Category: Femi Macaulay

  • Sanwo-Olu: Portrait of a winner

    A greater Lagos is possible.  The promise by the All Progressives Congress (APC) Lagos State governorship candidate, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, to take Lagos to greater heights makes him taller than his rivals. His campaign catchphrase is: “For a greater Lagos.”

    Speaking to reporters, Sanwo-Olu gave an insight into his vision: “I believe at this point in time, Lagos, which is the fifth largest economy in Africa, needs to set a new standard on how the state is managed and get new direction. It needs to do a lot of things quicker, faster and better. It needs to have a path through which we can begin to deal with all of the challenges that come with Mega City States. It needs to rebrand and to position itself for the opportunities that abound. We need to recalibrate the economy of the state and make it competitive for local and international competitiveness. Lagos needs to expand the economic base to create more private sector jobs. We have infrastructural deficits across sectors that we need private capital to fund. All of these I am prepared to deal with and can do better than anyone contesting against me.”

    Indeed, megacities are faced with mega challenges. It is noteworthy that in 2017 Lagos was listed among the world’s 100 Resilient Cities (100RC).  A project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, the 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.  According to a  report: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” The project has its definition of urban resilience, which provided a context for the listing of Lagos: “Resilience is about surviving and thriving, regardless of the challenge.”

    Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities. With over 23 million people, the city has to grapple with mega challenges.  On account of its mega status, Lagos State is exposed to “chronic stresses” and “acute shocks.”  “Chronic stresses,” which are said to “weaken the fabric of a city on a day-to-day or cyclical basis,” include “high unemployment, inefficient public transportation systems, endemic violence, and chronic food and water shortages.”   “Acute shocks,” which are described as “sudden, sharp events that threaten a city,” include “earthquakes, floods, disease outbreaks, and terrorist attacks.”

    A list of resilience challenges facing Lagos: Chronic Energy Shortages, Coastal Flooding, Disease Outbreak, Infrastructure Failure, Overpopulation, Overtaxed/ Under Developed/Unreliable Transportation System, Poor Transportation System, Rainfall Flooding, Rising Sea Level and Coastal Erosion.

    If resilience is elasticity to manage change, Sanwo-Olu’s trajectory suggests that he has the capacity. A university-trained surveyor, he held senior positions in banking before he switched to the public service following his appointment as a special adviser on corporate matters to a former deputy governor of the state.

    He had been acting Commissioner for Economic Planning and Budget, Commissioner for Commerce and Industry, and Commissioner for Establishments, Training and Pensions. He was Managing Director/CEO of the Lagos State Development and Property Corporation (LSDPC) before he won the APC governorship primary.

    Ahead of the primary, a pillar of the party, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, had painted a portrait of Sanwo-Olu: “I am encouraged by the emergence of a candidate in this primary who has served the state in senior positions in my administration, the Fashola administration and even in the current one. While possessing a wealth of experience and exposure, he is a young man endowed with superlative vision and commitment. Most importantly, he understands the importance of the blueprint for development. He esteems it as a reliable and well-conceived vehicle for the future development of the state. He also knows the value of reaching out and working with others in order to maximise development and provide people the best leadership possible.”

    This testimonial was decisive in the primary. It may well be decisive in the governorship election on March 9.  Victory for 53-year-old Sanwo-Olu means he would be in a position to implement a master plan that has served the state well enough since Tinubu’s two-term tenure as governor from 1999 to 2007.

    Tinubu had shed light on the pivotal blueprint on the eve of the primary: “Roughly 20 years ago, a corps of dedicated and patriotic Lagosians, put aside personal interests and rivalries, to put their minds and best ideas together for the good of the state. Out of this collaborative effort, was born a master plan for economic development that would improve the daily lives of our people. Bestowed on me was the honour of a lifetime when I was elected to be your governor in 1999. My administration faithfully implemented that plan. The government of my immediate successor, Tunde Fashola, also honoured this enlightened plan. Where state government remained true to that blueprint, positive things happened. During my tenure and Governor Fashola’s, Lagos State recorded improvements in all aspects of our collective existence, from public health to public sanitation, from education to social services, from the administration of justice to the cleaning of storm and sewage drains. Businesses, large and small, invested, hired millions of workers and thrived.”

    Tinubu provided an insight into the defining principles of the master plan: “All Lagosians were to fully participate and justly benefit from the social dividends and improvements wrought by this plan. From the common labourer, to business leaders, to professionals and our industrious civil service. We all were to be partners in a monumental but joint enterprise. None was to be alienated. None was to be left out. And none were to be pushed aside. This is especially true for those who contributed so much to our development, whether as a business leader who has invested heavily in Lagos, the homeowner who struggles to pay his fair share of taxes or as someone employed in the hard work of keeping our streets and byways clean so that others may go about their daily tasks unimpeded.”

    Of course, as Tinubu observed, the master plan “can always be fine-tuned.”  Sanwo-Olu would be faced with the challenge of following the plan and fine-tuning it.  Sanwo-Olu’s involvement in the foundational work of the Tinubu administration and the progressive development of the Fashola and Ambode eras makes him better equipped to govern Lagos State at this time.  Sanwo-Olu should win the March 9 governorship election because experience counts.

  • Endorsements and endorsers

    Political endorsers are enjoying as much publicity as the presidential candidates they endorse. There is the politics of endorsement and the politics of endorsers.

    The presidential election frontrunners, President Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who is seeking re-election, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), enthusiastically welcome endorsements by enthusiastic endorsers.

    Five days to the presidential election on February 16, it is unclear how these endorsements will work, or whether they are of any electoral value. Only the endorsers and those they endorse seem to recognise the power of these endorsements.   After a meeting in Abuja on February 3, the Nigeria Leaders and Elders Forum comprising the leaders of Afenifere, Northern Elders Forum, Ohaneze Ndigbo, Middle Belt Forum and the Pan Niger Delta Forum endorsed Atiku for president. The  five socio-cultural groups said in a statement:  We adopt the PDP candidate, as the consensus candidate for the office of President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as he has demonstrated the deep understanding of the critical need of the country at this time and possesses the capacity to proffer clear solutions in that respect.”

    The broadness of this endorsement by significant regional groups understandably excited the Atiku presidential campaign organisation.    Atiku’s emotional response revealed his excitement. He said in a statement: “I am moved to tears that in the midst of deep divisions and deliberate use of instrumentalities of state to set our people against themselves in the last three and a half years, responsible and respected leaders across Nigeria have agreed to come together for the purpose of endorsing my candidature for the February 16, 2019 presidential elections.”

    Atiku added: “The endorsement by the leading lights of our nationalities – Afenifere, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Northern Elders Forum, Pan-Niger Delta Forum and Middle Belt Forum is a loud statement that there is hope for our country as we go to the polls in a few days.”

    Either Atiku was naïve or he just wanted to believe this particular endorsement was unproblematic. “We sympathise with Atiku Abubakar ahead of the February 16 presidential election, if he actually believes that his endorsement by this Afenifere will translate into a harvest of votes for him in the Southwest because it cannot,” the Afenifere Egbe Ilosiwaju Yoruba said in a statement.  This clarifying response highlighted the factionalisation of Afenifere. The faction that endorsed Atiku is led by Chief Reuben Fasoranti.

    Nonagenarian Pa Ayo Fasanmi expressed the opposing position of another faction of the pan-Yoruba group at the February 5 APC presidential rally in Ado-Ekiti, the Ekiti State capital. Senator Fasanmi described members of the Fasoranti-led faction as political jobbers.  Fasanmi said: “All Yoruba race across Southwest are solidly supporting the President Buhari candidature, except a group of dollar and naira called fake Afenifere who endorsed Atiku Abubakar. They are people with no electoral value and credence in their respective polling units not to talk of the Yoruba land.” He added that his faction “would be celebrating the victory of President Buhari and other APC candidates at the national and state levels.”

    The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) also opposed Atiku’s joint endorsement by the five groups. ACF Secretary-General Chief Anthony Sani said:  ”What is new in this endorsement is the fact that only faction of Afenifere, faction of Ohanaeze, and faction of Northern Elders Forum are actually involved. As a result, the endorsement may not affect the outcomes of the election significantly, since factions cannot possibly represent the whole, let alone to represent the regions, which the platforms profess to represent.”

    Sani argued that the groups involved, excluding the Northern Elders Forum, had endorsed the PDP presidential candidate in 2015, Goodluck Jonathan, yet the APC won. He declared that “ACF, which is the umbrella body for the North, does not share the views promoted by a faction of Northern Elders Forum led by Prof. Ango Abdullahi.”  Sani also said:  “The endorsement of President Buhari by about 71 Generals has dispelled the rumours bandied about that retired Generals have ganged up to unseat President Buhari electorally.”

    Indeed, Buhari’s February 4 endorsement by retired high-ranking military officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force, took the endorsement drama to another level.  The endorsers included a Vice Admiral, two Lt-Generals, 15 Majors General, two Rear Admirals, eight Air Vice-Marshals, 12 Brigadiers-General, three Commodores, nine Air Commodores, and 17 former military governors/administrators.  The generals were led by former military administrator of Lagos State, Brigadier General Buba Marwa (retd).  Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s Minister of Police Affairs, Navy Capt. Caleb Olubolade, and former Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Jubril Ayinla, were among the endorsers.

    Marwa, who heads the Presidential Advisory Committee on elimination of drug abuse, told reporters that Buhari was “from our own constituency” and praised his administration.  He said: “And, therefore, the retired military officers today, including former military governors, retired military officers from the ranks of brigadier general and their equivalents from other officers are here today, to tell him and Nigerians that we are fully behind him in the elections next week and we will do whatever we can within the law to see that he is victorious in the elections.”

    Interestingly, Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka on February 8 shifted the focus.  ”There is always a choice to be made outside any presumptuous orders – in reality, associations guaranteed to perpetuate social disorders and the politics of inequality,” Soyinka said in an opinion piece titled ‘New Directions in a time of Decision.’ Soyinka, convener of the Citizen Forum, endorsed neither Buhari nor Atiku.  ”This is not the thinking of any one individual but of a large section of this populace. The final determination, however, is – the flag-bearer of the Young Progressive Party– Kingsley Moghalu,” Soyinka declared.

    “This is a very good thing for my party, the YPP and my candidacy because of who Professor Wole Soyinka is in our country and in the world. He is a unique figure,” Moghalu, a former deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), reacted. Moghalu’s euphoria is understandable but his optimism is misplaced.

    Ultimately, these endorsement shows downplay the general electorate. The picture is that some groups, which are subsets of the electorate, support a candidate and think it is enough to convince the general electorate to support the same candidate. The point is that these political endorsers themselves may well need endorsement by those they want to influence.

  • Corruption still champion

    In an election year, it is disappointing that the President Muhammadu Buhari administration’s war against corruption has not achieved the expected result after four years.

    Nigeria is still among the world’s most corrupt countries, according to the 2018 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) released by Transparency International (TI) on January 29.   Nigeria ranked 144th, with Kenya, Mauritania, Comoros and Guatemala, out of the 180 countries surveyed and ranked by the Berlin-based anti-corruption group. Nigeria had ranked 148th out of 180 countries in 2017.

    The movement from 148th position to 144th out of 180 countries in 2018 is insignificant. Indeed, the Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, an agent of TI in Nigeria, Musa Rafsanjani, observed:  “Nigeria scored 27 out of 100 points in the 2018 CPI, maintaining the same score as in the 2017 CPI.”

    It is remarkable that Buhari, who is campaigning for re-election, rationalised the unremarkable result of his government’s anti-corruption efforts when he met with members of Jigawa State Council of Traditional Rulers at the government house, Dutse, on February 2.

    Buhari said in Hausa: “When I was fighting corruption as head of state, they said I was in a hurry to wipe out corruption in the society, and I ended up in jail for over three years. Now, that due process is being followed in the fight against corruption they are complaining that I’m too slow. Before, they said I was in haste, now they are saying I’m slow even calling me Baba Go Slow. You can see, governing Nigeria needs Gods guidance and payers. Let me assure that I will not relent in the fight against corruption…”

    In other words, Buhari believes the rule of law is ironically responsible for   the alleged slow pace of his government’s war against corruption. But this viewpoint is simplistic.

    Rafsanjani provides insight into why “Nigeria is still perceived as a highly corrupt nation.” He said: “With the inability of the current administration to stop political boycotts of key appointments and pass the much-needed legislation such as the Proceeds of Crime Bill and to implement the recommendations given at the launch of the CPI 2017, it is no wonder that Nigeria’s score in 2018 is no different from the one of 2017.”

    He added, “Public participation and active reporting of corruption is seriously hindered by the absence of the Whistleblower Protection Act that would ensure the protection of the whistle-blowers from dismissals, suspensions, harassment, discrimination or intimidation. Let us be clear, no country can make progress without insider reportage of corruption abuses.”

    Rafsanjani also observed:  “Corruption in the defence and security sector contributes significantly to the human despair and economic stagnation in Nigeria. While the Nigerian defence budget has soared more than 500 per cent in the last 10 years, insecurity and breakdown of the rule of law in some parts of the country continue unabated.”

    In addition, he said: “Despite some indisputable evidence, many corrupt politicians and businessmen and women seem to be above the law. Recent corruption scandals, including the GandujeGate, ShemaGate, DasukiGate, IkoyiGate, among others, have not seen diligent investigations, prosecutions and convictions of these cases and other Politically Exposed Persons. The authorities need to understand that these acts deepen a sense of hopelessness among well-meaning Nigerians.”

    A striking development further highlighted why Nigeria’s war against corruption is unimpressive.  Saturday PUNCH reported that the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) had refused to release copies of asset declaration forms of some prominent Nigerians more than seven days after the newspaper sent a letter of request to the bureau.

    The newspaper said in its February 2 edition: “Relying on the provisions of the Freedom of Information (FoI) Act 2011, Saturday PUNCH  had on January 24 written to the CCB asking for copies of asset declaration forms of the Chief of Staff to the President, Abba Kyari; Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha; Minister of Labour, Dr Chris Ngige; Minister of Works, Housing and Power, Babatunde Fashola (SAN); Minister of Communication, Adebayo Shittu; and Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi.”

    Saturday PUNCH  had also sought  from the CCB the declaration forms of  Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed; Minister of Agriculture, Audu Ogbeh; Minister of State for Transportation(Aviation), Hadi Sirika; Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami; Director-General, DSS, Yusuf Bichi; and Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed.

    The newspaper’s letter contained other requests: “the number and names of political office holders who have yet to fill and submit their asset declaration forms for whatever reasons” and “the number of names of political office holders the Code of Conduct Bureau is investigating over issues relating to asset declaration forms.” In addition, the newspaper asked for the names of political office holders “yet to comply with the bureau’s directive to visit it for verification.”

    It is noteworthy that the FoI Act provides that public institutions must make the information requested available within seven days of receiving the request. The Act also states that failure to give access to the information requested within the time frame provided by the Act is deemed as a refusal of access.

    It is also noteworthy that “eight days after the application was filed and acknowledged by the bureau, the information requested was not made available to Saturday PUNCH, neither was there any written notice to state the reasons for the denial.”

    Not surprisingly, the Buhari administration has been accused of selectiveness in its war against corruption. This may well be yet another reason for the alleged slow progress.

    Rafsanjani argued: “If Nigeria’s democracy is to be the preserved, the origins of huge assets of Nigerian real owners needed be disclosed.” His organisation also attributed the high corruption index in Nigeria to the secrecy in the allocation of oil and gas licences to individuals and companies. He accused the federal government of pretending not to be aware of money-laundering crimes and tax evasion in the country, saying it had failed to investigate and prosecute individuals and companies involved in money laundering and tax evasion.

    Buhari’s selling point hasn’t changed as he seeks re-election. His mantra is still: war against corruption. Will another four years as president make a difference?

  • Ambode: Endgame drama

    It is interesting that Governor of Lagos State Akinwunmi Ambode’s defeat in the October 2, 2018 All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary is still controversial. He lost the primary after his party’s leadership had said his administration was a one-man show.  Ambode’s loss continues to produce drama after drama.

    The January 8  Lagos APC campaign launch at the Skypower Ground,  Ikeja, which was  attended by Ambode and the APC governorship candidate, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, ended in chaos. At least one person was reported killed and three journalists were injured in the confusion that followed gunshots at the venue.

    A report said: “Lagos State Police Command thereafter declared the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) Lagos State Auditor Mustapha Adekunle aka Sego wanted for “attempting to disrupt the rally.” Adekunle described the action as a “frame-up.”

    NURTW members accused Commissioner of Police Imohimi Edgal of bias.  The Organising Secretary, Berger Unit in Oshodi, Semiu Omosansan, was quoted as saying: “In a situation like this, we expect that the Commissioner of Police will carry out thorough and unbiased investigations in dealing with the case… We implore the CP to get his facts right.”

    About a week later, there was news of Edgal’s redeployment. He was to be replaced by Kayode Egbetokun, reports said. Those interested in cause and effect connected the development with alleged poor performance by the police when violence erupted at the APC rally.  But power didn’t change hands.  Edgal told reporters:  “Well, there is a directive that the status quo should remain till further notice… we were about concluding the handing over and taking over procedure when we were instructed by our bosses from Abuja to suspend action for now. So, there is no change of guard for now.”

    The reversal of Edgal’s redeployment, following the appointment of Acting Inspector General Mohammed Adamu, was an eye-opener.  The Nation columnist, Segun Ayobolu, said in his January 19 column: “Unfortunately, all kinds of conspiracy theories are being read into his perceived lukewarm attitude to providing maximum security at the Sky Power Ground, venue of the APC flag off campaign rally. For instance, one theory has it that as a school mate and close friend of Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, Edgal was piqued at the governor’s loss in his party’s primaries and was thus part of a plot to cause mayhem at the rally in order to create the impression of the APC as a fractious and badly divided party going into the elections.”

    Ayobolu argued: “Of course, there is no way to prove this kind of allegation but such insinuations and speculations are bound to arise when such a grave security lapse occurs on the watch of a CP who is otherwise highly experienced and competent.”

    If “this kind of allegation” can’t be proved, why does Ayobolu seem to believe it anyway?  Ayobolu stopped short of saying Edgal had plotted the disruption with the disrupters.  In Ayobolu’s view, this singular disruption is sufficient to prompt a call for Edgal’s removal: “Can critical and substantial sections of the political class trust Imohimi Edgal to be a dispassionate professional in Lagos in the forthcoming election? I doubt it. Just as under his watch gun totting hoodlums and rival NURTW factions could have easy access into the venue of a political rally to kill, maim and cause mayhem, can Imohimi Edgal be trusted to maintain law and order and enforce the peace on election day? I doubt it. Edgal’s professionalism, objectivity and emotional detachment are badly tainted. He has become a liability rather an asset to the NPF in Lagos.”

    Another kind of drama was on stage when a member of the Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC) of the APC in Lagos State, Chief Lanre Razaq, appealed to party members and people in Epe to stop destroying and defacing Sanwo-Olu’s campaign posters. Razaq said at a January 23 stakeholders’ meeting at Jubilee Chalets in Epe: “The party has chosen the person it wants to fly the governorship flag in the election as Ambode’s tenure expires by May this year. The party says he cannot have a second term and has chosen Sanwo-Olu. There is nothing we can do about it because the party has the final say. Even if we are angry and we fight, there is nothing we can do. The anger is much because our son was dropped. Yes, we are all angry, but there is nothing we can do about it. The party has decided; all we can do is to support the party’s position.”

    Razaq added: “Let us not bring any suffering upon ourselves. We have a lot of work to do. If we don’t support the party, all the uncompleted projects in Epe will stop and we shall suffer for it. There is nothing anybody can do at this point. Let us rethink about our anger and act more reasonably and support the party. If we remain angry and say no, others will take advantage of it and we shall be the losers. The party expects 92,000 votes from Epe; let us give them 120,000 votes instead.”

    A January 21 report captured yet another drama: “The much- awaited presentation of Lagos State 2019 budget… at the House of Assembly by Governor    Akinwunmi Ambode failed to hold. Although the governor’s advance team arrived at the Assembly around 3pm raising hope Ambode was on his way for the presentation, the team left the Assembly premises around 4pm before plenary even commenced with the lawmakers said to be in a parliamentary session.”

    The report continued: “Sources at the Assembly hinted that the governor was not there to present the budget but to hold a meeting with the lawmakers, which was why the governor’s press crew and advance team were directed back to their beats. When the lawmakers  eventually held plenary, nothing about the budget or the governor’s visit came up for discussion.”

    As Ambode’s May exit date approaches, the endgame drama further highlights his failure in the primary election. For the outgoing governor, it is a dim       ending to a bright beginning.  The lesson: In party        politics, “inclusion” isn’t just a slogan.

  • Ten years of terror

    Boko Haram’s reign of terror isn’t over. The Islamic terrorist group’s bloody insurgency, now 10 years old, continues to torment the Nigerian government and Nigerian people.

    In a January 18 statement, the United States of America said: “ISIS West Africa and Boko Haram have both stated they plan to disrupt the upcoming 2019 presidential elections by conducting attacks on Nigerian security and infrastructure as well as places of gathering such as markets, hotels and malls.”

    Recent reported attacks happened on December 1, December 3 and December 4, 2018.  The November 18, 2018 Boko Haram attack on troops at Metele village, Guzamala Local Government Area, Borno State, which claimed many lives, is still fresh. Since July 2018, according to AFP reports, there have been at least 22 attacks on military bases and positions in Borno and Yobe.  The Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) faction of Boko Haram claimed responsibility for most of them.

    Indeed, the Nigerian military needs to demonstrate that it can win the war on terror. There have been too many terror attacks and too many casualties. The repeated terror attacks on military targets cast doubt on the military’s grip on security; the attacks also raise questions about the military’s counter-insurgency capacity.

    It is sad that an estimated 27,000 lives have been lost since the insurgency started in 2009. Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states are the most affected. The destructive activities of the terrorist group have made about 1.8 million people homeless and caused a humanitarian crisis. The United Nations recently lamented the upsurge in Boko Haram attacks in the Northeast, and its effect on the civilian population: “It is heart-wrenching to see so many of these people living in congested camps, or sleeping outside with no shelter.” The rising number of military and civilian casualties is unacceptable.

    Boko Haram’s evil abduction of over 100 schoolgirls from the Government Girls’ Science and Technical College (GGSTC), Dapchi, Yobe State, in February 2018, further demonstrated the group’s lack of repentance. The Dapchi abduction compounded the still unresolved mass kidnapping of schoolgirls in Chibok, Borno State, in April 2014.  Many of the Chibok captives are still in captivity.

    The Dapchi attack happened after Chief of Army Staff Lt.-Gen. Tukur Buratai restated his order to troops to capture Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau dead or alive.  It is noteworthy that in 2017 the army chief gave his men a 40-day ultimatum to capture Shekau, and the army later offered a N3 million reward for information on the elusive Shekau.

    The factionalisation of Boko Haram has complicated the war on terror. A faction of the group led by Abu Musab Al-Barnawi claimed responsibility for the Dapchi abduction. The Chibok kidnapping was attributed to a faction led by Shekau.

    Buratai was quoted as saying when he visited troops at Camp Zairo in the Sambisa Forest, which had served as headquarters of the terrorists before the military seized the camp in December 2016: “Let me say congratulations. But we must move across to wherever this criminal, Shekau, is and catch him…I want you to get him…You all know these criminals are still on the run; these guys are on the run, you must make sure that you get them wherever they are around this area…You must not allow them to escape. Every day, you must go on patrol, lay ambush for them and you go on raids.”

     Abubakar Shekau was among the “The World’s Most Influential People” listed by TIME in 2015. The identified influencers in the 2015 TIME 100 were diverse enough to include the anti-hero. The TIME portrait said:  ”The citizens of Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, know Abubakar Shekau all too well: he is the most violent killer their country has ever seen.”  Shekau’s terrifying profile was worsened by his group’s outrageous seizure of more than 200 Chibok schoolgirls. Shekau has been reported dead, or more specifically, reported killed, on at least two occasions; and there is speculation that Shekau may have become “a brand name” for whoever is the leader of Boko Haram.

    Before the TIME ranking, an international think tank, the Project for the Study of the 21st Century, said the Boko Haram insurgency was the fourth deadliest conflict in the world in 2014 and was responsible for 11, 529 deaths. The think tank added that the figure of fatalities could be underestimated.

    Al-Barnawi, reportedly in his twenties, is the first son of the late founder of Boko Haram, Mohammed Yusuf, who died in police custody in 2009 following a military operation against the group in Borno State, which further radicalised it. In August 2016, the extremist militant group, ISIS,   appointed Al-Barnawi as the head of Boko Haram, a recognition which was rejected by Shekau.

    A revealing profile of the actor at the centre of the Dapchi abduction says: “Little is known about Abu Mus’ab al-Barnawi, who appeared in a Boko Haram video in January 2015 as the group’s spokesman…He wore a turban and his face was blurred out and it was filmed as a sit-down studio interview… Barnawi pulled no punches, warning that towns which resisted Boko Haram in its mission to create an Islamic state would be flattened… He also spoke of being against democracy and foreign education.”

    Ten years after the Boko Haram insurgency started, it is tragic that the war on terror is looking like a war without end. Ironically, Army boss Buratai unwittingly suggested the possibility of an endless war in his response to reporters in Maiduguri, Borno State, in December 2018: “They keep changing their names like we have Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) now. I want to tell you that, even if we finish with ISWAP, those people behind these things will snowball to another name and they will go on and on.”

    The Nigerian government under former President Goodluck Jonathan failed to defeat Boko Haram. The President Muhammadu Buhari government says it has “degraded” Boko Haram.  As Boko Haram marks the 10th anniversary of its insurgency, it is clear that the insurgents are still dangerously active.  The objective of the war on terror should be to make the insurgents inactive.

  • Susanne Wenger: 10 years after

    When I asked Susanne Wenger how she wished to be remembered, her response was completely unexpected. “You can forget me,” she answered. “I cannot advise you what you want to remember about me.”

    Ten years after her death, Wenger remains unforgettable.  Wenger’s exit on January 12, 2009, at the age of 93, was as newsy as her life. She had arrived in Nigeria in 1950 and died in the country nearly 60 years later. Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka, in a tribute, described her as “a questing stranger who came, saw and was conquered.” What conquered Wenger?

    The first of my memorable interviews with Wenger started dramatically. “You’ve come from Lagos to tell me that I will die? What nonsense!” That was Wenger’s rattling reaction when I observed that she was at a transitional stage, suggesting she was close to her end.

    My last conversation with Wenger took place in her artistic house in Osogbo, Osun State. When I asked her a question about the Susanne Wenger Foundation, Krems, Austria, she told me: “I have agreed with Krems. They have collected all they can get hold of, what I did and what is said about me. They have better reasons to be interested than our people here. Our people here have nothing against me, but they have no reason why they should back what I do, what I say.” Imagine my shock!

    Wenger was Austrian. It was incredible that despite her self-described “complete immersion” in Yoruba religion and culture, and having lived in Nigeria for almost 60 years, she was still an outsider of sorts. While it may be heart-warming that Wenger’s spiritual sculptures can still be seen in the Osun-Osogbo Grove, the disappearance of her important paintings and batiks is sobering. Her range of artistic expression was fundamentally influenced by Yoruba cultural context and traditional worldview, and she made enduring contributions to the local culture.

    Despite her Austrian roots, there is a profound sense in which she could be regarded as having been culturally defined by her Yoruba experience. In the end, it is tragic that her movable body of work and her essence were better appreciated by foreigners than the local people whose culture and tradition largely informed her creative vitality, and who provided the ambience for her spiritual expression. The loss of her works has negative implications for cultural tourism in Nigeria.

    Long before it became correct to be environment-friendly, Wenger had championed a crusade for the conservation of nature in the Osun-Osogbo Grove, albeit based on a religious premise and her conviction that deities dwelled there. It is to her credit that after her long battle with various interest groups that failed to see the need to guard the grove, the political authorities in Nigeria eventually saw her point and stepped in to protect it; and then, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) followed.

    The Osun-Osogbo Grove is the site of Nigeria’s star tourist attraction, the Osun-Osogbo Festival, possibly the country’s pre-eminent traditional religious festival, which draws yearly a high number of visitors from within Nigeria as well as from the wider Yoruba Diaspora and beyond.

    I became a pilgrim to the mystical grove right from my first visit as a journalist over two decades ago to see the spectacular festival. I had eagerly looked out for Wenger in the grove but didn’t see her. It was, therefore, a magical moment for me when I eventually came face to face with her in her Osogbo home on a different occasion while trying to get her to grant me an interview.

    I found out, during my research for the interview, that there was no book on her written by a Nigerian, although she was a cultural celebrity and had at the time lived in Nigeria for nearly 50 years.  It was unbelievable! This was when the idea struck me to do a book on her.

    At the time I informed Wenger of my plan to write a book on her, she responded positively, saying, “I bless your work and your good intentions.” She was an engaging personality well known for her remarkable devotion to Yoruba traditional gods (which earned her the Yoruba name Adunni Olorisa as a mark of her acceptance in the traditional society).

    She was also famous for her innovative New Sacred Art group and for her selfless dedication to the preservation of the sacred Osun-Osogbo Grove, listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO shortly after her 90th birthday in 2005- this was an interesting coincidence and the icing on the cake for Wenger.

    Despite Wenger’s exit, the book project remained on course. This unique well- researched Wenger portrait offers a fresh experience of her; it consists of an extensive up-to-date close-up profile of her, and exclusive interviews that I had with her, which not only explored her extraordinary life but also yielded further insights into her thoughts and ideas on Yoruba culture and tradition at the advanced stage of her life.

    What I set out to do is unprecedented. In concept and execution, this new book on Susanne Wenger is unparalleled. For the first time, the captivating story of the phenomenal Austrian artist who became an unapologetic populariser of Yoruba traditional religion and attracted global attention to Osogbo is presented from a Nigerian perspective and with a Nigerian flavour.

    The book is enriched with expressive pictures of Wenger and some of her eye-catching sculptures in the grove; and other important images related to her gripping story. It is a tribute to a loyal vessel of Yoruba divinities; her legacy is undeniable. The book also beams the spotlight on the Osun-Osogbo Grove and the Osun-Osogbo Festival.

    As much as possible in this book, Wenger is made to tell her intriguing story in her own inimitable style. This approach was made possible by various sources, which I gratefully acknowledge. However, the beauty of this book lies particularly in its liberal use of narratives by Nigerian journalists to paint a picture of this enigmatic celebrity known for her self-effacing modesty. It represents, therefore, a very Nigerian treatment of the subject.

    Furthermore, this is the most up-to-date book on the life and times of Susanne Wenger; it includes material on the celebration of her 100th birth anniversary in 2015 as well as the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the Osun-Osogbo Grove as a World Heritage Site in the same year.   I welcome culture-friendly support towards the release of my book to mark the 10th anniversary of Susanne Wenger’s death.

  • Gbemiga Ogunleye at 60

    There is no doubt that the print media is threatened by digital developments. Print media managers need to reimagine and rethink the business in order to survive. But this is easier said than done.

    Gbemiga Ogunleye, the Provost of the Nigerian Institute of Journalism (NIJ), who celebrated his 60th birthday on January 5, turned the celebration into a cerebration. A timely lecture by Victor Ifijeh, MD/Editor-in-Chief, The Nation, highlighted the problems of the print media in a digital age. Ifijeh also offered solutions. He delivered a thinking lecture that was also a thought-provoking lecture. The title of the lecture: “Survival of the print media in the digital age.”

    Ifijeh presented statistics to show how migration of readers from print to online has shrunk print media revenue not only in Nigeria but worldwide. “The free fall is attributed to the rise of the internet,” he said. “Advertisers are migrating online to meet the readers who are also migrating.”

    But he drew attention to an interesting exception. India produces cheap newspapers because the country produces all the materials needed for newspaper production.  This was food for thought. “All put together, is circulation today up to 250,000?” he asked. In a country with an estimated population of nearly 200 million, the print media circulation figures are laughable. Interestingly, the circulation figures are speculative. “We need an ABC,” Ifijeh stressed. “We are too secretive,” he added, and called for “transparency and accountability.”

    “What is the way out for print?” Ifijeh asked.  The guest lecturer argued that “the attitude of media managers must change…we must consciously develop online…newspapers can earn enough from online and there must be a conscious effort to do so.” He named The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times as successful examples.

    He emphasised content development and rebranding.  He also emphasised human capacity building, saying the print media is busy investing in machines for “simultaneous printing.”  “What percentage of what is printed today is sold,” Ifijeh asked. The Nation on Sunday was printing 80 pages in 2006, he said, but that would be unreasonable and suicidal today.

    Ifijeh called for “a change in the business model of newspapers.”  ”There is too much credit,” he argued, saying the method of consumption before payment, which favours distribution agents and advertisers, would lead to a slow death.  A system that creates “high collectables” that may not be collected eventually, is not sustainable, he reasoned.

    The print media would benefit from “multiple streams” of income, the media chief observed. He suggested, for instance, collaborations with business bodies, and “well-researched publications that are not advert driven.”

    Ifijeh also suggested “acquisition and merger,” which would be an earth-shaking development, considering the narrow-mindedness of media owners in the country.  Then the issue of “corporate governance structure,” which Ifijeh said needed to be improved in the “fierce contest” between the print media and online news platforms.

    It was interesting listening to Ifijeh, who has been a print media chief for long enough to appreciate the challenges and reflect on possible responses. Ogunleye, the celebrator who made it possible, deserves applause for choosing the topic to further publicise a front-burner issue. Ifijeh called Ogunleye “a passionate journalist.”

    The event reflected Ogunleye’s passion for journalism. In addition to organising the lecture, Ogunleye launched his book, The Editor’s Front-Row Views, a collection of his columns in newspapers 1995 -2005.  ”In publishing this book, what I seek to do is to ask us to learn from the history of our recent past,” Ogunleye, a former editor of The Punch, wrote in the preface.

    There was a reading from the book by Gbenga Adefaye, GM/Editor-in-Chief, Vanguard. He read “They did not speak out,” published in The Pucnh, May 12, 1998.  The column was about the tyrannical times that followed the unjust annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola.  The first paragraph: “They first came for M.K.O., they did not speak out because they must be seen to be opposed to the revalidation of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election…”

    Another paragraph: “Then they came for the media, yet they did not speak out. In one fell swoop, they shut the doors of the country’s vibrant press. Not satisfied, they rolled out decrees, proscribing The Punch, The Guardian and the National Concord.”

    In my space in the NIJ hall at Ogba, Lagos, I thought about terms of employment in the print media. I recalled a striking December 2017 report.  When the State House Press Corps invited Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to a seminar with the theme, “Journalists and Retirement Plans,” there was probably no way he could have avoided speaking about journalists and pre-retirement. Well, he didn’t mince words during the event at the old Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

    A report said: “The Vice President recalled his brief encounters working with media houses as legal adviser, and how in all the months he worked he was not paid despite the irregular hours he put in.” He reached a conclusion based on this discouraging experience.  He was quoted as saying: “I realised first of all that this is not a profession from which one could make a decent living in the first place unless you find a really good way of doing so.”

    It was a depressing assessment of journalism and journalists. Here was an outsider and observer telling it like it is. What did the insiders think of his directness?  Osinbajo went on to say why things are the way they are.  According to him, “There are a few reasons in my view why remuneration is poor. The first is that it is just simply cheating.  There are owners of media that are just cheats. They just want to get something for nothing and that is not uncommon, it is a general malaise, it is not necessarily restricted to the media.”

    Osinbajo lamented that professional associations formed to protect the interest of journalists don’t do enough to tackle media organisations that don’t pay journalists enough or not at all.

    This recollection was a dampener. I left the event thinking about yesterday, today and tomorrow.

  • In defence of a shero

    In a special tribute to Leah Sharibu, the defiant Boko Haram girl captive, to mark her selection as The Nation’s Person of the Year, I called her a shero. As a wordie, I chose the word consciously.

    A blend of she and hero, shero is a word. According to a lexicographic source, the word was first used in 1892.  Another source says the portmanteau was coined in the mid-19th century. Dictionary definitions: A woman regarded as a hero; a woman admired or idealised for her courage, outstanding achievements, or noble qualities; a heroine.

    It is interesting that Literature Nobelist Prof. Wole Soyinka commended The Nation for choosing Leah but criticised the newspaper for using the word.  Soyinka said in a statement: “I cannot wait to congratulate The Nation Newspapers, and then the (Nigerian) nation herself, for an invigorating decision on this year’s nominations for the ritual identification of individuals to whom honour belongs for the title of “Person of the Year.” He added that the choices were “not merely appropriate, but universalist and unexceptionable.”

    Soyinka’s criticism: “I fault the – probably unintended – intent to drag her into feminist prospectus, through the evocation of that combative, but misplaced confection: sheroes. There is no such word. Leah Sharibu is a heroine, a national heroine, a universal heroine. Or hero. That should be sufficient.”

    But there is such a word. To deny its existence is to carry criticism too far. Soyinka obviously prefers to call Leah “a heroine,” “or hero.”   But that doesn’t change the factual and provable existence of shero, which has the same meaning as heroine.  Why did Soyinka claim that shero is a non-existent word?   There was certainly no intention to suggest that Leah’s defiance makes her an activist of sorts. Her story is clear enough to illustrate the innocence of her impulse.

    The criticiser continued: “‘Shero’ is an ugly concoction that even the feminist movement quickly recognised as distractive and distortive – and abandoned.  Words sometimes go beyond mere meaning, they implicate history, just to complicate matters for unforeseen generations and other cultures and causes. Ironically, ‘Hero’, for instance, was the name of a woman. In Greek mythology, she was a priestess of the deity Aphrodite. Imprisoned in a tower, she lit a lamp to guide her lover, Leandros, who swam the straits of the Hellespont for their nightly tryst. Hero is NOT a masculine word, it is not a candidate for gender emasculation.”

    Here Soyinka shows his aesthetic taste and his puristic perspective. Describing shero as “an ugly concoction” simply means it is ugly to him. I don’t consider the word ugly. Is Soyinka saying a feminist nuance is an attribute of shero to the extent that the word can’t be used outside that context?

    Interestingly, hero accommodates male and female. More interestingly, heroine is a feminine word. In describing Leah, Soyinka’s first choice is heroine, then hero. This means he recognises that a word with a feminine attribute is more appropriate in the context. This is why shero, another word for heroine, is a relevant word. Undoubtedly, heroine, first known use 1587, is an older word, and more popular, but that is beside the point.

    But more important than logomachy is Leah’s life. My prologue to The Nation’s Person of the Year package is worth repeating: “Leah Sharibu is still in captivity. But she is a symbol of freedom, particularly religious freedom. Why she remains caged by Islamic fundamentalists is the reason she is in the spotlight. Leah, 15, was among 110 schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram terrorists from the Government Girls Science and Technical College (GGGSTC), Dapchi, Yobe State. The jolting mass kidnapping happened on February 19.

    Sadly, five of the kidnapped girls reportedly died in captivity. Others abducted with Leah were set free on March 21. Those released were Muslims.   The only Christian among them, Leah, was not released because she refused to renounce her faith and convert to Islam.

    Leah’s mother, Mrs. Rebecca Sharibu, said: “The released girls told us that the insurgents insisted that my daughter must renounce her religion… They told her that any day she accepts Islam, she will be released. Leah, we were told, was left behind with three Boko Haram women but she sent the message through her mates that we should pray for the will of God to be done in her life.”

    Leah’s defiance makes her a heroine of faith. Her stand against religious extremism and the irrationality of faith-based prejudice is a positive example in a country faced with the challenge of diversity. Not only people of faith, but also those who operate outside the realm of faith, ought to learn from Leah’s heroism.  She demonstrated spiritual and moral conviction well beyond her young age.

    But Leah’s fate should not be left to her fatalism. Her time in captivity must not be allowed to stretch just because she stuck to her faith. For demonstrating the ultimate moral of resistance against religion as weapon of evil, this shero is our person of the year.”

    From the look of things, Leah Sharibu will begin the New Year in captivity. Her mother is said to be worried. Every person of conscience should be. A December 29 report quoted a friend of Leah’s mother who is a senior lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of Jos, Dr. Gloria Samdi Puldu:  ”Leah Sharibu’s mother had a devastating Christmas; she has been down with serious fever and she is just recovering. It has not been easy spending Christmas without Leah. The hope of the entire family was that by this time, the assurances that the Federal Government gave to us when the three honourable ministers visited that Leah was going to be released would come true.”

    She added: “We all had our hopes high, November passed, we are in December and thought that she would be out from captivity and be around on the Christmas day. Her birthday was on May 24 when she turned 15 years. It was a very devastating Christmas, despite the fact that our hopes had been completely in God.”

  • Faaji Agba Eko: Wow!

    Among the high points of the show, some were higher than others. It was a high-octane show featuring high-quality performers. It was about Lagos and Lagosians.  It was about music flowing from the past to the present. Faaji Agba Eko, organised by Evergreen Musical Company on December 16, celebrated musical heritage and cultural legacy.

    The venue, Absolute Lagos, Tafawa Balewa Street, Lagos Island, boomed with a range of local music genres, including Sakara, Juju, Apala, Agidigbo, Waka, Fuji, Folk music, Highlife and Afrobeat.

    Legendary Orlando Julius Ekemode gave a riveting performance with his African-American wife, Latoya. “It’s 20 years today that Orlando and I have been in Nigeria,” she told the attendees.  Latoya said they got married in the office of Mr. Femi Esho, Chairman/CEO of Evergreen Musical Company. It was news to many of the attendees. “I’m very happy and proud to be his wife,” she added. Her husband turned 75 in September, she said. Latoya called for concerts and music festivals. “Your music isn’t going to die,” she declared. She got a round of applause.

    It was also an evening of narratives. Others told their own stories too. Giant flutist Tee Mac, who turned 70 this year, said someone stole his flute and he would be going to Switzerland to get another one. He attributed his youthful appearance to his abstinence from meat. “I stopped eating red meat in 1971,” he said. He recommended fish and fruits. “Keep quiet,” he whispered as he prepared to play classical music.

    Folk music master Jimi Solanke, who is in his seventies, performed some well-known songs. His deep voice was a delight. “I wrote Onile Gogoro in secondary school and gave it to Roy Chicago,” he said.

    Ara, the female drummer, was at the show. But she didn’t perform.  She was reflective as she narrated how she had survived a road accident while travelling with members of her band. “Let’s celebrate our music legends while they are alive,” she said.

    Sina Ayinde Bakare performed “Lagos roots music.” Buga Jesse King, described as “a contemporary Highlife musician and a core advocate of Nigeria’s indigenous music,” also performed. Afro Jazz music queen Yinka Davies was her bubbly self as she compered the show. The Evergreen Music Band kept the attendees happy with evergreen melodies.     Then Jide Sanwo-Olu arrived. The Lagos State governorship election frontrunner and All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate created a buzz with his entry. “Your word must be your bond,” he said, adding that he had promised to attend the event. “Your sector- Entertainment and Tourism- is important to me. What am I going to do for the tourism industry? We plan to build a film village and take advantage of the waterfront. Give me a blueprint. “He praised the organisers of the show: “This event brings back the glories of Lagos.”

    Sanwo-Olu’s attendance was significant.  This is the man who is likely to win the governorship election next year. His words were a promise. By showing interest in culture and tourism, Sanwo-Olu has given an insight into his ideas on well-rounded governance.

    Interestingly, Yemisi Busari, the running-mate to Jimi Agabje, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship candidate, arrived after Sanwo-Olu had left. She had positive words for “Lagos indigenous music.” Busari said:  ”Wura Fadaka played at my wedding. We plan to take tourism to the next level in Lagos State. We will pay a lot of attention to it.”

    Some days after the show, Managing Director of Evergreen Musical Company Bimbo Esho   publicised Sanwo-Olu’s support: “True to his word that he would support the Evergreen Music Heritage Foundation (EMHF), Sanwo-Olu has performed.  I told us he loves the icons and our indigenous music and that day he also said we should come to him to let him know our plans for music in Lagos. We have been advised to draw up a blueprint to drive Lagos tourism. I am positive that every member of this forum has a role to play.  I say a big thank you to Hon. Babajide Olusola Sanwo – Olu for considering us worthy of recognition and association.”

    When I first met Bimbo at the Faaji Eko show last year, there was no question that she had chosen to follow her father’s path.  When we met, she said things that were food for thought.

    Her thoughts: “Having spent my formative and adolescent years in Lagos State wining and dining with the Queens and Kings of Nigerian music, I have concluded that there is so much to learn from the songs of some music icons. At different points in time some of them sang that the world will one day forget them and not remember them for the smile and joy they put on different faces. One of such songs is the song of a Highlife music legend Rex Lawson  titled “ Old Friends and New Lovers” where he begged the world to remember him as he has sailed many oceans with his music, survived many storms,  delighted many hearts.”

    She added: “It saddens one that unlike other countries of the world that draw up calendars for different activities to celebrate their famous music legends all year long, we continue to live with the fading memories of our music greats…Music greats from different ethnicities who reached the peak of their career in Lagos and who also have contributed immensely to the social and  cultural development, religious growth, educational growth, political growth of Lagos State through their music are today forgotten.”

    The Evergreen Music Heritage Foundation, which Sanwo-Olu has given support, is situated in Surulere, Lagos.  It is a project “to preserve and safeguard musical heritage… It is a one-stop place for research and documentation of over 10,000 Nigerian musicians…And as part of its core objectives the Foundation will help to create a world-class archival institution to cater for the need of researchers, anthropologists and sociologists the world over.” This effort deserves support.

    Faaji Agba Eko is a promising project that needs support to achieve its potential. The public and private sectors should support it as a service to culture and tourism.

  • Confirmation of confusion

    There is confusion in the Senate.  When there is uncertainty about the majority party and the minority party in the upper chamber of the National Assembly, it is a striking sign that the Red Chamber is upside down.

    Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Senate Leader Ahmad Lawan of the All Progressives Congress (APC) argued about the numerical strength of their parties in the Senate on December 13.  It was a curious argument because the position of Senate Leader is supposed to be held by a member of the majority party. So if Lawan holds the position, it should mean that his party is the majority party in the Senate.

    But clearly, the situation is not so clear. For instance, Senate President Bukola Saraki, who was formerly a member of APC, still holds the position despite his defection to PDP in July. He should have been removed from that office because he attained the position on the basis of being a member of the majority party. If Saraki is still President of the Senate, it suggests that PDP is the majority party in the Senate. Is it? If it is not, Saraki’s occupation of the office discredits him and the Senate.

    It is noteworthy that Saraki was quoted as saying: “Our Constitution says members of the National Assembly who so wish (shall elect a President)… it does not say you have to come from the majority party. There are those that know that.” This position is unprincipled.

    Saraki became President of the Senate controversially. He actualised his ascendancy through an unapologetic defiance of his party’s desire and decision. His scheming resulted in a queer combination and cohabitation at the helm of the Senate:  Saraki of the ruling APC, a party elected to power on the premise of progressivism, and Ekweremadu of the unprogressive PDP.  As things stand now, Saraki and Ekweremadu are both PDP members and the Senate leadership is in the hands of PDP.

    It is puzzling that numerical strength became an issue.  But it  is also enlightening. A report captured the argument between Ekweremadu and Lawan: “The Senate Leader pointedly dismissed reports that the confirmation of the spokesperson of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Presidential Campaign Organisation, Festus Keyamo, as a board member of Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), did not follow the due process. Lawan said: “The media reported that APC has 57 senators while PDP has 58. For the record, APC senators are 56 while PDP senators are 46. Again, the media reported that majority of senators voted against the confirmation of Keyamo, but that you (Ekweremadu) ruled that the ‘ayes’ had it. I want to put it on record that when you put the first question, it was not clear whether the ‘ayes’ or ‘nays’ had it. But by the time you put the second question, it was clear that the ‘ayes’ had it.”

    The report continued: “Ekweremadu, who appeared uncomfortable with Lawan’s submission, said: “The issue of how we vote is determined by voice vote, and it is based on the decision of the presiding officer. If anybody has issues with the ruling, we can call for division. But since nobody called for any division, it meant that senators were in tandem with the ruling. So, it won’t be proper for newspapers to report what is not correct. As regards the party configuration, I want to say there is no particular statistics for now. We cannot talk about the figures that each political party has because there is no such statistics. So, let it be on record that we have no such record now.”

    The Deputy Senate President’s assertion is absurd. If there are no official figures that can clarify the numerical strength of the parties in the Senate, it is a confirmation of confusion.

    An August 5 report  gives an insight into the comedy of figures in the Senate: “The  crisis rocking the ruling  All  Progressives Congress, APC… took a  dramatic  turn  on the floor of the Senate as  14  senators elected on the platform of the party dumped it for the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP,  and the African Democratic Congress, ADC. With the defection, the number of PDP senators rose from 42 to 56, thereby making it the majority party in the upper chamber of the National Assembly.”

    The report added: “Prior to the development, the APC officially had 64 seats in the Senate,  but now has  50 while the All Progressives Grand Alliance ( APGA) has one  with the remaining two seats vacant on account of the  death  of Senator Ali Wakil ( Bauchi South) and Bukar Mustapha  (Katsina North). The defection of the senators was contained in a letter read by Senate President Bukola Saraki who presided at plenary. They said that their action came after due consultations with their constituents.” Soji Akanbi (Oyo South) “later made a U-turn, saying he remained a member of the APC.”

    The report continued: “Soon after the defection, PDP senators embraced one another, rejoicing that they now form the majority in the red chamber. It got to a point that the Senate Minority Leader, Senator Godswill Akpabio, drew the attention of his colleagues to the fact that his party, the PDP, was now the majority and that he should immediately be recognised as the Majority Leader… After the drama that unfolded at the hallowed chamber, the Senate caucus of the APC said that, in spite of the dumping of the party by 14 of its members for the PDP, it was still the majority party in the upper chamber.”

    It is interesting that Senator Akpabio, who was a PDP member and Senate Minority Leader at the time this mass defection happened in July, is now an APC campaigner. Akpabio moved to APC in August. This shows how things change in the Senate and how senators change.

    There are 109 seats in the Nigerian Senate. This figure has not changed. But who belongs where keeps changing. The public should be clear about where their elected representatives belong, and which party is the majority party in the Senate.