Category: Monday

  • City on a hill

    City on a hill

    A tussle is in the air in Ibadan, although much of the nation is not paying attention. Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi has set up a committee to look into how the Olu of Ibadan is elected. Two members of the Olu’s council have risen in protest. They are joined by Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, the hoary upstart and serial loser.

    Ajimobi wants the committee to review the formula where only old men emerge as Olu, and look for modern ways to make younger people. A system where men in their 80’s or older want to be kings rids a society of the contribution of their vital years.

    Ajimobi is calling for merit to upend age. “When I was old,” said the Chinese proverb, “I did not have the strength.” The governor wants a throne where kings brim with energy and wisdom, whose orders do not sound like whimper, who do not walk as though they limp.

    The irony is that Ibadan is a product of talent, not entitlement. It was a repository of the best, fleeing other towns and kingdoms. The city, built on a hill, became the forte of military ardour and strategic elan. It became a progressive bastion, a tradition that we cantrace in Yorubaland from Ogunmola to Awolowo.

    That is what Ajimobi wants to recreate. A better and more vital past. Not the past of 1957 where gerontocrats reign. It is the same town where, as the governor noted, the big names could not raise enough money to build a befitting palace. It seems some of the town’s bigwigs hark back to a wrong Ibadan past. A past of dilapidated palace tenanting an old and expiring king. Ajimobi is attempting another paradox: a revolution in a palace, if not of a palace.  He wants Ibadan to return as the city on a hill.

  • Wart is in a name

    Last week at the Gold Lecture in honour of fiery nationalist Herbert Macaulay, an irony pervaded the hall at the Lagos Country Club. Both his names were English, but no one stood for the indigene better than the foreign-named nationalist. The guest lecturer, Ambassador Dapo Fafowora, who gave us a riveting snapshot biography of the icon, asked that the Glover Memorial Hall be renamed after Macaulay.

    As the emcee, I said it was time to decolonise our streets. Glover, as Fafowora related, bombarded his way into Lagos. I said to rename the hall after Macaulay was a counter-warfare to earn us a victory and last laugh. But the same applies to Port Harcourt named after the colonial lord Harcourt. That city should be renamed, just as we should rename Lagos. Lagos can easily be called Eko. That is the real indigene fight.

    H.L. Mencken, the American writer, noted that American towns were named for “more humour than poetry.” Ours were not named for either. The foreign-named ones came as tyranny.

    In the days of Fashola, it was “Eko o ni baje o.” Now, under Ambode, it is “Itesiwaju Eko lo jewa logun.” I don’t see Lagos mentioned. In the hearts of the people, it is all Eko. The use of Eko obviates the Edo consciousness. Same should apply to Badagry. We have streets like Queens Drive, Bourdillon, etc. They pay homage to a time of colonial thraldom. I understand Carter Bridge because it came from friendship, not imposition.

    Lekki came from Lequi, a white man, who saw that place as a prison to lock up our people. The re-spelling of the name is an act of rebellion because we have corrupted it to own. Awo was locked up there.

    As we mark 50 years of Biafra, we forget that Biafra is not an Igbo word. It is a cartographic statement in a foreign tongue. It comes from the Bight of Biafra that represents not only exits, but also entrances. A bight is a curved coastline. The Bight of Biafra abuts on the Gulf of Guinea. The agitators have not claimed rhetoric independence from Biafra. Perhaps that is why the Biafran cause is still a difficult idea to articulate and accomplish.

    Nigeria’s name is rooted in River Niger, which is named for us by foreigners who said they discovered it before the farmers, fishermen, ferrymen and traders who thrived for centuries before Mongo Park was born.

    We need to rediscover ourselves as a people. One way is to call ourselves by our names.

  • Onnoghen and judicial corruption

    It would amount to a fundamental contradiction in the current war against corruption to ignore the weighty issues just raised by Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Walter Onnoghen on why corruption festers within the judiciary.

    He said the independence of the judiciary and its ability to dispense justice unhindered are threatened by federal governments’ agents and politicians. The CJN, who regretted the rising castigation and accusation of judicial officers for corrupt practices by agents of the federal government and politicians without giving them an opportunity to be heard, said the nation would get it right when the leadership abides by the constitution and rule of law.

    Though he spoke vaguely on how agents of the federal government hinder the ability of the judiciary to perform its statutory duties, he nonetheless illustrated the undue influence of politicians in judicial matters with the case of the Anambra Central Senatorial election where Senator Uche Ekwunife reportedly accused the judiciary of robbing her of her mandate without evidence.

    With the seeming focus on the malfeasance within the judiciary; especially following the sting operation by the DSS in which they stormed the residences of some judges, arrested and detained them, the issues raised by the CJN must be taken very seriously if we aim at a lasting solution to the corruption in that arm. The import of the CJN’s statement is that both the independence of the judiciary and its ability to dispense justice without fear or favour are corrupted and compromised by the obstructive proclivities of both agents of the federal government and politicians.

    Though Onnoghen did not come out with supporting data (for reasons that are obvious) on how this happens especially in respect of agents of the government, it is not difficult to fathom the ramifications of the undue influence a government in power could exercise on judicial decisions especially where their interest is involved. It is for this reason that modern constitutions provide for the independence of the judiciary and checks and balances between the three arms of the government.

    Despite this constitutional guarantee for judicial independence, what you find on ground is that of undue interference in judicial matters by the government of the day. It comes in varying dimensions. The sting operation by the DSS is one of such interferences. Though touted as part of the anti-corruption war of the current regime, that strategy detracted substantially from extant procedure for disciplining erring judicial officers. The constitution vests that power on the National Judicial Council NJC.  But that is just one dimension of it.

    As at now, one of the judges accused has been discharged and acquitted by the court. Yet, he is unable to resume duties. Another who suffered the raid and arrest has had no charge brought against him. Yet, he cannot resume duties. One of the justices even openly accused the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) of trying to settle scores with him for issues they had years before his (AGF’s) appointment.

    Apart from overt interference by agents of the government, incidences of covert influences are not in doubt. Perhaps, this point will find ample justification when we look at election cases that come before the judiciary. It has more or less become an axiom on these shores that a government in power cannot lose election petitions.

    That is why you easily hear – “declare the result and let them go to court”. Embodied in this statement is the notion that even glaring cases of electoral malpractices that come before the tribunals can still go either way depending on who is involved and the weight of his influence or purse. In this, both the judicial officers who lend themselves to corruption and the politicians or agents of government who deploy devious strategies to pervert the course of justice are culpable.

    Not only do governments in power (federal and state) put undue pressure (monetary and otherwise) on the judiciary to pervert the course of justice, they also entice them with some other mouth-watering promises. So the issues are real. Just a fortnight back, the same CJN alerted the nation that politicians made serious overtures to influence the outcome of the Abia State governorship election before the apex court.

    That is nothing new to the ordinary Nigerian. It is also not new on these shores that some judges come to the court with two judgments in their pockets and the one that eventually carries the day would depend on who among the parties is the highest bidder. That is how bad the situation has become. That is also why the public wanted the judges to be dealt with even outside the law when their privacy was invaded by the DSS.

    Perhaps as justified as the anger of the public was, it did not take into account the fact that the same government and politicians who want the heads of the erring judges for the unabashed corruption within that arm of government are neck deep in providing and facilitating both the necessary and sufficient conditions for the embarrassing corruption that thrives within our judicial system.

    That is the unmistakable point that has been brought to the fore by the CJN. And we can ignore it at a great peril to the current fight against corruption. Even the procedure for the appointment of judges in this country is not such that sufficiently makes for the independence and impartiality of judicial officers. Recurring agitations for judicial reforms illustrate this point most vividly.

    In effect, for us to win the war against corruption either in the judiciary or the larger society in which the judiciary operates, we must take a comprehensive and holistic perspective of the matter. It is not an issue ad hoc intervention by the DSS can reasonably remedy. Even then, as an agency of the executive arm of the government, there is no guarantee that such interventions are not part of a script by agents of the government to get even with judges that refuse to do their bidding.

    We should be more concerned with building strong institutions rather than relying on the vicissitudes of ad hoc measures. And as the CJN succinctly captured, the nation can win the war against corruption if the leadership abides by the constitution and rule of law.

    Where the laws are deemed highly limited in fighting corruption, the solution does not lie in going outside them no matter the constraints. This is because, in the task of fighting corruption within the judiciary, the government could also compromise the independence and integrity of that arm- factors that stand it out as the last hope of the common man. The solution lies in respect for the constitution and the rule of law.

    And where the need arises, processes for constitutional and judicial reforms could be activated. These are more lasting perspectives than the resort to self-help as was the case with the DSS intervention. For, both the government and politicians could as well be the greatest obstacles to the impartiality and independence of the judiciary.

    A similar scenario was equally evident in the recent alarm by the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen Tukur Buratai that some individuals have been approaching some officers and soldiers for undisclosed political reasons. Those undisclosed political reasons have been interpreted as invitation to overthrow the civilian government.

    The parallel here is that just as the government and politicians are part of the corruption chain in the judiciary, both the military and civilians are two sides of the same coin in any attempt to terminate prematurely a democratic government. So we need to take all these factors along in evolving holistic and more enduring therapies against the scourge corruption and military coups.

  • Herbert Macaulay: Celebration of greatness

    On April 17, an interesting letter to the editor appeared in The Nation. It was signed by Mr. Jaiye Ojeikere (MFR), a past President of the Nigerian Institution of Surveyors (NIS). The letter was a response to my column a week earlier, which was titled “Has Lagos forgotten Herbert Macaulay?”

    Mr. Ojeikere wrote: “As little barrack kids from Obalende Police Barracks, 1938-1939, we used to trek to Kirsten Hall in the hope of catching a glimpse of the grand old man and his famous moustache looking out from his balcony. We were lucky on one or two occasions and were rewarded with cheerful smiles. That was more than enough compensation. This was about the time of the song ‘Eki Macaulay, oyinbo alawodudu’.”

    He continued: “During the first half of the existence of Bendel State, I had the good fortune, as Surveyor General, to conduct heads of government and dignitaries round the Survey Division in Benin. We had two prized survey plans: the first was by C.T. Olumide, Benin GRA Layout, 1921, and the other, the 1928 Itsekiri/Urhobo Land-in-Dispute survey plan by Herbert Macaulay. Pa C.T. Olumide became the first President of the Nigerian Institution of Surveyors which body now has an Annual Memorial Lecture to honour him. Pa Herbert Macaulay had the first Nigerian Surveyor’s licence in 1897. The book on the History of Surveying in Nigeria had copious mention of how the Nigerian Institution of Surveyors revered him.”

    This is how the letter ended:  “His part in the birth and growth of Nigerian politics, which was then mainly practised in Lagos, cannot be forgotten. Let it not happen that the contribution of Herbert Macaulay to the growth and development of EKO (Lagos) will not be fittingly recorded, acknowledged and appreciated during the celebration of the 50th year Anniversary of the creation of Lagos State.”

    Indeed, Herbert Macaulay was an illustrious man of many parts. Mr. Ojeikere noted: “Herbert Macaulay was an engineer, a surveyor, an architect, an advocate for peace and equality, a publisher and a writer on contemporary events. He had a highly distinguished family background.”  Herbert Macaulay was all these, and more than these.

    With the support of the Lagos State Government under Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, I was the coordinator of the inaugural Herbert Macaulay Gold Lecture (HMGL) which took place at the Lagos Country Club on May 25. The HMGL is a project of Golden Point Communications.

    The morning rain before the event created a cool atmosphere.  Interestingly, Mr. Ojeikere, now in his eighties, was there. Herbert Macaulay is widely recognised as the “Father of Nigerian Nationalism.”  In his era, he earned the tag: “Champion and Defender of Native Rights and Liberties.”  He was born on November 14, 1864, and died on May 7, 1946. Herbert Macaulay died 21 years before the creation of Lagos State on May 27, 1967.  His 71st death anniversary is happening as Lagos State celebrates its 50th birth anniversary. Death and birth meet in a celebration of life.

    Who was this man who is in the category of all-time greats? Long before Lagos became a megacity famed for its remarkable resilience, a mega figure did mega things to advance its development and the progress of Nigeria.  The title of the lecture: Herbert Macaulay and his relevance to the excellence of Lagos. The distinguished Gold Lecturer shed light on Herbert Macaulay’s greatness and its relevance to the pursuit of greatness by Lagos State, and indeed Nigeria.

    Ambassador Dapo  Fafowora delivered  the maiden Hebert Macaulay Gold Lecture. He is a trained historian and a respected retired diplomat.  His lecture was insightful, enlightening and enlivening.

    Fafowora, a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters (FNAL), said: “I was only five when Herbert Macaulay died and never met him.  It was as a school boy in Lagos that my late father, who was a civil servant himself in the colonial civil service, and a great admirer of Herbert Macaulay, first told me about him and his relentless struggle against colonial rule in Nigeria. Later, when I was 12, he took me to see Herbert Macaulay’s house, named ‘Kirsten Hall’, at 8, Balbina Street, Lagos, near the water front (the Lagoon). I admired the house and, for years, visited it often as I lived near- by, at Ita- Faji. It was an impressive and elegant one-storey detached building which has, regrettably, since been demolished, giving way to what now looks like a grotesque Post Office junk yard. The site is now at the back of the General Post Office House on the Marina. Long after Herbert Macaulay’s death, the house remained a tourist attraction and a sort of political Mecca for his admirers and political associates. Given his prominence as an outstanding historic and public figure in Lagos, I think the house should have been preserved for posterity, not demolished.”

    Fafowora observed:  “The irony is that it was not the colonial authorities, but an indigenous government, that demolished the house to make way for the General Post Office, a singular display of the lack of a sense of history.”

    After painting a picture of the life and times of Herbert Macaulay, the Gold Lecturer asked a thought-provoking question: “What more can we do to honour and immortalise the memory of this outstanding nationalist and patriot?”  Fafowora’s suggestions:  “First, the Lagos State government should urgently set up a Herbert Macaulay Foundation, with the active and generous support of the private sector, to keep his memory and political ideals alive…Second, this lecture should be made an annual event to mark the anniversary of the death of Herbert Macaulay…Third, a major public educational institution in Lagos, preferably a higher institution, should be named after him. As an alternative, a Herbert Macaulay School of Politics and Government should be established in one of our leading Universities in his honour.  The Lagos State University should be considered for this honour.”

    Further suggestions by Fafowora: “Fourth, in the context of the compulsory teaching of Nigerian history in our secondary schools, particularly in Lagos State, a course on Herbert Macaulay should be introduced and made compulsory in our secondary schools; and Fifth, the Glover Memorial Hall on Customs Street, Lagos, adjacent to the Union Bank headquarters… should, with the permission of its Trustees, be renamed Herbert Macaulay Memorial Hall.”

    I will end with a quote: “Lives of great men all remind us/ We can make our lives sublime/ And, departing, leave behind us/ Footprints on the sands of time.”  That was the poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.

  • Omo Eko

    Omo Eko

    They march, wield sticks, guns and machetes. Their bonfires spark with as much heat as their tongues. They defy law and order in order to define their homegrown law and order. They yell Ojukwu, swear by Biafra, assert independence and, with a streak of martyrdom, roar “death” to Nigeria.

    Some see them as rough-hewn, raw, ragtag, even among disaffected Igbo. Others regard them as the seed of a great revolutionary shoot. Many fear them as a throwback to a time of turmoil and butchery. The Nigerian elite, especially from the North, regard them as outlaws with treason in their souls.

    Few have seen the diamond in the rough. They are not like Ojukwu, an establishment soldier who rebelled, with well-honed accent and Oxford cadences. So, they think they are mere ragamuffins. But these men mark 50 years of Biafra, not because they want to leave or eye any prospect in that journey. They just want someone up there with empathy and power to call them to a table over Isi ewu or amala or tuwo masara. They want to coexist rather than exit, to be heard rather be herds at home. They don’t want parasites but partners, to toil as equals.

    We must look at the life of the ultimate Biafran to tell the story of the new-minted rebels. Emeka Ojukwu grew up an Omo Eko. By many accounts, his Yoruba was, if not as fluent, smoother than his native Igbo. He hugged and smooched the place, schooled in King’s College before he proceeded to Oxford. His father was no less a Lagosian. In commerce and culture, the father immersed himself in the city. He was a sort of Dangote of his day, owning, according to legend, half of Apapa.

    Emeka is also known, more in hushed circles, as the offspring of a Hausa-Fulani mother, a fact featured in my novel, My Name Is Okoro. His spoken Hausa was just as autochthonous as his Yoruba. Emeka loved Lagos. He was, in spirit, at one with the temper of the contraption called Nigeria. In a variegated pool of haters, he clasped the ethnic other in a fraternal warmth. He contained the Nigerian contradiction and multitudes in blood and soul.

    Yet, when crisis erupted in the 1960’s, history mocked not only us. It mocked the man it threw up. Ojukwu disdained Gowon. He was no superior officer. Yet, the northern establishment lofted Gowon above him as the supreme commander of the army. Ojukwu loathed Gowon before he fell out with Nigeria. His personal ambition meshed with the injustice with which Nigeria oppressed his Igbo folks.

    He rose to the occasion in rhetoric, with an exterior of rage and a charisma unmatched in all of the Eastern Region, or even Nigeria. Frederick Forsythe, no neutral in matters Ojukwu, compared him in stature and even temperament with some of the great soldier-statesmen in history, including Washington and Charles de Gaulle.

    When the war started, however, the Omo Eko could not conceal his ferment. First, we may say, he was not a good general. He had Nigeria in a corner when his army roared out of the East. But he did not head straight to Lagos. He probably was like Mark Anthony of Ancient Rome.

    Anthony, like Ojukwu, was buff, athletic, of royal bearing, confident, a paragon of the lady’s fantasy. But Ojukwu, like his Roman counterpart, was a failure as a general. He wore his army thin, roaming and riding roughshod in the Midwest, while his Nigerian counterpart still regarded him as a police action. If his army rumbled forth to Lagos, it might have been a walkover. But he dithered until the federal troops coalesced and formed a redoubtable force to repulse him at Ore. Mark Anthony did not want to attack Egypt because he loved a woman, Cleopatra, a femme fatale, who charmed him into suicide. Ojukwu’s Cleopatra during the war was Lagos, or Nigeria. If his project was Biafra, he already had it. He only needed to defend it. Rather he wanted to decapitate Gowon, and win Lagos. He would then become the head of state? That would make his Biafra a soap bubble.

    So, while many Igbo soldiers were fighting ravenously for Biafra, Ojukwu was a leader, but not a true believer or convert. A tender Nigeria coiled covert in his loins. This was not a fact he could admit to himself, even if he asked himself. Perhaps he was a great general, but not against his femme fatale, Nigeria. Anthony craved Egypt with its mammoth resources. He knew he loved Cleopatra. In Shakespeare’s rendering, Anthony and Cleopatra, Anthony is besotted by the fatal charms of his captor. So, he says, “Kingdoms are clay, our dungy earth alike feeds beast as man.” Biafra became his clay. But before Anthony says that, he declares, as Ojukwu might have said of Nigeria without hearing himself: “Here is my space.”

    It is for that space that IPOB and MASSOB clamour as they nudge the polity. They see themselves as Ojukwu reborn. In the Napoleonic era, young men were enthralled by the exploits of the “little general.” They wanted to be little Napoleons. They wanted to be ordinary people who rose to significance, what German philosopher Nietzsche calls the superman. In his nihilistic classic, Crime and Punishment, Fyodor Dostoevsky’s character Raskolnikov confesses that he wants to be a Napoleon. He represented the youth of the day.

    So are the youth of IPOB and MASSOB. They want Nigeria. They love Nigeria. They just want Nigeria to return that passion. Violence is not the way to do it. That, tragically, seems what they know.

    Ojukwu came back to Nigeria not to join a rebel party or even an anti-establishment one. He became an NPN partisan, calling for “a new direction” in the East. He spent most of the rest of his life in Lagos. If Lagos marks 50, this year also marks 50 years since Ojukwu was separated from his love: Lagos.

     

  • Herbert Macaulay celebrates with Lagos

    Herbert Macaulay is widely recognised as the “Father of Nigerian Nationalism.”  In his era, he earned the tag: “Champion and Defender of Native Rights and Liberties.”  Although he died 71 years ago on May 7, 1946, at age 81, he remains relevant as Lagos State celebrates its 50th anniversary. The celebration will climax on May 27.

    On May 25, with the support of the Lagos State Government, the inaugural Herbert Macaulay Gold Lecture will take place at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja. The lecturer, Ambassador Dapo Fafowora, will speak on “Herbert Macaulay and his relevance to the excellence of Lagos.”

    Between 1915 and 1921, Herbert Macaulay was involved in the Apapa Land Case, a celebrated legal battle that pitched him against the colonial government over land ownership in Lagos.  The British authorities held that the colony status of Lagos meant that the indigenous landowners could not be compensated should the government decide to acquire their land for public use.  Based on this policy, the government acquired 255 acres of land in Apapa that belonged to the family of Chief Oluwa, Amodu Tijani, a Lagos white-cap chief of the landowning class. The government offered to pay Oluwa compensation equivalent to the rent for the land, but Oluwa demanded a greater compensation since the government was taking over the land and not renting it.  The ensuing dispute became a court matter, and dragged from 1915 to 1918.

    The court eventually upheld the government’s position, and Oluwa, who was dissatisfied with the judgement, initiated an appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Britain which was the highest court of appeal in the British Empire in those days. The matter came up before the Privy Council in 1920, and Oluwa had to travel to Britain to present his case.

    Oluwa had the backing of Herbert Macaulay who encouraged him to fight to the finish. This was typical of Macaulay. In view of Macaulay’s anti-colonial credentials, his mastery of English and his oratorical power, the unlettered Chief Oluwa readily appointed him as his interpreter and private secretary, and took him to Britain in connection with the case. The Eleko, the King of Lagos, Oba Eshugbayi, supported the move and gave Oluwa a silver-headed staff to show in Britain that he was a genuine Lagos chief.  Eshugbayi was the custodian of the staff that agents of Queen Victoria of England presented to King Akitoye of Lagos in 1852.

    Chief Oluwa was received by His Majesty, King George V, at the Royal Botanical Gardens, London, on July 24, 1920, with Herbert Macaulay holding the silver-headed staff as a symbol of royalty and royal authority. Oluwa and Macaulay spent 15 months in Britain over the land case. On June 14, 1921, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council gave judgement in favour of Chief Oluwa, and ruled that the colonial government in Lagos should pay proper compensation to the Oluwa land-holding family.

    Following this ruling, the government in 1926 paid Chief Oluwa and his family 22, 500 pounds as compensation for the acquired land. Oluwa in turn paid Macaulay 2, 083 pounds for his services. It is said that Oluwa also offered him a piece of land at Apapa which he refused.

    While Macaulay was in Britain over the Apapa Land Case, he seized the opportunity to draw public attention to the plight of the Eleko, the King of Lagos, Oba Eshugbayi of the Dosumu royal family.  The traditional power of the occupant of the throne of Lagos had been circumscribed by the colonial authorities from the time the British overran Lagos in 1851. The Eleko’s financial position also suffered as a result of British rule which blocked his sources of revenue by weakening his control over the external trade as well as internal affairs in Lagos.

    Nevertheless, to cushion the Eleko, the British gave him what they deemed a compassionate grant. This practice predated Eshugbayi’s reign and the grant was changed from time to time.  In Eshugbayi’s time, his supporters asked the government to increase the grant.  Macaulay was one of those that called for a review of Eshugbayi’s grant.

    When Herbert Macaulay raised the issue in Britain, the government in Lagos felt he had carried it too far, and suspected that Eshugbayi had asked him to press the point home. The colonial government reacted by sponsoring some bendable locals who told the Eleko to send his town crier round to condemn Macaulay’s actions abroad. Eshugbayi found himself in a difficult situation. He couldn’t denounce Macaulay; and he had to be cautious lest he was seen as supporting Macaulay.

    There was a deadlock; and in December 1920 the colonial government stopped paying Eshugbayi the compassionate grant.  More fundamentally, apart from depriving Eshugbayi of the annual payment of 300 pounds, the Governor, Sir Hugh Clifford, declared that the Eleko held “no official position and no political significance.”

    News of this development reached Macaulay in Britain, and he took it as a challenge. When Macaulay returned to Lagos after Chief Oluwa’s land case had been resolved, he focused on the “Eleko Question.” The Eleko matter took a turn for the worse in August 1925 when the colonial government decided to expel Eshugbayi from Lagos. The king relocated to Oyo. The government’s move fired Macaulay’s fighting spirit. He considered Eshugbayi’s expulsion unjust and rose against it.

    The lawyers representing the Eleko eventually took the case before the Privy Council in Britain after failed efforts to get the government in Lagos to bring Eshugbayi to court. In its judgement delivered on March 24, 1931, the Privy Council ruled that Eshugbayi’s expulsion should be examined by the courts in Nigeria within the context of native law and custom.  This ruling changed the tide. Governor Donald Cameron issued an order dated June 29, 1931, cancelling Eshugbayi’s expulsion.

    Eshugbayi made a triumphant entry into Lagos on July 4, 1931, welcomed excitedly by the multitude that turned out in the rain to lead him to Iga Idugaran, the palace, with joyous singing and dancing. Macaulay’s reputation sparkled for he clearly played a significant role in the battle for justice for Eshugbayi.

    As Lagos celebrates at 50, Herbert Macaulay’s spirit is around.

  • 82 girls and prisoners’ swap

    After three years in Boko Haram captivity, the release of 82 of the Chibok girls a fortnight ago, no doubt, gladdened the hearts of many. The ecstasy generated by that incident was understandable given the trauma both the girls and their parents have passed through these three years.

    Because the lives of the young girls were in jeopardy, there was the general feeling that anything could be sacrificed to ensure their safety. When therefore the government announced that the release was made possible through the swapping of some Boko Haram commanders in their custody, it seemed the end had justified the means.

    So it was that those who sought to raise reservations on the propriety of the prisoners’ swap were so disparaged that they could no longer find their voice. The furore that trailed attempts by the opposition to raise questions on the swap must have silenced them such that not much was heard of any criticism on the issue. They were made to appear insensitive to the feelings of the girls and their parents in the hands of the cruel and ruthless lot.

    Parallels were swiftly drawn with the United States of America US and some other advanced countries which at the time or the other, applied that option to free their citizens taken captive in other countries. If such advanced countries could swap prisoners, what is wrong in Nigeria applying the same measure to secure the release of the Chibok girls from a deadly monster that gives scant attention to rules of engagement? – they queried.

    With high level sentiments like this, the voice of the opposition was drowned to the extent that nobody again cared to ask why there was no measure of ceasefire while the negotiations leading to the swap lasted. Nobody again cared to ask, where and to whom the freed commanders were released?  Nobody cared to ask what other commitments if any, were extracted from the group before the commanders were freed. These questions at best, remained mute or were discussed in muffled voices until the freed commanders appeared in a video armed with high calibre rifles threatening to attack Abuja and some critical institutions again.

    And as people were still guessing on the authenticity of the video, the military authorities came out to confirm that those in the video were part of the commanders released under the prisoners’ swap. The military went further to urge the public to disregard their threat describing them as people who are seeking relevance having lost touch with the realities of the war. They also spoke of the measures they have taken to guarantee public safety. The advice and assurances can as well be.

    But the episode has exposed the innate weaknesses in the arrangements leading to the swap. Besides, it has again brought to the fore the inappropriateness in shutting of the views of those who offered contrary opinions on the prisoners’ swap. If the freed commanders could so soon after, arm themselves with sophisticated weaponry, threatening the nation’s security, then the swap still leaves a sour taste in our mouths. It immediately conjures the impression that we have created monsters that will turn around to haunt us.

    Beyond that however, it raises issues about the Sambisa forest which we were told has been overrun by our military. It tends to suggest at once that the forest still remains a very stronghold of the insurgents. Or, how else do we account for the ease with which the commanders integrated themselves to their old ways with easy access to weaponry with which they now issued threats in a video recording? It gives the impression of a well fortified and organized group that is not about to capitulate.

    That is the unmistakable signals arising from the video show by the freed commanders. It speaks of minuses in the negotiations leading to their being swapped for the Chibok girls. We have been told arrangements are also afoot to get the remaining girls freed. It is hoped that this time around, the entire negotiations will centre round a comprehensive end to the insurgency since the war is said to be at its dying stages with the insurgents’ capacity for evil largely degraded.

    Continuing suicide bombs attacks since the release of the girls and swap of the commanders do not give cause for comfort. The University of Maiduguri was last week attacked with some casualties. Elsewhere, the military has foiled suicide bomb attempts. There were also video images of some of the Chibok girls that refused to leave Boko Haram den wielding dangerous weapons. All these are sources of grave concern as they do not leave even the most optimistic in the comfort of mind that the war will peter out very soon.

    Beyond these however, there are nagging questions that needed to be answered for the discerning public to get a proper perspective of the whole circumstances of the abduction, incarceration and release of the girls. This is necessary given complaints from the Chibok community on the secrecy surrounding the release and subsequent handling of those that have been freed. Chairman of the Chibok community in Abuja, Hosea Tsambido complained of the restrictions placed on the 21 girls released last year.

    Apart from their not being allowed to interact freely and answer questions freely, he said the only thing the first group is being taught is how to bake cake, sing and clap. He has therefore demanded a probe into the 2014 abduction saga. Tsambido’s frustrations are not out of place. Before now, it was widely believed that part of the difficulties in securing a quick release of the girls was due to doubts by the Jonathan regime on the veracity of the abduction.

    That doubt is yet to be reasonably cleared. Even though people have been reluctant to come public with it, references to the good health of the 82 released girls especially in the social media point to raging scepticisms on the abduction saga. With the pictures we have seen of the freed girls, it would seem the insurgents treated and fed them very well. It is not a tale of haggard-looking, emaciated and abused girls. Neither did it depict a spectacle of those who lived in a dreaded forest for good three years.

    Some of them are looking better than those of us living in the comfort of our homes. Little wonder some of the girls were reported to have refused to accept the offer of freedom but instead preferred to remain with their abductors. There is no evidence of the girls having been married off, sold into slavery or killed by their captors. With promises that the remaining girls would soon be freed, previous stories of their being used in suicide bomb attacks have turned out as speculations lacking in any iota of substance. As things have turned out, it would appear that Boko Haram has demonstrated a good record in respecting the fundamental human rights of its prisoners; an offence our military have before now, been accused of.

    When we juxtapose the seeming good health of the girls with the renewed threat by the swapped commanders, the impression we get is that of a confused situation. Such confusion can only be resolved through more information on the saga. People (especially journalists) should seriously be interested in knowing whether the girls we have seen were in the dreaded Sambisa forest all these years? They should be interested in their experiences while they were held captive. What occupied their time during the period and how they related with the insurgents are of public interest.

    But we cannot have any of these now. The alibi is that allowing them to disclose such information would jeopardize the release of the remaining girls. We are told that they are serious security information that the public does not need now. Plausible as this seems, there is the other dimension that the excuse could be a convenient subterfuge to cover up the real story behind the abduction saga. That is the uncanny dilemma we have to contend with for now. Someday, the real story will emerge.

  • Contents and malcontents

    Contents and malcontents

    Okonkwo and his fellow villagers in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart confront a dilemma. Either they uphold their sovereign dignity or allow the white man flush them out. Pride pitted itself against surrender, and Okonkwo embodied a self-esteem that some critics call hubris. With the impulse of a lion, he belches out: “If a man comes into my hut and defecates on the floor, what do I do? Do I shut my eyes?”

    That sentiment has haunted Nigeria since the British set foot on Nigerian soil centuries ago. It led to the rise and fall of kingdoms, internecine intrigues, the collapse of rites and rituals, the fall of warriors and rise of quislings. It gave birth to inferiority complex, the rise of nationalism, the fissures of lore and customs. Ernest Ikoli, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Awo, et al made their marks by rejecting to be marked down by foreign overlords.

    Over half a century after, the issue of national self-assertion against the foreign interloper gnaws us with the rabid rapacity of a kitchen rat. One of such insistent presences is the work of the multinationals, especially those in the oil field. The decision to clean up the Ogoni area is a reaction to the depredations of the leeches. They fatten and leave us poor, our waters and farms and livelihoods ruined with grime and disease. When they leave, we clean up the mess. They are making more mess. Partly because we have failed as a nation to own our oil as we cannot own our country.

    An instance is the story that happened a few weeks ago when PENGASSAN and NUPENG picketed the well-known behemoth called GE. They had secured a court ruling to suffocate a local company known as ARCO, in spite of agreements that the Labour Minister Chris Ngige and other mainstays of the oil company, including NNPC, were witnesses.

    The agreement was simple. If GE and its co-traveller, AGIP, worked to ease ARCO out of a deal, at least they should pay the Nigerian workers their due for the years they worked. GE has balked on the agreement. That explained why the two unions picketed in Lagos and Port Harcourt.

    There are many injustices in this tale. The Nigerian workers’ due amounts to a paltry $1.2 million as against close to the $90 million deal they ferreted out of our soil to edge out ARCO, even though ARCO did bid for the same deal with $37 million offer.

    In this age where we seek local content for our businesses in the oil sector, even our courts and local business elite work together to create malcontents. The point, though, is that the malcontents are the winners. They cavil at the rules and turn the institutions in their favour. To be a malcontent in Nigeria, you soil the content first, and get the law to anoint your action.

    In that way how can we have great industrialists who are home-grown. In Nigeria today, the only true industrialist is Aliko Dangote. In cement, food, and now refinery and petrochemicals, Dangote is domesticating prosperity. Other players are Lilliputians. The big ones come from outside. If it is capitalism we want, we must understand that it has a big appetite, and to generate it you call in local talent. That accounted for the Local Content Act of 2010. But it has been feat in the breach.

    The United States big names like Ford, Carnegie, Morgan, Rockefeller, et al, galvanised an economy into the engine room of world commerce. They worked with rules and with earnest energy and innovation.

    The suffocation of ARCO leaves a sour note on a patriot’s mouth. Especially if we realise that ARCO saved the business for GE when the company’s staff fled the Niger Delta when militants kidnapped foreign workers.

    But the tragedy began in the beginning when Arco was hired as partner with a foreign firm Nuovo Pignone to maintain the OBOB/ Ebocha/ Kwale Agip plants in the Niger Delta. GE bought Nuovo and degraded ARCO from a partner in the deal to a sub-contractor. ARCO tagged along, helplessly. After GE staff fled the project from militants, ARCO played hero and maintained the plants.

    For gratitude, GE not only degraded Arco as sub-contractor, poached 19 of their key staff and plotted the local firm’s removal as part of the deal. When the contract expired, GE worked with a firm top-heavy with foreigners bid for among over 30 firms for contract renewal. Agip and GE took Plantgeria that scored 6.05 as against 8.1 by ARCO in the official assessment.

    The Nigerian courts ruled against ARCO in its challenge of the selection process. In spite of winning, GE fails to the 150 workers. These same 150 refused to work for GE’s Plantgeria. They don’t want to be wage slaves. So, GE ferried staff from Europe.

    With such institutional surrender, we cannot grow. We import oil. We even now import services we have here at home. It makes ARCO a metaphor for local firms who suffer quietly. But ARCO’s fight for its 150 workers recalls the Greek myth of Prometheus who saves mortals by gifting them with fire. Zeus is angry because it gives mortals power and independence. Just as ARCO stands for the nurture of local enterprise. This story is dramatised in Aeschylus’ play, Prometheus Bound. Though bound by foreign firms and conniving locals, ARCO and its workers are, as the playwright puts it, “standing upright, unsleeping, never bowed in rest.”

    Foreign firms have the right to do business here. But not the right to undo us.

     

    Ride on, Dino

    Senate upstart Dino Melaye titles his book, Antidotes for Corruption. What is for doing in that title? For means “in support of.” So, the senator was giving us a Freudian slip. He is saying, by that title, that the book was written in irony in support of corruption. Bukola “Eleyinmi” Saraki, take note as you go to court.

    The title then is, “Antidote in support of Corruption”. Nobel laureate Samuel Becket invented the phrase Risus Purus, meaning “a laugh laughing at itself.” Was Melaye not laughing at himself? Ride on, Dino.

     

  • A Lagos original

    A Lagos original

    At the weekend when I rode the Abule-Egba bridge, I said to myself, “here originality of thinking meets fortitude.” To think, first you must be bold. If you had travelled that intersection a few years ago, you would deny it is the same place. Anarchy has given way to ease. Technology theorists call it disruption. The economist Schumpeter wrote about “creative destruction.” You bring it down, rebuild it, so others may ask, am I displaced or something is replaced, or am I dreaming? Shakespeare’s Imogen wakes from sleep and says, famously, “I hope I dream.” It is the spirit of Lagos that alpha Governor Akinwunmi Ambode clinched there and in Ajah.

    In that same spirit, I think of another Lagos original, Herbert Macaulay. The fiery nationalist whose fervour for justice and sovereignty was also born in Lagos. His name signposted the irony of the struggle against colonialism. As I noted in my poem, Scented Offal, “He was twined into a twinsoul/ He spoke their language but forswore their tongue/ he wore their suits to shed their skin/Sometimes he loved their skein to uphold his skin.”

    He was the precursor of Zik, Awo, and others who have turned the city into Nigeria’s pre-eminent place. In his honour, a lecture will hold on Thursday, May 25, at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja. Another Lagos original and Honorary Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters, Ambassador Dapo Fafawora, will talk on “Herbert Macaulay and his relevance to the excellence of Lagos.”

    As Lagos turns 50, it deserves its originals – and excellence.

     

  • The letter storm

    The letter storm

    These days letters are going out of date. The post office has moved from the mainstay of communication to a dinosaur. So, we send emails, text messages, or bow to Donald Trump’s ultimate sharp shooter: the tweet.

    The past, as they say, never dies. So, last week, the letter roared back from the dead. It happened in two places. One in Nigeria, the other in the United States. In Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari scripted one to the National Assembly. Donald Trump fired his to James Comey, the director of the FBI and the man probing his possible collusion with Putin’s Russia.

    The one letter was a hiring, the other a firing. Each let off a storm. They were written in what many will call simple sentences. Everyone should understand them. But, as it turned out, the phrases spun into a cloud of ambiguity.

    Trump’s letter fired Comey apparently for his handling of the Hilary Clinton email scandal. But the author denied and said it was all about the Russia probe. In the letter, he said he fired Comey on the advice of the attorney general. But when responding to questions, he said the counsels counted for little. His press corps agreed that the bottom line was that he fired the FBI chief.

    Here at home, Buhari’s letter referred to the relevant portion of the constitution that makes Yemi Osinbajo acting president. But fire gutted out of the phrase that the “Vice-President will coordinate the activities of the government.”

    The word coordinate, according to critics, belonged to a lower tier of authority. An acting president leads or heads, not coordinates, they would say. The storm roared into silence after Bukola “Eleyinmi” Saraki intervened. But that did not end the chatter around the country.

    Why did it generate so much brouhaha? Does a leader not coordinate? Of course, a leader does. But coordinate is not usually the term deployed for a leader. A leader leads, heads, is a visionary, orders, etc. Those are muscular words, indicating a man in the arena.

    But the storm came because language is never simple or difficult. It depends on context and sometimes the audience, or the utterer.

    The Buhari letter sparked predators on both sides of a divide. The divide predated the letter. Critics were miffed when he degraded from office to home to sign files. He was absent-in-chief at FEC meetings and became holy-in-chief at Friday prayers. Even that became epileptic.

    Suspicions pervaded certain quarters that his “kitchen cabinet” had corralled him. They wanted him around to do little so long as they wielded power. His absence meant their impotence. So, when the letter was unveiled, critics saw the hands of the cabal. They saw an attempt to cripple Osinbajo, to hem him in as vice-president.

    Were they right? They might and they might not be. If the president did not write it, at least he read it. The letter may have been written with all the best of intention. Maybe the president has seen himself as a sort of coordinator, working with others as peers in which he was first among equals. That is washed away by his martial bearing and feudal background, though. But could it be because he sees the word the way his critics don’t. After all, sections 148 and 149 refer to the word coordinate as the president’s function. That makes him home free. Some would say, well, it was not in the context of a handover from president to acting president.

    As the Senate president has indicated, though, the constitutional requirement sufficiently clears any fog of the intent. As easy as the sentence was, the epistolary flap will haunt Buhari. It will also irritate his supporters who think it is much ado about nothing.

    In the letter, we had the north and south divide, the PDP-APC divide, the cabal and the others divide. A stark wall disrupts understanding. A stark wall of words. Nor is it the first time such a thing would happen. Whether in politics, religion, or even literature, words have always sparked turbulence. It might be simple, it might even be clear in its rhetorical stumble, like Rosa Parks’ “My feet is tired.” Or when Mark Twain wrote that stories of his death were greatly exaggerated.

    The bombing of Hiroshima was attributed to misinterpretation of the Japanese leader’s response to the American threat. The Japanese leader had said he was considering Truman’s terms but it came away in translation as though they were ready for the Americans. When Jefferson wrote “all men are created equal…” it referred to only white men. Now, it’s everyone and gender. Even at that, Orwell’s Animal Farm still haunts, as some are “more equal than others.” Trump will agree. Ditto Marie Le Pen.

    Hence French writer Roland Barthes announces the “death of the author.”  According to him, “to give a text an author is to impose him on that text.” So, the writer is not writing but he or she is unknowingly a messenger of a group, a church, a tribe, a time, or consciousness. So, when a Jukun man writes, the Yoruba does not see it as the man’s views but his Jukun background.

    It eliminates the individual, everyone is in a sort of chain. While Barthes sets off debates, he has been engaged by such writers as Paul De Man, Barbara Johnson, Michel Foucault. Jacques Derrida lashed back with his “the Death of Roland Barthes.” When Soyinka flayed Achebe as guilty of “unrelieved competence,” he might have subliminally fallen into the Barthian spell.

    Sometimes it is a matter of the humble comma. When Jesus was at the stake, he told the repentant thief and fellow victim, “I say unto you today thou shall be with me in paradise.” Those who believe the thief went to heaven, place the comma before today and those who believe he did not put the comma after today. Or in analysing Becket’s play, Waiting For Godot, a critic described it as “nothing happens, twice.” If the comma is removed, it means something else. In Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, megalomaniac Malvolio misreads the author of a letter and makes himself a public fool for love.

    So, when Buhari wrote that letter, the meaning left his hands. As the author, did he die, or was it the mischief of others who were imposing their own backgrounds on the words? A new book, Do I Make Myself Clear, by Harold Evans has intervened in the capacity of language to mock us. Evans is regarded as the best editor ever, having shown his mettle as editor of the Times of London. He cavils at obfuscations, long introductory sentences, clichés, abused words, etc.

    What we know here is that words are not only not simple, they are never innocent. That is because we are a complicated people with lots of mischief.