.  Her sister, Damilola, was reported saying, “We only have judgment, and for justice to be served, they must at least compensate my family. Bamise was killed inside the government’s own property, and a government worker also did the evil to her.”

     She argued that her parents “deserve compensation after everything they have suffered emotionally.”  They “cried almost every day,” she said, adding, “Two of my elder sisters now battle high blood pressure. I also had to undergo a brain scan after breaking down from stress.”

    “They only promised justice, and we appreciate that. But justice is not complete without compensation,” she said.

     Justice Serifat Sonaike of the Lagos State High Court, Tafawa Balewa Square Annexe, on May 2, sentenced a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) driver, Andrew Ominikoron, to death by hanging for the murder of 22-year-old Bamise Ayanwola in February 2022. She was a fashion designer found dead “in a naked state” on Carter Bridge, Lagos Island, nine days after she was declared missing after she boarded a BRT vehicle.

    The shocking case of rape and murder gripped public attention from the beginning till the verdict was delivered. Ayanwola was going to Oshodi from Ajah, and was said to have observed that she was the only passenger in the bus and the driver was not picking up other people on the route.  She was suspicious and fearful, and was said to have sent voice notes to her friend, describing her situation. Information she had provided helped in locating the bus and the driver after she was declared missing.

    Justice Sonaike said she “died from severe cerebral injury and blunt force trauma, and his actions and inactions led to her death.” The judge also said there was proof of a rape attempt and “the resultant death must have ensued when she resisted the defendant.” She noted that Ominikoron “admitted he was alone with her in the bus and where her body was dropped and failed to return to the place to help her and ran away to another state without reporting the case.”

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    The driver, said to be 47 at the time of the incident, was on the run when he was arrested in Ososa, Ogun State.  He said some gunmen had taken Ayanwola away after forcing him to stop around Carter Bridge, Lagos.  “I picked her from Chevron and I picked the other three guys at Agungi; when those guys showed me a gun as I was driving, fear came over me, so whatever they asked me to do, I did,” he narrated after his arrest. He said they ordered him to stop on Carter Bridge, asked him to open the door and “they started dragging her. I saw her crying for help but I was helpless. When the issue happened, I ran away because I was afraid.”

    In addition to the death sentence for Ayanwola’s murder, the court also found him guilty of rape involving one Nneka Maryjane Ozezulu and sentenced him to life imprisonment. The incident happened in November 2021.  He was also found guilty of sexual assault on one Victoria Anoke and sentenced to three years imprisonment. The incident occurred in December 2021.

    Justice Sonaike noted that the rape incidents occurred within three months, describing him as a “serial rapist who took advantage of his position.”  Indeed, she further noted that there might be other rape victims “who for fear or shame failed to come forward and give evidence against the defendant.”

    It is disturbing that the incidents were linked to Ominikoron’s work as a driver of a government-owned bus.  Importantly, his trial raised serious questions about public transportation security.

    Notably, during the trial, Ominikoron had explained that when BRT drivers pick up passengers illegally after their official hours, they usually tell them to sit at the back of the bus so that monitoring officials would not see them in the bus and sanction the drivers. According to him, this practice is called ‘Korokpe.’  This was the context when he picked up Ayanwola on February 26, 2022, around 7pm, near the Conservation Centre, Lekki-Ajah Expressway, Lagos.

    It is commendable that the state government ensured his prosecution. It is significant that the judge described the case as “an eye-opener for everyone.” The authorities were expected to reassure the public by reviewing the driver recruitment process and bus monitoring system to ensure passenger safety at all times.

    On the question of compensation raised by Bamise Ayanwola’s family, the Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Gbenga Omotoso, was reported saying the Ministry of Justice would be consulted to determine if the court had ordered compensation.

    His words: “The unfortunate incident was a legal matter handled by the Ministry of Justice. I will need to talk to the Ministry and get information about whether there was a pronouncement for compensation.

    “However, the state ensured that the criminal was brought to book, and he was given the sentence of death.”

    Is the commissioner suggesting that the state government is unwilling to   consider paying compensation based on empathy? Surely, there is a place for empathy in this matter.

    It is noteworthy that rights groups are calling for a standard compensation framework for casualties in such contexts. Where such systemic support is lacking, the affected persons may well need to seek judicial intervention.

    Indeed, there is some merit in the argument that compensation in such cases should not necessarily be court-ordered or come from private charity. However, such reasoning seems reasonable only in the context of empathetic governance.  

    What can be observed from this case is that a government with a human face may lack a human heart.

  • Police and credibility problem

    Police and credibility problem

    Interestingly, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) likes to indulge in fantasies about its performance, particularly concerning the fight against insecurity. While trying to demonstrate their relevance, the police often end up exposing a lack of credibility.

    A recent kidnapping in Edo State further exposed police untruthfulness.   The Deputy Public Relations Officer, Edo State Police Command, ASP Eno Ikoedem, in a statement, said the police had rescued seven kidnappees in the Ewohimi area of Esan South-East Local Government Area of the state. He stated that the command, on November 1, had received a distress report from one Enoch Omozokpia, whose father, William Omozokpia, was abducted on his farm by armed men.

    Ikoedem said: “Acting swiftly on the report, the Divisional Police Officer, Ewohimi, led a team of operatives in a joint rescue mission with the Nigerian Army and local vigilante groups. The team stormed the forest in a well-coordinated operation, engaging in an intense bush-combing effort that forced the abductors to abandon their captives and flee.

    “All seven victims were rescued unhurt and have since been reunited with their families.”

    According to him, the rescued victims are William Akhabue, Innocent Ebarekor, Rachel Ebarekor, Efuah Ebarekor, Winner Ebarekor, William Omozokpia, and Lucky Igiese (popularly known as Bulala).

    He continued: “The Commissioner of Police, Edo State Command, Monday Agbonika, commended the gallantry and professionalism displayed by the police operatives, soldiers, and vigilantes who participated in the rescue operation. He reaffirmed the command’s unwavering commitment to the safety of all residents and assured that efforts are ongoing to track down the fleeing suspects and bring them to justice.”

    However, the police narrative, which was shared on the command’s Facebook page, was punctured by users who reacted in the comment section.

     Ken Mulla, who claimed that one of the victims was his uncle, wrote: “How and when? When did the Edo State Police rescue them? Is this how the Edo State Police want to tackle the insecurity in Esan land? My uncle is Omozokpia William.

    “The family and the entire community paid the sum of N6.5m for their release. The police did not even know when they (the victims) came back from the hands of the kidnappers. Why are the Edo State Police lying to the citizens of Edo State? Who put us in this mess?”

    Akhabue Williams Mathew, who claimed that his father was one of the victims, also wrote: “My father was one of the victims who was kidnapped. We personally paid N6.5m for their release, and you are here taking the credit. Is this how you intend to tackle insecurity in Edo State?”

    Glory William wrote: “My daddy is among those who were kidnapped, and N6.5m was paid before they were released. Police, why all these lies?”

    Cosmos Osunde wrote: “This write-up is completely false, a lie from the pit of hell. The good people of Ewohimi paid a huge ransom to secure the release of these individuals from the hands of the kidnappers. Why all these lies? The Edo State Police should do better.”

    Mc Deputy Yuan wrote: “This is my community precisely. The Edo State Police didn’t rescue anything. The family paid N6.5 million to the kidnappers before they released them. Which one is Edo State Police rescuing seven people? Mr PPRO, this is not what happened, please.”

    It is thought-provoking that the police have not responded to these claims against the official account. Is it true that the victims were freed after payment of N6.5m ransom to the kidnappers? Why did the police claim that the victims were rescued by security agents?

     Rescue or ransom payment? This question comes up regularly regarding the resolution of kidnap cases in the country. Official narratives claiming kidnap victims were “rescued” by security personnel are often not credible.

    Strikingly, another kidnapping in July highlighted the police credibility problem.  Six Nigerian Law School (NLS) students travelling in a public vehicle from Onitsha, Anambra State, to resume studies at NLS Yola campus in Adamawa State, were kidnapped on July 26. Five of them regained freedom on July 31 after paying a ransom of N10 million each, according to one of the victims, David Obiora.

    “We were kidnapped about 9pm on July 26. The incident happened between Zakibiam and Mukari, near a town called Jootar. We were taken 20 kilometres into the bush by about 10 armed men, four wielding AK-47 rifles, the others with machetes and daggers.

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    “We were held for six days before we were released after each of us paid N10 million in ransom,” he narrated.

    Obiora stated: “Let the record be clear, the Nigeria Police did not rescue us. The Law School did not rescue us. The Council of Legal Education did not rescue us. We were released after our families and friends raised and paid the ransom.”

    It was significant that his account had contradicted the statement issued by Benue Police Command spokesperson Udeme Edet, who said the police had “successfully rescued” six law students and they had been “safely released and united with their families” on the morning of August 1. The statement added: “Police authorities confirmed the rescue, assuring the public of their commitment to ensuring the safety of lives and property.”

    The regular disconnection between police accounts and narratives of kidnap victims and their families is disturbingly obvious. Whenever the police announce the rescue of kidnap victims, giving the impression that no ransom was paid, and such victims contradict the official account, it further dents the image of the police.

     A rescue suggests physical action on the part of the rescuers.  If the abductors released the captives, possibly after the payment of ransom, that can’t be strictly described as a rescue.

     Also, when the announcement of a rescue is accompanied by silence about the kidnappers, it suggests that the kidnappers are free and may well strike again. That’s dangerous.

     It is concerning that kidnappings not only continue in the country but are also on the rise.  More than 3, 600 people were kidnapped in Nigeria last year, according to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data figures; this was described as “the most ever” recorded.  

    The police must raise their game, and stop presenting a false reality about their performance against kidnappers to hoodwink the public.

  • NARD’s strike: Alarm bell

    NARD’s strike: Alarm bell

    “With about 11,000 members, the strike will affect 91 healthcare facilities nationwide,” the Secretary-General of the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD), Dr Shuaibu Ibrahim, was quoted as saying on the eve of the strike by members of the association, which started on November 1. 

    NARD is mainly made up of doctors in the public sector – federal and state teaching and specialist hospitals. Resident doctors have already received their medical degree, and are completing additional training in their specialty of choice. It is a stage of graduate medical training that lasts from three to seven years, depending on the specialty. 

    NARD President Dr Muhammad Suleiman, in a statement after the strike began, said the association’s demands “are not selfish, neither are they politically motivated.” According to him, “They are genuine, germane, and patriotic, centred on the survival of the Nigerian health system and the well-being of every citizen who depends on it.” He added: “This is not a fight between resident doctors and the government; it is a struggle for a functional, just, and humane healthcare system.”

    Why did the Federal Government fail to take action to avert NARD’s strike before the expiration of its 30-day ultimatum?

    Following the meeting of the association’s National Executive Council on October 25, Suleiman had announced that the council “has declared total and indefinite strike action” starting November 1.  “There is no going back,” he said.

    How did things get to that point? He said the association had made efforts to engage the government after suspending its five-day warning strike on September 14. He added that the two-week ultimatum was subsequently extended by 30 days on September 26.

    “This grace period has since elapsed, yet the Federal Government has failed to demonstrate the political will necessary to address the legitimate concerns of Nigerian resident doctors,” he declared.

    NARD has 19 demands, which he described as “minimum demands.”  Notably, he highlighted welfare issues, saying, “There are allowances of over two years, there’s 18 months, there’s seven months, there’s four months, there’s eight months.  There’s an allowance error that is over 10 years old. There’s a failure to review even the basic salary of doctors in this country for 16 years.”

     The figures he mentioned are astounding.  He said: “For all healthcare workers, I think the outstanding owed is about N35 to N38 billion. If it’s just resident doctors, we’re talking about maybe N400 million, but for all doctors in Nigeria, it could be N600 to N800 million.” Are these figures correct?

    NARD also noted that “The current unsustainable practice of spanning duties across several days poses serious risks to physicians’ well-being and patient safety.”

    The association complained that “Doctors continue to work excessive hours far beyond international standards without adequate rest, in clear contravention of established guidelines and international best practices.”

    There are other concerning complaints, which informed the association’s 19 demands. Resorting to a strike demonstrated the association’s frustration. It was a statement on the government’s seemingly contemptuous unresponsiveness.

    NARD’s strike has the blessing of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA). This speaks volumes about the government’s shortcomings. The Secretary-General of the NMA, Dr Ben Egbo, was quoted as saying, “It’s like the only language the government understands is strike, and it’s quite unfortunate.”

     He noted that resident doctors “are part of the NMA,” adding, “We are very much behind NARD in this fight. Their demands are essentially the same as the demands of the NMA. We’ve been at this for a long time.”

    His reference to the long-term struggle for a better healthcare system in the country further underscores alleged neglect by the government over the years.  He observed that the healthcare system “is gradually failing.”

    NARD called for President Tinubu’s decisive intervention. “You are the father of the nation. Come into this matter, weigh in on it, and solve it for us,” Suleiman said.

    The Federal Government should not have allowed the situation to deteriorate to this point. The government’s inaction has serious consequences for those who need healthcare services in public hospitals across the country. The people should not have to pay for the government’s failure to do the right thing at the right time.      

     NARD’s strike not only highlights problems in the country’s health sector but also exposes neglect by the authorities. The situation that prompted the strike partly explains the escalating exodus of medical practitioners from the country, which has been detrimental to its health sector.   

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    The brain drain phenomenon afflicting the country has not spared its health sector. More than 16,000 doctors are estimated to have left its shores in the last five to seven years. The alarming flight has been blamed on poor leadership, corruption, poor remuneration and insecurity. For instance, more than 700 medical doctors trained in Nigeria were said to have relocated to the UK between December 2021 and May 2022, a period of six months.  According to the NMA, Nigeria-trained doctors are leaving in droves for Saudi Arabia, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

    The situation calls for urgent intervention by the authorities. The country cannot afford to continue losing its healthcare experts by failing to provide an enabling environment for their work.

    It is noteworthy that the country’s doctor-patient ratio is alarmingly poor, and nowhere near the standard often referenced as ideal, which is one doctor per 600 people. The situation is worsening as doctors continue to leave the country for pastures new. With only about four doctors available per 10,000 people in Nigeria, it is unsurprising that there are issues regarding availability of, and access to, quality primary healthcare services in the country. The problem is compounded by the flight of nurses and medical laboratory scientists.

    Importantly, in April 2001, heads of state of African Union countries met in Abuja and pledged to set a target of allocating at least 15 percent of their annual budget to improve the health sector. It is disappointing that Nigeria has consistently failed to meet the standard of the Abuja Declaration. The trend of underfunding in the country’s health sector continues unabated.

    NARD’s strike sounds the alarm bell. The strike is not just an industrial action, but a symptom of a much deeper, more urgent problem. The situation demands more than the routine cosmetic appearance of resolution.

  • Tunji Bello: Giving back

    Tunji Bello: Giving back

    It was a striking story that justifiably grabbed the headlines: the donation of a new auditorium to Lagos State University (LASU), Epe Campus. The giver, Tunji Bello, a former journalist, lawyer and Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC), may well have pictured the public applause before the event because the gift was indeed applaudable.

     Officially named the Olatunji-Bello Auditorium, the multipurpose facility is reported to have a capacity of more than 500 seats. The story indirectly began in 2011 when Bello was serving as Lagos State Commissioner for the Environment in the Governor Babatunde Fashola administration. That was the year he turned 50, and “had committed to instituting an annual prize in five disciplines, namely Law, Mass Communications, Social Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine,” he said in his speech during the official unveiling of the facility.

    Ten years later, he wanted to do more to mark his 60th birthday in July 2021. At the time, he was Lagos State Commissioner for Environment and Water Resources in the Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu administration. He said “the idea of throwing a big party to mark the occasion was completely off the table.” His wife, Prof. Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello, Vice Chancellor of LASU, had suggested “building something for LASU to mark my 60th birthday.” She had not become the VC then. She was appointed in September 2021.

    He eventually bought the idea, “after much reflection,” and imagined “an auditorium, truly befitting and fit for purpose.” However, the architect’s budget for the project “frightened” him and he was “filled with doubt as per the feasibility of going ahead.”

    Then he had a brainwave about how to actualise the project. He narrated: “After days of wrestling with the architect’s budget in my head, it suddenly occurred to me I could ask those going to buy me gifts for the 60th birthday to monetise such and hand me the cash to do something really dear to my heart.

    “It worked. A very wealthy friend and known businessman had wanted to surprise me with a brand- new Toyota Land-cruiser Jeep. I appealed to him to convert it to cash. With donations from other able friends and well-wishers, we got started in 2021.”

    Midway into the construction of the auditorium, unforeseen storms threatened to disrupt work. Bello said: “The toughest moment was late 2023 and early 2024 when the Naira went down, and inflation upset all previous calculations. It meant that the costs were almost tripled at the point of buying finishing materials.”

    The new challenges called for greater sacrifice. “To continue, I had to sell my property at Magodo estate to keep the workers on site in order that it may not become an abandoned project after three years of construction,” he revealed.  Selling his personal property, especially one in a high-value area like Magodo estate, elevated the donation to an investment in education

    This context about how an idea became a concrete reality reinforces the significance of Bello’s philanthropy. The journey from initial concept to a completed building, with all its challenges, highlights that Bello is not just a donor but a true project champion.

    The most remarkable detail is that he had to sell his personal property to ensure the project’s completion. This act transforms his philanthropy from an act of generosity to a profound personal sacrifice. It demonstrates a level of commitment that is rare and inspiring, and shows how far he was willing to go to prevent the project from becoming a failure.

    By seeing the project through all its phases, he ensured that the university received a fully functional, high-quality facility. This commitment guarantees that his contribution will serve students and the community for years to come, truly cementing his legacy. The completed auditorium will stand as a physical reminder of his dedication and serve as a venue for generations of learning and community events.

    In addition, he announced to the students that a communications company owned by one of his friends would provide “free Wi-Fi at the auditorium to enhance your learning experience”; and another’s management company would handle the maintenance of the auditorium and its facilities for a year before LASU authorities “assume full responsibilities.” 

    Interestingly, he mentioned three figures whom he regards as inspirational philanthropic models: his late father,  Alhaji Azeez Olatunji Bello, who, “in the early 1950s,”  donated a “vast tract of land” towards the building of Ansar Ud DeenCollege at Isolo in Lagos; his “late boss and mentor, Bashorun MKO Abiola, winner of June 12, Presidential Election, who, on a single day in the late 80s, announced an endowment for universities across Nigeria; and “our dear President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who, on assumption of duties as governor in 1999, declared that all his salaries and allowances be donated to charities including orphanages. He had also about four years ago announced an endowment fund of one billion naira to this great university.” 

    Bello hoped the auditorium will inspire the students “to double your zeal to excel in your academic pursuit.” He declared that the donation was to express appreciation “to God Almighty for his grace and to my dear native Lagos State for the great opportunities given to me.”

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    He was “one of the beneficiaries of the Lagos State Government’s scholarship award as an undergraduate at the University of Ibadan in the early 1980s,” he noted, adding that he later had the privilege “to serve in public office in various capacities.” He also served as a commissioner in the state under then governor Bola Tinubu, and was Secretary to the Lagos State Government in the Governor Akinwunmi Ambode administration.

    He argued that “Private individuals who really have the means should invest in public tertiary education to create more opportunities as prevalent in several developed countries.”

    What would Nigeria look like if its citizens, especially those who have financial power, appreciated the burden of blessing and the implications for social giving and social development? Socially purposeless wealth is a tragedy.

    It is popular to argue for speaking truth to power. What about speaking truth to the power of money? This should be built on the socially influenced and socially influential logic of giving back to society.  It suggests that demanding measurable social responsibility from the financially powerful is not necessarily inspired by a sense of entitlement; but there is a sense in which it is a social entitlement.  It does not need to be imposed because it is properly self-imposing. 

    The beauty of Tunji Bello’s giving is that it was driven more by a deep sense of social responsibility than the possible possession of surplus wealth. This is a compelling story of imagination, conviction, faith, determination and resilience.

  • Beyond security statistics

    Beyond security statistics

    Statistics presented by the Director General of the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Lanre Issa-Onilu, were intended to reassure Nigerians that the Federal Government was not only dealing with the country’s insecurity burden but was also winning the fight. However, the reality belies the statistics.

    Speaking at a joint security press briefing in Abuja, on August 4, he gave an account of 326 police operations carried out in the previous month, saying, “2,901 arrests were made, 175 kidnap victims were rescued, 78 terrorists were neutralised, and six arms trafficking rings were dismantled.” 

    The NOA boss also said the Federal Government “has escalated security operations nationwide, merging tactical enforcements with intelligence-led interventions,” adding, “Banditry, insurgency, trafficking, and other crimes are being tackled through seamless interagency cooperation, resulting in major arrests, rescues, and asset seizures.”

    According to him, “From the northeast to the Niger Delta, our security forces are reclaiming the peace, one operation at a time. Nigeria is fighting back. Decisively and collaboratively, we are taking back our country from people who are involved in these nefarious activities. “

    In an ironic coincidence, two days after this effort to reassure Nigerians troubled by insecurity in the country, a report published in Daily Trust said bandits had kidnapped 150 people in attacks on several communities in Zamfara State over a period of four days. The spokesperson for the state government, Mahmud Mohammed Dantawasa, was said to have confirmed the attacks to the BBC. The affected villages included “Sabon Garin Damri and Dakko Butsa (which borders Sokoto), as well as Tungar Abdu Dogo, Tungar Sarkin Daji, Sadeda, and Tungar Labi,” the report said.

    The disconnection between the NOA’s positivity and the negative experiences of kidnap victims and their families is disturbingly obvious.

    Another recent instance of kidnapping for ransom gave the lie to the NOA’s inventive claims on improved security. Six Nigerian Law School (NLS) students travelling in a public vehicle from Onitsha, Anambra State, to resume studies at NLS Yola campus in Adamawa State, were kidnapped on July 26. Five of them regained freedom on July 31 after paying a ransom of N10 million each, according to one of the victims, David Obiora. He said one of them was “released earlier” without paying a ransom: the kidnappers said “he looked like a minor because of his baby face.”

    Obiora gave a gripping account in an interview with Vanguard: “We were six law students on the bus with the driver, three other passengers heading to Cameroon, and a woman, who works in Anambra State, who was going on holiday to Yola.

    “We were kidnapped about 9pm on July 26. The incident happened between Zakibiam and Mukari, near a town called Jootar. We were taken 20 kilometres into the bush by about 10 armed men, four wielding AK-47 rifles, the others with machetes and daggers.

    “They drove the bus deep into the bush until it got stuck. They then called for reinforcement and more members arrived on motorcycles.

    “We were moved deeper into the forest before arriving at a halt, where we met four other victims, a non-teaching staff member of Federal University Wukari, a youth corps member named Dauda Wisdom, a pastor, who had just undergone surgery in Benue State, and another unidentified man.

    “We were held for six days before we were released after each of us paid N10 million in ransom.

    “Let the record be clear, the Nigeria Police did not rescue us. The Law School did not rescue us. The Council of Legal Education did not rescue us. We were released after our families and friends raised and paid the ransom.”

    He said: “I thought we would be killed, but they assured us they wouldn’t kill us.

    “When we met the earlier abductees, they had been there for 22 days and also confirmed the captors didn’t kill.

    “That was when my mind calmed down. The conditions were terrible.”

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     After they were released, they trekked for hours through the bush from Benue to Taraba, he said. They eventually got a public vehicle to take them to Yola. 

    Significantly, his account contradicted the statement issued by Benue Police Command spokesperson Udeme Edet, who said the police had “successfully rescued” six law students and they had been “safely released and united with their families” on the morning of August 1. The statement added: “Police authorities confirmed the rescue, assuring the public of their commitment to ensuring the safety of lives and property.”

    Rescue or ransom payment? This question comes up regularly regarding the resolution of kidnap cases in the country. Official narratives claiming kidnap victims were “rescued” by security personnel are often not credible.

    Against this background, the NOA’s claim that “175 kidnap victims were rescued” in July is unconvincing, especially because it was not supported with evidentiary details.  Also, the claim that “our security forces are reclaiming the peace” is far-fetched in the light of ongoing insecurity.  

    It is unclear how much impact has been made by the Special Intervention Squad inaugurated by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, last year. He said it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes that have sown discord and fear across various regions.”  Egbetokun also said the officers had been trained for “advanced tactical operations, intelligence gathering, crisis negotiation, and community engagement,” among others, and described their work as a “critical national assignment.”

    Interestingly, Issa-Onilu was reported saying the joint security press briefing will now be done monthly. In that case, the agency must ensure that it improves on the last one. It is not enough to reel out unsubstantiated statistics to arrive at undemonstrable conclusions.     

    The gravity of the country’s security crisis certainly demands more than official statements designed to reassure Nigerians about the government’s efforts. It’s not about claimed efforts but about results that are obvious and undeniable.  

    Established in 1993, NOA has the responsibility of “communicating government policy, promoting patriotism and providing a feedback channel on the mood/pulse of the Nigerian society to the government.”  It should, therefore, let the government know that Nigerians are unimpressed by the official statistics on the fight against insecurity, which do not match the observable reality.   

  • In search of foreign healers

    In search of foreign healers

    When the immediate past civilian president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, and a former military ruler of the country, Abdulsalami Abubakar, were both hospitalised at the same London facility, at the same period, it was a perfect picture of the imperfections of the country’s medical system. 

    Buhari’s death from an undisclosed illness at the elite private hospital known as The London Clinic, on July 13, predictably raised further questions about Nigerian leaders and their penchant for medical tourism. He was 82. 

    After his death, Abubakar, 83, was reported saying he was “in the same hospital together with Buhari but I have been discharged.” He was military head of state from 1998 to 1999.   

    Seeking healthcare in foreign lands is not peculiar to this category of Nigerians. Indeed, it can be described as a “disease” afflicting many Nigerians who can afford to go abroad for medical purposes.

    When political leaders, particularly those at high levels in the political hierarchy, routinely seek medical attention abroad, it suggests that they failed to improve their country’s medical system.  Buhari was reported to have spent at least 225 days abroad for medical purposes during his eight-year period in office.

    His reported medical tourism to the UK as president included six days in February 2016, 10 days in June 2016, 50 days from January 2017, 104 days from May 2017, four days in May 2018, 15 days in March 2021, 12 days in March 2022, two weeks from October 31 to November 13, 2022.  

    It was a historic triumph for Buhari, a retired army general and former military head of state, when he was democratically elected President of Nigeria in 2015 after three unsuccessful attempts in 2003, 2007, and 2011.   He achieved the feat following a significant merger of opposition parties leading to the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC), his party when he won the presidential election. He had trumped the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) – an unprecedented accomplishment in the country’s democratic history. 

    Interestingly, he first ruled Nigeria following a military coup that toppled Shehu Shagari’s civilian democratic government, in December 1983.  This was just four years after the country returned to democracy in 1979, after 13 years of military rule. This military intervention involving Buhari ushered in another long period of military dictatorship that ended in 1999. He was removed in a palace coup led by Ibrahim Babangida in August 1985.

    Buhari’s two-term presidency as a converted democrat, from 2015 to 2023, had promised a three-pronged attack on corruption, insecurity, and poor infrastructure. His decision to enter civilian politics may well have been inspired by a sense of personal unfulfillment and a need to demonstrate that he could lead the country to a better place, considering that a coup had abruptly ended his first regime. However, his entry and self-projection as a reformed autocrat attracted criticism and rejection in some quarters.

     His personal integrity was widely considered unassailable. Given his military background, he was expected to significantly improve security in the country. However, his administration proved to be long on promise and short on delivery. Under him, the anti-corruption fight failed to live up to expectation; and the country’s security crisis, fuelled by terrorism and banditry, outlived his presidential tenure.  But he made some impact in infrastructure, particularly roads and railways.

    Importantly, he inaugurated a 14-bed Presidential (VIP) Wing of the State House Clinic, in the Presidential Villa, on May 19, 2023, just before he left office. His administration had launched the N21bn project in November 2021.  Designed to reduce the need for medical travel abroad, it was described as a specialised Intensive Care Centre to cater for the President, Vice President, their immediate families and VIPs. Against this background, it is ironic that Buhari died while seeking healthcare abroad.

    Speaking on his death, the President of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Prof. Bala Audu, was reported saying, “When public officials entrusted with strengthening our health sector consistently opt for foreign hospitals, it raises serious concerns. It shows a lack of faith in the very system they are supposed to be building and sustaining.”

     A former spokesman for Buhari, Femi Adesina, who defended his foreign medical trips, argued after his death, “If he had said I’d do my medicals in Nigeria just for show off or something, he could have long been dead.”

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    The implication that Nigerian medical practitioners are incompetent is “a false and dangerous narrative,” the President of the Nigerian Association of Resident Doctors (NARD), Dr Tope Osundara, asserted.  Audu described the argument as “deeply offensive,” and noted that the issue “has never been about competence.” According to him, Nigerian doctors and nurses “are among the best in the world.”  The real problem, he stated, “is the lack of adequate infrastructure and equipment, particularly in public hospitals.”

    Remarkably, under the Buhari administration, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo made the headlines in July 2022 after undergoing orthopaedic surgery locally – at the Duchess International Hospital, Ikeja, Lagos.  It was reported that some “government and private practice doctors” had advised him to consider having the operation abroad, but he had insisted on a Nigerian hospital and Nigerian medical experts. The success of the operation not only confirmed his faith in the hospital; it also corroborated the facility’s image as a centre of medical excellence.   

    After his treatment, Osinbajo had described the hospital as “world-class, both in the quality of its medical personnel and its management,” adding that “it is living up to its mission to reverse medical tourism by delivering the highest standards of care using the most advanced technology and treatments to give the fastest, most convenient access to the best medical expertise available anywhere in the world.”

    However, it must be noted that the hospital is a private hospital. Osinbajo’s surgery experience there gives the impression that its status as a private hospital was an important contributory factor.

    Are there public hospitals in the country that boast similar standards? The answer to the question may well be negative.  The Federal Government’s insignificant budget for the health sector over the years is mainly responsible for that.

    Notably, under the Remuneration of Former Presidents and Heads of State (and Other Ancillary Matters) Act, the Federal Government is to provide for the medical expenses of former presidents and their immediate families, covering treatment within the country and abroad.

    If this is the case, it behoves the occupant of the office to ensure that there are standard facilities locally that can handle their medical needs, and those of their compatriots, instead of relying on high-cost medical tourism.  Sadly, Buhari’s death underlined the reality that expensive healthcare abroad does not necessarily guarantee life.

    Medical tourism continues at the highest levels of government in the country. This is a damning proof of its underdeveloped healthcare system and underscores lack of confidence in it.   

  • NDDC: Covering up corruption

    NDDC: Covering up corruption

    Controversy about an unreleased forensic audit report marred the 25th anniversary celebration of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC).  Interestingly, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Nyesom Wike had drawn attention to the yet-to-be-released report while making corruption-related allegations against the wife of a former minister of transportation under the Muhammadu Buhari administration, Rotimi Amaechi. He claimed she was linked to a company that allegedly received N4bn monthly from the NDDC supposedly for training women in the Niger Delta—totalling N48bn per year.  

    Wike, who spoke in a television interview on July 4, also alleged that implicated individuals in the previous administration blocked the report’s release. He urged President Bola Tinubu to “help Nigerians” by releasing the report.

    As if on cue, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), in a letter dated July 5, demanded that President Tinubu should order an investigation of the alleged blocking of the report’s release, stating, “your government has a constitutional responsibility to publish it and act upon its recommendations.” SERAP argued that “The continued failure to publish the audit report undermines public trust and confidence, particularly of victims of corruption in the Niger Delta who have waited far too long for justice and accountability.”

    The non-governmental and non-profit organisation, founded in Nigeria in 2004, “aims to use human rights law to encourage the government and others to address developmental and human rights challenges such as corruption, poverty, inequality and discrimination.”

    When ex-President Buhari, in October 2019, ordered a forensic audit of the agency’s operations from 2001 to 2019, the move suggested that his administration’s anti-corruption campaign had finally reached the NDDC. 

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    At the time, the Federal Government had lamented the “uncompleted and unverified development projects” in the region “in spite of the huge resources made available to uplift the living standards of the citizens.”

     The government had said there were “over 13,777 projects, the execution of which is substantially compromised,” even though the commission got “approximately N6tn” from “budgetary allocation” and “income from statutory and non-statutory sources,” from 2001 to 2019.

    The audit was reported to have started in April 2020.  The Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved a contract of N318m for the engagement of a lead consultant for the audit. It was curious that the exercise took well over a year.

    After a long delay, the Federal Government received the NDDC forensic audit report in September 2021. According to reports, among the recommendations, presented by the Lead Forensic Auditor, Tabir Ahmed, was that the NDDC should be made to operate within the limits of its annual budget and ensure that only projects budgeted for are awarded each fiscal year.

    The audit report also recommended that mobilisation payment be abolished, and the agency should employ project consultants to ensure accurate supervision and valuation of projects. Additionally, the report recommended that the agency should adopt a standard for costing contracts with appropriate profit margins.

     The Federal Government had said it “will apply the law to remedy the deficiencies outlined in the audit report as appropriate.” The government added: “This will include but not be limited to the initiation of criminal investigations, prosecution, recovery of funds not properly utilised for the public purposes for which they were meant for amongst others.” The goal is to improve the standard of living of the people of the Niger Delta “through the provision of adequate infrastructural and socio-economic development,” the government said.

    Four years later, it is unsurprising that the non-release and non-implementation of the audit report is an explosive issue.  After the tough talk of the Buhari administration, there is no sign that the Federal Government meant what it said.  It is unclear whether the delay in implementing the report is because those implicated in the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta are trying to prevent the government from taking action against them.

    The Tinubu administration needs to demonstrate that it is against the region’s underdevelopment by implementing the report.  There is no doubt that the NDDC, established in 2000 by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration, has failed to develop the Niger Delta as expected.   Ironically, it is supposed to be a development agency, but has been identified as a major agent of underdevelopment in the oil-rich region. 

     For instance, SERAP’s letter said “The missing N6 trillion and over 13,000 abandoned projects in the Niger Delta have continued to have a negative impact on the human rights of Nigerians, undermining their access to basic public goods and services, such as education, healthcare, and regular and uninterrupted electricity supply.”

    The first commercial oil discovery in the country happened in Oloibiri in present-day Bayelsa State, in 1956; and the first oil field began production in 1958. More than six decades later, the story of underdevelopment in the Niger Delta is a continuing story.  Nigeria is a major producer of oil in Africa and the world. It is inexcusable that many communities in the region that produces the country’s oil wealth reflect not only a lack of prosperity but also perplexing poverty.

    Significantly, at an event to mark NDDC’s landmark 25th anniversary in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, on July 12, the Director of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, noted that “Over N7tn has been sunk into the NDDC since inception. How many solid roads have you built? The Niger Delta still ranks low on human development. A lot needs to be done to meet the aspirations of the people.”

    At the same ceremony, President Tinubu, represented by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, described the Niger Delta as “the goose that lays the golden egg,” stating he had directed the NDDC “to complete and deliver abandoned critical projects” and “continue to prioritise human capital development.”

    It is puzzling that the Federal Government has not addressed the question of non-release and non-implementation of the NDDC forensic audit report, which is an issue of public interest. The government must not pretend to be unaware of the issue. It may be accused of covering up corruption. 

    In the context of releasing and implementing the audit report, the Federal Government must prosecute corruption suspects and recover the proceeds of corruption not only to ensure justice but also to achieve deterrence.

  • EFCC, Emenike tangle

    EFCC, Emenike tangle

    There is no question that Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has questions to answer concerning a property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, Abuja, linked to former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, which was forfeited to the Federal Government. Chief Ikechi Emenike, a former All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate in Abia State, who was a paying tenant at the property, accused the EFCC of “impunity and lawlessness,” saying it forcibly took possession of the house and disobeyed a court order to vacate the property.

    The property was forfeited to the Federal Government as part of assets linked to Alison-Madueke, who faces multiple corruption allegations. The EFCC secured an interim forfeiture order in 2016 and a final forfeiture order in October 2023.  Emenike, a tenant since 2014, was paying rent to the EFCC’s appointed manager.

    Emenike alleged the EFCC acted with “impunity and lawlessness” by evicting him and ignoring court orders. Justice Musa Liman of the Federal High Court, Abuja, ruled on May 16, 2025, that Emenike be allowed access to the property, and also voided an ex-parte eviction order obtained by the EFCC on March 27, 2025, reportedly citing misrepresentation and lack of jurisdiction. Emenike’s legal team further claimed the EFCC obstructed court bailiffs, prompting motions for contempt against EFCC Chairman Ola Olukoyede and counsel Francis Usani.

    However, the EFCC denies disobeying any court order, asserting that “the court granted an order of possession of the property to the Commission on March 27, 2025.  Justice Liman granted the order when the Commission submitted that the property was proceeds of an unlawful act by a former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Mrs Diezani Allison-Madueke, and forfeited to the government through an order of final forfeiture.”

    The anti-graft agency, on June 30, in a statement by its spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, also stated that “the Commission neither suppressed nor misrepresented any material fact before the court in securing an ex-parte order on March 27, 2025 to get a tenant in the house, Chief Ikechi Emenike to vacate the property.”  The agency acknowledged that “Emenike was paying rent on the property when it was under interim forfeiture.”

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    According to Emenike, when the EFCC advertised properties in Abuja, Lagos and Rivers states for auction in 2022, the agency had used the same Abuja property “as a poster.” He said: “I had a meeting with the former EFCC Chairman (Mr Bawa) on the need to grant me the Right of First Refusal. He agreed but promised that they will get back to me after reevaluating the property.

    “While I was waiting for the Right of First Refusal, EFCC suddenly decided against their own law to appropriate the property to their chairman.”

    Emenike protested and went to court. He said: “Justice Musa in a subsisting (unappealed judgement) gave me the Right of First Refusal and told the EFCC that they have no legal right to keep any forfeited property to themselves for whatever use. In the same judgement, he told them that the only option the law gave them was to sell the property and remit the proceeds to the Federal Government’s Single Treasury Account. He ruled that as a sitting tenant, EFCC should give me the Right of First Refusal.

    “EFCC has not appealed the judgement and has also refused to give me the Right of First Refusal.”

     The EFCC claims he “was economical with the truths contained in the judgement of Justice Musa of April 18, 2024 where he clearly stated that Emenike should be allowed to ‘exercise the right of first refusal for the purchase of the said property whenever the Defendant announces or otherwise indicates that the property is to be disposed of, the disposal however to be at the prevailing market price to be determined by the Defendant upon a detailed valuation report from a reputable quantity surveyor.’ “

     The agency’s spokesperson added: “Till date, the Commission has not announced or indicated any readiness for the disposal of the property.  Emenike’s right of first refusal can, therefore, not hold any water.” This argument is convenient, as it allows the EFCC to indefinitely defer Emenike’s right of first refusal without a clear disposal timeline.

    Critical and inevitable questions arise: Why is the agency not ready for the sale of the property? Why is it delaying the disposal of the house? Is it true, as Emenike alleged, that EFCC wants to keep the property for its own use? Even by its own account, based on the court judgement it cited, the lawful course of action is to allow Emenike to “exercise the right of first refusal for the purchase of the said property.”

    The EFCC also stated that “there is no subsisting contempt order on its Executive Chairman, Mr Ola Olukoyede or its counsel in the matter, Mr. Francis Usani.  There was no order of the court served on the EFCC’s boss or his lawyer.” It added that “there is a pending Stay of Execution of the order of the court on June 16, 2025.”

    Notably, in 2022 when the agency publicly listed requirements for participation in its auction of forfeited properties across the country, it said the exercise was “open to members of the public with the exception of individuals/corporate entities who have been/or are being prosecuted by the EFCC; Directors of such companies and employees of the EFCC.”  

    It also said: “Individuals occupying any of the properties listed may be given the Right of First Refusal provided they have a valid tenancy agreement; have paid rent up to date and complete an Expression of Interest (EOI) Form which can be downloaded from the EFCC website.”

    These conditions are favourable to Emenike.  But the EFCC has to list the property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, for sale. It is unclear why the EFCC has not put the property up for sale.

    The EFCC, tasked with enforcing Nigeria’s economic and financial crimes laws, investigates suspects but now finds itself under scrutiny over its handling of a forfeited property at 6 Aso Drive, Asokoro, Abuja – a striking irony.

  • Yahaya Bello’s image makers

    Yahaya Bello’s image makers

    Professionally, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) should be crusading for accountability in public office, not conducting itself in a manner that suggests otherwise.  By giving an award to the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, who is facing corruption-related trials, the organisation exposed itself to charges of unprofessionalism.  Presenting the award to Bello as part of activities to mark the NUJ’s 70th anniversary calls into question the group’s sense of propriety and decency. It was absurdity and obscenity writ large.

    The award was presented on June 21 at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, where Bello was represented by Smart Adeyemi, former NUJ president and ex-senator for Kogi West, who received the plaque on his behalf. Adeyemi’s role was curious, considering that he had headed the NUJ and should have guided the current leadership on the issue. 

    The NUJ leadership said the award was to recognise Bello’s “outstanding contributions to the welfare of journalists.”  The organisers cited the GYB Annual Workshops, credited with training over 200 correspondents and editors for every edition. GYB stands for Governor Yahaya Bello.

    Bello, 50, a former two-term governor, is standing trial in two separate cases brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), involving alleged misappropriation, laundering and concealment of public funds totalling over N190 billion.

    The EFCC, which is charged with the responsibility of enforcing all economic and financial crimes laws in Nigeria, accused Bello of conspiring with others to divert over N80 billion in February 2016, some weeks after he assumed office as governor. He is also facing a 16-count charge of money laundering and criminal concealment of funds amounting to N110 billion. EFCC said some of the laundered funds were used to acquire upscale properties in Maitama, Abuja, including one allegedly purchased for N950 million, said to have been paid in cash, in US dollars.

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    In addition, the anti-graft agency claimed that over $500,000 was wired to foreign accounts to cover personal expenses such as tuition fees, alleging that other tranches were concealed through bureau de change transactions and fake invoicing schemes. According to another charge, N3.08 billion was hidden between 2021 and 2022, during his final years in office.

    Notably, in 2021, a Kogi-based group, the Anti-Corruption Network, had released a report accusing him of monumental corruption. The report alleged that the Bello administration had committed large-scale fraud, in 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019, by awarding state contracts improperly, irregularities and conflicts of interest in awarding contracts, awarding contracts without due process, and money laundering.  At the time, the administration said the allegations were politically motivated

    Dramatically, for several months Bello had played hide-and-seek after the EFCC declared him wanted and launched a manhunt for him in connection with alleged money laundering.  He had earned the status of a fugitive following his mysterious escape from EFCC operatives who wanted to arrest him at his Abuja residence, on April 17, 2024, after obtaining an arrest warrant from the Federal High Court, Abuja.  His escape was reported to have been facilitated by a group of armed men identified as ‘Special Forces’ and some policemen, as well as the current governor of Kogi State, Usman Ododo. He remained at large until November 2024 when the EFCC confirmed his arrest and detention.

    Bello’s prosecution is ongoing and he has not been found guilty of the corruption charges. However, the NUJ’s award gives the impression of image laundering, which is bad for the group’s image. 

     Interestingly, when Bello turned 50 on June 18, President Bola Tinubu, in a congratulatory statement, commended his “historic emergence as the youngest democratically-elected governor in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and his role in advancing youth participation in governance.”  He is a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and a former presidential aspirant. 

    More interestingly, a group of legal minds that included a retired Supreme Court justice and over a dozen Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN) published a birthday message to Bello in a newspaper, calling him “a remarkable public servant, impactful leader and inspirer.”

    Those who signed the message included Hon. Justice Abdu Aboki (JSC Retd), Chief Kanu Agabi (SAN), Professor Musa Yakubu (SAN, OFR), E. C. Ukala (SAN), Dr Alex A. Innyon (SAN, OFR), M. B. Adoka (CFR, SAN), B. A. M. Aliyu (SAN), Ibrahim Sanni Muhammed (SAN), Aliyu Saiki (SAN), Abdulwahab Muhammed (SAN), A. A. Adeniyi (SAN), M. Y. Abdullahi (SAN), Dayo Bello (SAN), Professor Marietu Tenuche and J. A. M. Ohiani.

    They noted his “remarkable achievements, respect for the rule of law and dedication to public service,” praised his “leadership with impactful service,” and added, “Your youthful energy, passion, and vision for a better tomorrow continue to impress, and inspire us all.”

    It bears repeating that Bello has not been convicted of corruption and is entitled to the positive perception, and even promotion, that he is enjoying in certain circles. However, his ongoing corruption cases should have discouraged the endorsements he received on his 50th birthday. Such flattering approbation works against the country’s fight against corruption. 

    The point is that until Bello is legally declared innocent of the corruption charges against him, those who see him differently should not try to impose their version of reality on the public. That amounts to image laundering, and suggests that they are image makers. 

    The argument that the corruption charges against Bello do not define his governorship years, and that there are several actions by his administration that point to good governance, misses the point.  This argument, offered by apologists, is a subtle defence of corruption and seeks to present circumstances in which political corruption can be accommodated.  

    Bello’s 50th birthday, which called for sobriety, reflection and self-examination, in the context of his legal travails, was turned into a celebratory occasion that undermined the anti-corruption fight.  

    If an ex-governor facing trial for mind-boggling alleged corruption can be enthusiastically celebrated as Bello was, without a sense of restraint and decency, it can be said that the country’s fight against corruption is unserious. In the circumstances, the celebration should have been done privately, not publicly, which was contemptuous of public opinion.