Category: Monday

  • At the IBB wedding

    At the IBB wedding

    It was not the array of private jets that bothers me as much as the fact that they gathered for the gap-toothed one. The one who dissolved June 12, suspended civil liberties, hounded critics, scuttled the economy, invented the fleeing Andrews, exploded talents, obliterated the word corruption from official use, and boasted after all that he was the evil genius.

    When the political and business elite gathered to pay homage to him at the wedding of his child, was it an endorsement of those woes and that blighted a chapter of our past? I find it difficult to believe that. Some of the guests were also his victims. It has to be that he was forgiven. IBB must be the luckiest man to have committed that much atrocity and enjoyed forgiveness without asking for it.

    The question is, is he grateful or appreciative of this? Or is it a wasted act of grace?

    The weekend in Minna also reinforces what I have noticed about society weddings. The parents show off. In such weddings, it is about the parents. In poor weddings, it is about the couple.

  • An agreement is an agreement

    It was a time to look back, and then look forward. The 10th anniversary of Murtala Muhammed Airport Terminal Two (MMA2), Lagos, was not just about the past. More importantly, it was also about the future.

    Talking of the past, it would appear that airport terminal operator Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited (BASL) has had a difficult experience concerning the concession agreement it signed with the Federal Government. The anniversary was a fitting time to highlight the minuses that dampened the celebration.

    The company’s chairman, Dr. Wale Babalakin, shed light on the negatives when he spoke to reporters about the government’s contractual infidelity. Babalakin stated: “We got approval since 2007 to operate regional flights from MMA2, but the relevant authorities are frustrating our efforts. We could trace it to both the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) and the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA). It is the airlines that are affected, because they burn aviation fuel moving their aircraft from MMA2 to the international terminal. This would not arise if they had allowed us to operate regional flights from MMA2.”  He added: “In 2008, the former President Musa Umaru Yar’Adua presided over meetings to resolve all issues about MMA2; despite the directive given by the former president, aviation authorities are yet to honour the concession agreement.”

    A report said Babalakin “urged the Federal Government to pay over N200 billion” to BASL “for failing to hand over the old domestic terminal, otherwise known as General Aviation Terminal (GAT), Lagos.”  According to the report, “Babalakin said the payment was necessary after BASL was awarded damages by the Federal High Court to the tune of over N132 billion in 2012. He said the amount increased to N200 billion, owing to the revenue the terminal operator would have collected as revenue for flights and other commercial activities at the old domestic terminal.”

    It is one thing to unlawfully break a concession agreement; it is another thing to defy lawful sanctions. The situation is compounded when the lawfully determined guilty party carries on as if nothing is wrong.

    Against this background, it is understandable that Babalakin has taken the matter to the court of public opinion. He said: “We are seeking the assistance of all and sundry for the payment of the N200 billion owed to Bi-Courtney Airways Services by the Federal Government. As far back as 2012, the Federal High Court awarded damages of N132 billion to Bi-Courtney Airways Limited. Six appeals against the judgment in the Court of Appeal have been dismissed. Even the appeal to the Supreme Court was also dismissed. No nation can truly achieve its potential, if it treats its dynamic citizens this way.”

    Babalakin continued: “We call on the regulatory authorities to honour the concession agreement, which has been approved by every level of government, including the Presidency and confirmed by all the strata of the courts in Nigeria. This is the only way to reward our pioneering efforts.  We are grateful to Allah that our eye opening effort had led to the upgrading of some airports in Nigeria and the decision of the Federal Government to concession airports.”

    It is interesting that the government announced plans to concession 22 airports. Considering Bi-Courtney’s experience, it would be interesting to observe the process and the outcome of the agreements. The MMA 2, inaugurated in May 2007 by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, prides itself on its status as the first privately funded Design, Build, Operate and Transfer (DBOT) terminal in Nigeria. MMA2 reportedly handled 20 million passengers and 400, 000 flights in 10 years.

    It is noteworthy that in the same week that BASL celebrated the 10th anniversary of MMA 2, Acting President Yemi Osinbajo declared that Public-Private Partnership (PPP)   was important and inevitable for the country’s economic growth. Osinbajo said at the Third Presidential Quarterly Business Forum at the old Banquet Hall of the State House, Abuja: “The real challenge is how to efficiently and faithfully implement these great ideas. I think for effective delivery, this partnership with the private sector is undoubtedly the way to go. So, our approach in this respect and other sectors, the delivery unit will invite and work with private sector players in our delivery clusters to deliver on quality and value in all these various sectors. This we will do in all the identified sectors. We will make ourselves accessible to you as much as possible.”

    At the same forum, the Minister of Budget and National Planning, Udoma Udo Udoma, played up the newly launched Economy Recovery Growth Plan (ERGP), saying that the government would take full advantage of the power of the private sector to get Nigeria out of recession and put it on the path of growth.

    It will take much more than words to achieve public-private partnerships that work; and it is only when such collaborations work that the country can enjoy the benefits.

    Babalakin was a  qualified speaker on the problematisation of public-private partnership in the country at last year’s Nigerian Economic Summit in Abuja, where he shared  some  of  his company’s experiences regarding the Murtala Mohammed Airport Domestic Terminal 2, Federal Secretariat, Ikoyi, and Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. His group is controversially enmeshed in disagreements connected with concession agreements with the Federal Government on these particular subjects. It is worth mentioning that, based on his experience, Babalakin listed the drawbacks to public-private partnership in Nigeria: the attitude of the government, lack of respect for sanctity of contracts and the rule of law, lack of investor security, corruption and malice. It goes without saying that any concessionaire faced with these troubles will have nightmares.

    There is no question about the documented success of the PPP model in the development of sectors such as energy, mining, transportation and telecommunications in other countries. The PPP approach and the concession concept cannot be reasonably discounted in a modern economy, especially considering reported examples in Western Europe and U.S.A. where private investors are involved in infrastructure development based on concession agreements.

    In the final analysis, when a concession agreement generates a disagreement, there may well have been no agreement. The ultimate lessons of the 10th anniversary of MMA2 are: an agreement is an agreement and an agreement should not become a disagreement.

  • Not a slip of the pen

    It is as well very refreshing that the Senate resolved the controversy surrounding the letter transmitted to the National Assembly by President Muhammadu Buhari before proceeding on his latest medical check-up.

    In that letter, Buhari, citing section 145 of the 1999 constitution as amended informed the national legislature of his intention to proceed on medical follow-up with his doctors in London. The letter went further to state inter alia “while I am away, the vice president will coordinate the activities of the government”.

    Issues have been raised regarding the appropriateness of the word ‘coordinate’. The argument is that the letter should have stated very explicitly that the vice president will act as the president. Apparently taking into account the reference to section 145 of the constitution, the Senate President ruled the senator who raised the issue out of order.

    Section 145 states as follows “whenever the President transmits to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, a written declaration that he is proceeding on vacation or that he is otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such functions shall be discharged by the vice president as acting president”.

    Even with the ruling, a number of well-meaning Nigerians have given varying interpretations to the wording of the president’s letter. While legal opinions are agreed that there is nothing like coordinating president in the constitution, some see the word as having been deliberately inserted to incapacitate the vice president from taking total control while Buhari is away. There are also those who have sought to dismiss the matter as a slip of the pen. Yet, some others see the use of the word as irrelevant as long as the President has transmitted a letter to the National Assembly.

    For this school, the word does not in any way limit the powers of the Vice President as far as the constitution is concerned.

    However, the government through the minister of information regards the semantic argument as a needless distraction. He shares this view with some other Nigerians. He says the key thing is that the letter opened up with references to section 145 of the 1999 constitution which states clearly the position of the Vice President once such letters are transmitted to the National Assembly.

    With these assurances and the ruling of the Senate, it would seem the Vice President is home and dry in exercising the constitutional responsibilities bestowed on him once the President transmits a letter to the National Assembly on the matter.

    But that could be a very simplistic perspective of the matter. This is especially so given the hindsight of our very recent past. This is about the fourth time the President is transferring power to the Vice President. And in the three previous instances, there were no ambiguities in the framing of the letters. Why the latest letter is shrouded in ambiguity should be serious source of concern to all. It is neither a matter that should be swept away with a wave, nor another opportunity to smell mischief on the part of those who speak against the wording of the letter.

    This column does not share the view that it is either a mistake of the pen or that of the head. It indeed reflects the mindset of the authors of that letter. It is symptomatic of the reluctance of its framers in coming to terms with the change that will come with an acting President in the saddle due to their obsession with maintaining the status quo. This conclusion draws ample credence from the high wired politics that had surrounded the President’s health of recent.

    A few days before the President made public his intention to embark on the latest travel for medical attention, there was strident outcry from the public for full disclosure on the President’s health. Views ranged from those who wanted the President to take some time off and stabilize his health given his very frail look to others who wanted him to allow the Vice President handle the affairs of the country given his inability to attend the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meetings four consecutive times.

    There were also some pressure groups that threatened to embark on protests if the cabal at the corridors of power continues with the hide and seek game on the President’s health. These represent ample evidence that the handling of the President’s health had polarized the polity with debilitating prospects for peace, progress, unity and overall development of a country buffeted by myriads of economic and political challenges.

    If these reactions were not enough to underscore the gravity of the schism and mistrust in the polity, the statement by pioneer national chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Chief Bisi Akande in which he accused a cabal in the presidency of feasting from the President’s health challenges further exposed the duplicity in the entire process. He had identified the President’s health and its handling as the key red flag that is about to throw the nation into unmitigated calamity.

    He also spoke of attempts by certain leaders using corrupt money to influence the security agencies by intimidating and suppressing certain ethnic groups or playing one ethnic group against the other.

    Within that week, President Buhari made two public appearances- he received the Attorney-General of the Federation with the managing director of the NNPC and appeared for the Jumat prayer. Apparently designed by his handlers to diffuse speculations given his serial inability to attend the FEC meetings and appear in public functions, those two outings ended up raising more questions than they intended to answer.

    Those who saw the President especially as he walked to the Jumat prayer, painted a picture of a very frail man who really needed to take some time off to attend to his failing health. It was therefore not surprising that soon after those seemingly arranged appearances, he travelled out of the country for the same purpose.

    Given this backdrop, there is everything to suggest that the contentious letter must have been deliberately crafted by the same cabal profiting from the President’s health to enable them continue with their old habits when the President is away. The idea is to insert clauses that are intended to impair the effective performance of the duties of the Vice President to enable them retain the awesome powers they wield behind the scene. That is the frame of mind unambiguously reflected in the letter.

    And in the ailing position the President unfortunately found himself, he may not have bothered scrutinizing the letter, trusting as usual his staff will do the needful. But that trust has been betrayed by those who presented the letter for his signature. That is my reading of the matter. This is more so, given that in the issue of the President’s health, he has been more honest and open than his handlers.

    For a President that told the nation on return from his medical trip that he has never been that sick in his life and would soon embark on medical check-up; even as his handlers were telling us that he was not sick, what proof of honesty do we again require of him in this matter? The point here is that it is an unlikely possibility that Buhari would intentionally allow a clause that would turn out and embarrass his government.

    It is the handiwork of the same cabal that prodded him to stay put at the risk of his health to enable them satisfy selfish and sectional predilections. The blame should be squarely placed on the shoulders of this group for the unnecessary distraction and furore generated by the wrongly worded letter. It is a case of the government accusing itself of unnecessarily distracting the public through acts of omission or commission.

  • Wanted: Our help!

    Wanted: Our help!

    She came to The Nation’s office the other day, but she looked quite upbeat. But behind that exterior, Stella Monye was not the happiest mother on earth. Her son has been held down by an illness of damaged kidney, bladder and urethra that has crippled him since boyhood. Ibrahim who has earned a degree at home needs the mother to care for him everyday. She needs N20 million to take the son to the United States for treatment.

    Monye is no ordinary Nigerian. She has used her talent to sing and entertain and inspire. The least we can do is help her. Governors, senators, the president and his ministers: N20 million is small money to help the son. She sang “Oko mi ye duro timi o.” Translation: “My husband stand by me.” It is a plea for solidarity. She needs it now. It is a disgrace to us all that a woman like that who has been ambassador all over the world on our behalf is reduced to nursing a “vegetable” child when healing is on our wings.

  • Song for Lagos

    Song for Lagos

    There lies Lagos, the city at the edge of the sea and always on edge. And the people are sometimes at sea. There I was almost born but grew up there. I saw it in the 1960’s, when I first understood the identity of things on Ijaoye Street, near Yaba.

    But it was a city where I first found my tongue and feet. Where I kicked my first ball, wrote my first sentence, ran to safety with my father Moses during the civil war, made my first friend, loosed my tongue into its first song, crippled a toe in my first wound, knew the limpid sky above and learned about God and the devil, duelled a classmate, conquered a class test, inhaled the chemical anxiety of a hospital air where I went with my mother over a non-existent ailment.

    It was that very afternoon when the doctor said I was fine and that my frequent bouts of malaria were not because of any blood disease. I recall that afternoon my first encounter with amala, and my taste bud cringed gratefully to the meal with ewedu. Because I loved it, it became a home staple.

    Since then Lagos has been for me what it has been for Nigeria. It has known war and peace, the ragged and the brilliant, the elegant and brutal, the lover and predator, the quick and the dead, the tyrant and olive branch.

    Baba Sala made me thrill to the laugh as organised entertainment. The Bar Beach Show was a joy in literal language but barbaric in metaphor. It entertained until we saw armed robbers’ heads drop on stakes from gunshots.

    Lagos has been the cult of success. Everyone knew he or she would visit Lagos. In spirit. In their fantasies, they were singers, football stars, CEOs, heads of state. They gobbled the city’s delicacies and swaddled the tony arms of the rich.

    They came with their all, hoping to love and grow, make money and subdue it, own a big home, coddle a wife or man, breed a family, travel on its fabled highways and watch its televisions, encounter its celebrities from Julie Coker to D’Banj, from Ray Ekpu to Segun Odegbami, from Victor Uwaifo to Haruna Ilerika. Achebe wrote on how unwilling he was to depart the place when the Igbo fled the pogrom. Soyinka dedicated works to it. Ekwensi’s Jaguar Nana and other works roiled there. Ebenezer Obey, Sunny Ade found muse there. And Nigeria’s best ever, Rex Lawson, warmed his tongue in its entrails. Asa soared there first.

    It is the melting pot. The tribes come, whether Afemai or Ogoni, whether from a backwoods hut in Abia or an illiterate mother near Sambisa, Lagos has not only been a destination. It has been a destiny. The poor came to Lagos and rose to become a rose. The same city that birthed Olajumoke into a star also embraced a skinny lad like Nwankwo Kanu whose feet wrote Nigerian soccer into lore. Scientists like Awojobi and Chike Obi, social scientists like Claude Ake, or lawyers like Gani Fawehinmi and Falana. They all boomed there. Dele Giwa was letter-bombed into martyrdom. Even breakaway Ojukwu daydreamed about it in Biafra.

    The man born in Damaturu found traction in Isale Eko. The trader who could not bloom in Benin had a boost of clients in Alausa. At one time, Lagos swarmed with soldiers. As the nation’s capital, the youth did not want to be democrats. They loved the ostentatious impunity of the khaki men. Murtala Mohammed’s voice and its ability to conjure action did not vitiate the army’s glory in the senses after Dimka snuffed it out. It was almost like the Stockholm syndrome, the victim bonded with its kidnapper.

    Fela’s “Soldier go, soldier come,” became less of a republican query than a sonorous surrender in an age when to be a messiah was to be a bully. Even avatars like Soyinka and Solarin were almost beguiled when the gap-toothed one gave us a meretricious cake of a system. Boys fantasised about “good morning, fellow Nigerians…”

    Lagos saw it and ran weary. The jackboot ran its course. In the city, Zik, Awo, et al, duelled to free us from the white man’s fang. In the 1990’s, the big city was agog with fury again. “On June 12 we stand,” a slogan reigned about Abiola. The man started as a dirt-poor kid who sang for bowls of amala. He became the nation’s richest man and unparalleled philanthropist. Once on the side of the soldier, he waxed into a traitor to his past, morphing into the neon sign of democracy. His foes fell and rallied behind him. His fellow oppressors were aghast at his new incarnation.

    We all became democrats, including even peacock soldiers. They joined in the cauldron, including businessmen. In Lagos people dared and risked their lives. Rewane, Bagauda Kaltho, Kudirat Abiola, etc bubbled out of sight. Some almost died; Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Soyinka, Bayo Onanuga, Nosa Igiebor, etc had limbs and zeal to fight on.

    In the end, Lagos survived for Nigeria. The city after Abacha was an opportunity. Democracy was nothing if not how Lagos did it. Without oil, Lagos became the country’s richest state. Lucky always, it had good men at the helm. First, it was Jakande, an austere leader, who combined discipline with a frontiers man’s vision, dreaming free education, and infrastructure work. No colour, no finesse, but a lot to deliver to the people.

    Tinubu came after Marwa. He laid a foundation for what is modern Lagos. Not the Jakande austere worldview, he came with a fecund vision, blending grassroots flair with fertility of commerce. A soldier and refiner of democracy. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) took over and built assiduously on the vision and earned on this page the epaulette of the governor of example.

    The Jonathan years impacted Lagos. Nowhere was it more potent than the election that brought alpha Governor Akinwunmi Ambode to the throne. At the polls, ethnic hate halved the city as no time in the past 50 years. The vote tilted for peace. With a “one Lagos” vision of ground-breaking infrastructure work, Ambode has soothed wounds and subdued tribe or faith, emphasising one people, and levitated the city to its cultural vitality.

    Our embraces are more important than our races. Our kind places second when we are kind. As Lagos marks 50, it looks with faith to another 50 without fifth columnists, but a single march of one people. Poet Lord Alfred Tennyson calls it, “one equal temper of heroic hearts.”

  • Again, at the crossroads

    We have passed through this path before. We are again on it. Curiously, all indicators point to the direction that no gainful lessons have been learnt from our encounter with that tortuous terrain.

    That perhaps, explains why events seem to be following the same predictable but ruinous pattern. If we have a country of leaders with direction; a country of selfless and patriotic leaders; a country where the overall good and interests of the constituents form the basis for collective action, we will not find ourselves repeating the same mistakes that nearly brought this nation down so soon after- a mistake whose deleterious fallouts are yet to wane.

    And since we trod this path very recently, it is curious how easily we forget the past. It is surprising we are unable to take advantage of past experiences to address emergent national political issues that are repeating themselves in a manner to demonstrate very unambiguously that we are learning from history.

    That is ones reading of the uncanny fate surrounding the controversy over the health of President Muhammadu Buhari and the attempt by some people at the corridors of power to repeat mistakes of the recent past. The same display of ethnic card and sectional supremacy that dominated the political scene when last Nigeria passed through that path are gain at play this time, with higher prospects of tearing the fabric of this wobbling nation apart.

    We can do with less of cabalistic manipulations especially given that our easy resort to ethnic shortchanging in serious national and constitutional issues, has been the nation’s greatest undoing, accounting in the main, for our failures to make meaningful progress despite the enormous resources mother nature endowed us very bountifully.

    We were treated to this theatrical during the regime of President Umaru Yar’Adua and it dragged the nation to the precipice. For about 55 days, there was a vacuum at the highest administrative echelon of the country due to the absence of Yar’Adua who was in Saudi Arabia for treatment for some illness. He left the country on November 23, 2009 without transmitting a letter to the National Assembly to then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to act in keeping with constitutional stipulations.

    A vacuum then arose as some influential persons close to the ailing president capitalized on the situation to hang on to power, issuing directives in the name of the president. They feared that if power was handed over to Jonathan, it may see them out of office. They preferred Yar’Adua to hang on for them to be now calling the shots as the powers behind the throne.

    Such was the situation and so chaotic was it that the nation drifted towards the abyss. The then Senate was to save the situation citing the doctrine of necessity thereby empowering Jonathan to act. So debilitating and insidious was the power game until the sad news of the demise of Yar’Adua.

    The way Jonathan was treated during that period by the cabal at the corridors of power may have accounted for his conduct thereafter especially his determination to run for another four years despite the understanding said to have been agreed upon for him not to run.

    With all we passed through, it is indeed sad that history is about to repeat itself soon after with frightening prospects for the unity and stability of this unity in diversity. The inherent danger was brought to the fore by a statement last week by the founding national chairman of the All Progressives Congress APC, Chief Bisi Akande. In that highly loaded statement, Akande identified what he called two great red flag dangers capable of plunging the country into unprecedented chaos, with the health of the president as the most critical and the disorder and lack of cohesion between the president and the National Assembly as the other.

    But the greatest danger he said is for “political interests at the corridors of power attempting to feast on the health of the president in a dangerous manner that may aggravate the problems between the executive and the National Assembly and drag the country into avoidable doom”.

    He also accused certain Nigerian leaders, blinded by corruption of assuming “the possibility of using money in manipulating the national security agencies to intimidate, suppress and hold down certain ethnic nationalities or playing one ethnic nationality against the other with a view to undermining the constitution and perversely upturning the rule of law”.

    These are very loaded statements especially coming from a key stakeholder in the current regime; somebody who played a crucial role in all the events that shaped and saw the current regime cruise to power two years ago. If he is now crying out in the manner he has done, we can appreciate the level of his frustrations.

    As a key player, he wears the shoes and knows where it pinches most. Though he spoke in a veiled form, it is not difficult to read his lips.  And we have every reason to take him very seriously. Akande is such a serious mind and well respected statesman that the events that propelled him to speak the way he has done must be that critical.

    Before now, well-meaning individuals and groups have expressed dissatisfaction with the management of the president’s health by those close to him. This was especially the case in the weeks he was away to London for medical treatment. The impression we were given was that the president was not ill and was only undergoing laboratory tests from Nigeria House in London.

    It took the return and honesty of the President himself for Nigerians to get to know that he was really sick. When on return, he told the nation he has never been that sick in his life, it dawned on all that his handlers were all along, being economical with the truth. The President was also honest enough in hinting of the possibility of further medical checkup.

    The way he handled the matter and the fact that he transmitted a letter to the National Assembly for his vice to act before departure, endeared him to Nigerians and they fervently prayed for his quick recovery. During his absence, the Vice President did not allow any vacuum as he attended to state matters as if the President was on seat.

    In the last three weeks, the President has not been able to fully attend to state matters given his continuous absence from the Federal Executive Council meetings. Speculations have been rife as to his state of health with his media managers explaining that he is resting following advice from his doctors. That could be understood.

    But there are views that the President’s health is having a toll in the running of the affairs of the county especially given the enormous challenges confronting the nation. While some have called for full disclosure on the President’s health, others advised he should take some time to address his health challenges as his life is more important than the office he holds.

    If he adheres to the last option, it will again see him transferring power to his vice to act until he fully recovers. But there are vested interests within the corridors of power afraid of such scenario playing out again. And like the situation during Yar’Adua, they fear loss of influence and power should power be transferred to the vice to act. They want the President to be around for them to be wielding awesome powers from behind. They are propelled by the satisfaction of their selfish predilections irrespective of where that leads the country.

    That has been the greatest undoing of this country. That is why the contest for the presidency will remain largely bitter and rancorous until there is a fundamental restructuring of the polity. We cannot build national institutions with our current disposition to ethnic domination and primordial ascendancy.

    If the President’s health cannot permit him to fully attend to state matters, he should do the needful so that the wheel of the administration does not grind to a halt. We should learn from the mistakes of the Yar’Adua episode in the current handling of the President’s health.

  • Bestsellers among bestsellers

    Even among bestsellers there are bestsellers, meaning that there are super bestsellers. Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s reaction to a new book is a signal that the public should expect more books on the same subject.

    Jonathan’s reaction: “I have just read Segun Adeniyi’s new book, Against the Run of Play, which has so far enjoyed tremendous reviews in the media. My take on it is that the book as presented contains many distorted claims on the 2015 presidential election by many of the respondents.”

    He added:  “There will obviously be more books like that on this subject by concerned Nigerians. However, I believe that at the right time, the main characters in the election including myself will come out with a true account of what transpired either in major interviews or books.”

    Books have a way of shedding light on things that need illumination. This book by Adeniyi, Chairman of ThisDay Editorial Board, which was launched on April 28 in Lagos, offers a thought-provoking insight into the mind of former President Goodluck Jonathan. In other words, the book gives a picture of how Jonathan thinks and what he thinks.

    For instance, Jonathan said in the book: “The main problem I had was that the media and the civil society had conspired against me.” This is how Jonathan saw his unprogressive era that was brought to an end by an electoral red card in 2015.  He didn’t see, and perhaps couldn’t see, that he fell because he failed to perform.  It is absurd that he is blaming others for his failure. One question: Was he voted out of power by the media and the civil society?  Another question: Was he not booted out of power by the electorate?

    Another example shows how Jonathan still can’t see his obvious minuses that ultimately led to his unrealised re-election dream. He also said: “President Barack Obama and his officials made it very clear to me by their actions that they wanted a change of government in Nigeria and were ready to do anything to achieve that purpose…I got on well with Prime Minister David Cameron but at some point, I noticed that the Americans were putting pressure on him and he had to join them against me. But I didn’t realise how far President Obama was prepared to go to remove me until France caved in to the pressure from America.”

    So, Jonathan also blames America, Britain and France for his emphatic electoral defeat by Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who succeeded him two years ago. Rather than blame foreign powers for his fall, Jonathan needs to look inward. Does he really believe his performance as president should have earned him a second term?  If he really thinks so, then he probably needs help in two areas:  logical thinking and objective thinking.

    Jonathan’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is currently facing a crisis of survival, following its historic loss of federal power. It would appear that the party needs to rethink its existence. Jonathan’s self-righteous thinking on why he lost the presidential election and why his party lost its political dominance doesn’t help matters. This new book has further revealed how delusional thinking contributed to Jonathan’s great fall and the PDP’s mighty fall.

    About two years ago, a book on Jonathan was released about a week to the country’s controversially rescheduled March 28, 2015, presidential poll. The book, titled The People’s Choice, written by Rev. Fr. Charles Imokhan, was unveiled at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, on March 20, 2015.  The book’s title and the timing of its presentation spoke volumes about the publicity stunt; the author’s priestly status was also significant as it subtly suggested a spiritual endorsement.

    It is noteworthy that Jonathan reportedly thanked the author for “representing me to Nigerians.” According to him, “Because my story is a humble story and whenever I read write-ups about me, especially my personal account from my birth to when I got into the limelight as a deputy governor, most times the accounts are not very accurate.” Jonathan said of the book: “I think the only accurate account will be when I write when I leave office. But to some extent this particular account is reasonably close; the whole story has been captured except for minor details.”

    That book may be described as a bestseller of sorts, judging by how much money it attracted, reportedly N170m. It is a striking irony that The People’s Choice was a dubious bestseller about a brand that was hard to sell. The flattering attention that the book enjoyed from the zealous sycophants in Jonathan’s camp further mirrored a moral decay beyond comprehension.

    If the book launch was intended to influence the electorate in the presidential election, the political schemers and their dreamy objective scored a big zero. The people’s choice was determined by the people themselves and not by any predetermined plot by power desperadoes.

    It is good news that the National Leader of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, said at the launch of Adeniyi’s book that he was working on a book which would tell in detail the story of APC’s rise and PDP’s fall. There is no question about Tinubu’s pivotal role in the merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Congress for Progressive Change and All Nigeria Peoples Party to form the APC that presented Buhari as presidential candidate and defeated then incumbent President Jonathan.

    Tinubu’s media aide, Tunde Rahman, who represented him at the event, said: “Some have said that they will tell their story, Asiwaju is also working on his own book to tell his account of what transpired. To tell how he was able to mould the APC to the extent that it was able to unseat an incumbent president for the first time in the history of our contemporary politics.”

    Tinubu’s book is awaited with great expectation; so is Jonathan’s book. These will be bestsellers among bestsellers.  When these central characters tell their stories of how the APC rose and how the PDP fell, there will be further illumination.

  • Domiciliary president

    Domiciliary president

    We are today at a loss to define the state of the presidency. But more worrying, we are in a fog on the state of the president’s health. Is he asleep, is someone administering an injection, what sort of chemical, blue, red, green, thick, light, aphrodisiac, soporific, analgesic? Or is he asleep buried in a soft, seductive row of pillows, or is he buried in a pile of files?

    It is now a presidency that tasks the imagination. We cannot see him. We therefore imagine him. We imagine him in his sitting room, on a sofa. Is he having breakfast, or lunch, is he able to eat like other people? Does he remember or has he obliterated “the other room?”

    Is he agile? Does he have a regime of sturdy exercises? Is he more fragile than we think, his breath raspy to the ear? Is it all just a joke? Is the president all in fine fiddle while all of us fiddle with ideas that don’t exist? Our imagination is in a state of flux. The president is giddy in our minds. He is well, standing, eating, dizzy, laughing, squinting, in pain, growling, without appetite, gormandizing, helped to stand, showering without aid. A surreal presidency that inflicts our imagination with phantasmagoria.

    It is sad that we as citizens cannot vouch for the state of the man who presides over our lives? Is he fit to decide where the army should go or whether there is an army? Is he strong enough to determine whether he is strong enough?

    All we know is that the president does not attend Federal Executive Council (FEC), does not have to see his cabinet. That means the minister of labour can do his thing and the minister of agriculture can decide to abolish the plough.

    So, we have a president who is essentially home alone, if his office will now be in glorified vacancy, the seat permitted to spin in a cobweb, if the cleaner decides to stay home like the boss. What we have is therefore the making of a domiciliary president.

    It is instructive that the president has a few images in public. The most potent we have seen of late are pious. He appeared in the last two Fridays but one. He was clad for God, erect for God, smiling with diminutive Kaduna State Governor El-Rufai for God. Of course, we see him follow the rites of worship. I was about to characterise him as His Worshipful Excellency, a homage to T. M. Aluko’s novel, His Worshipful Majesty. But last Friday, the mosque did not see his holy shadow. So, he is more domiciliary than worshipful.

    But we saw false spiritual haloes around him when Lai Mohammed alleged that he skipped the FEC meeting because of Easter. But all of us did not show any rabbinical contempt for our work. So, we looked forward to the next meeting. But, then, he was not only absent, he offered to do the domestic. He said all the files should come to his home. That’s how we know a domiciliary president.

    Many leaders want to hide their illnesses. They do so not because it humanises them. Rather it makes them less so. While the farmer sweats away over his hoe, the seamstress sows a design into life and a computer whizz-kid whirs with new software, he is frail beside a healer in white frock and stethoscope, his heart hoarse.

    Much has been said about those past leaders who hid their afflictions. George Washington with his skin problem, Woodrow Wilson’s heart problem, and the heart attacks of William Harding and Dwight Eisenhower. Reagan could not work for more than an hour a day after his near fatal wound from the assassination. FDR was always on wheelchair but no television to expose the polio-ridden, handicapped man who led the world against Hitler. Perhaps the most charismatic of the 20th century American presidents had quite of few ailments. No one knew John F. Kennedy lived with Addison’s disease. The media knew of some of these presidential weaknesses but caved in to a deeper cultural affinity with secrecy.

    But the case with President Buhari causes us to worry. He left this country on the grounds of vacation and handed over to Vice- President Yemi Osinbajo. He arrived London and a vacation became a medical test, and then medical treatments and rest. We were not treated with facts but obfuscation.

    We were getting used to his resting abroad, only to hear him clatter into Abuja in a chopper. He had come to work. We thought the rest was over, but he said it was not over. He was not going to work at the normal rate and rhythm. In a nutshell, President Buhari admits he is not well but he will not let go. So, what is the nature of this illness? We don’t know.

    We are living with a president who embraces the good of democracy but not its demands of transparency. He is a democrat when he wins election, a feudal lord when it is time to give account. It has always been the problem with our democracy. We are not ready for the challenges of an open system. We have a fraudocracy. They are not only false to us. They lie when they call themselves patriots. What is sick is not that the president is sick but that the presidency wants to conceal it.

    His wife said he was captive to a cabal of power grabbers around him. Now, he is hostage to a fragility of health. This is a new definition of presidential double jeopardy. Poor health and power grabbers holding on to a septuagenarian clutching at presidential straws. The cabal did the same during the Yar’Adua months. They held on to him until one jeopardy cancelled another jeopardy and cancelled the cabal.

    Perhaps that is why the president wants to stay at home. This cabal rejects the prospect of not having Buhari see the files. They want him there to sign the files. He probably did not do that when he was out of the loop in Nigeria House in London. They shed some tears over that.

    But how long will he conceal his condition? The United States leaders concealed before the communication age. No leader can do that now. So, it pays this country if the president either works or resigns. He cannot be at once homey and home alone.

  • Living and dying in denial

    There is a certain defensiveness that could pass for denialism. Before our very eyes, President Muhammadu Buhari appears to be facing a life-threatening health challenge. It is a season of creative euphemisms employed by the president’s defenders to downplay the evidence of reality.

    A picture of things as they are was presented by Olalekan Adetayo and Bayo Akinloye in an April 23 Punch report: “Fresh anxiety is mounting over the state of health of President Muhammadu Buhari, who returned to the country on March 10 after a 49-day medical sojourn in London, United Kingdom. The 74-year-old Nigerian leader was only seen in public once throughout last week, when he joined other Muslim faithful for a Juma’at service on Friday at a mosque located near his office inside the Presidential Villa, Abuja.  The service lasted less than one hour after which Buhari returned to his residence. Before Friday’s brief appearance, the last time he was seen in public was penultimate Friday when he attended the same service at the same venue. Presidency sources attributed the president’s continuous non-appearance at public events to his ailing health and the need to take further rest.”

    The report continued: “One of our correspondents reported that, although some government officials were reported to have met with Buhari in his office during the week to update him on developments in their ministries, no photographs or video recordings of such encounters were made available by the Presidency, which was contrary to the usual practice. Although the government officials spoke with reporters after their separate meetings with the president, the absence of such photographs and video recordings raised doubts as to whether, indeed, the government officials met with the president.”

    This representation of reality landed the newspaper’s Presidential Villa watcher Adetayo in the soup as he was robotically expelled from Aso Rock   by Buhari’s Chief Security Officer (CSO), Bashir Abubakar. The revolting reaction has been reversed, but it is thought-provoking that Buhari’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, tweeted:  “We weren’t consulted in the media office by the CSO before he expelled the Punch reporter. President Buhari is committed to press freedom.” If this is true, then it would suggest that the president and his CSO are not necessarily on the same page when it comes to non-negotiable respect for press freedom. If that is the case, it is curious that this CSO is still the CSO.

    The defensive game took a less physical dimension with a response by Buhari’s   Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, to rising public criticism of the president’s serial absence from the regular meetings of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) which he is supposed to chair.  After another non-appearance by Buhari on April 26, Shehu said in a statement: “As eager as he is to be up and about, the president’s doctors have advised on his taking things slowly, as he fully recovers from the long period of treatment in the United Kingdom some weeks ago. President Buhari himself, on his return to the country, made Nigerians aware of the state of his health while he was in London. Full recovery is sometimes a slow process, requiring periods of rest and relaxation, as the Minister for Information, Lai Mohammed, intimated in his press briefing after the FEC meeting on Wednesday.”

    Shehu added: “Despite his lack of visibility, Nigerians should rest assured that President Buhari has not abdicated his role as Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces. He receives daily briefings on the activities of government, and confers regularly with his Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo. His private residence, where he has been spending the majority of his time recently, has a fully equipped office.” A question may be asked: If the president can work from home, does he really need another office outside his home?

    There are those who argue that Buhari’s poor health is bad enough to necessitate his resignation. Apparently, Buhari himself does not think so. Also, his loyalists do not think so.  But the truth cannot be denied. To go by appearances, President Buhari is in bad shape.  This perhaps explains the observation that the Presidency seems reluctant to share photos and videos of his alleged recent meetings with government functionaries “contrary to the usual practice.”

    If pictures are more graphic than words, it is easy to understand why the Presidency is sticking to words in conveying Buhari’s health condition. Pictures would tell it all; and Buhari’s defenders don’t want telling images.

    How long can the game last? Sooner or later, it will be so glaring that Buhari’s bad health cannot allow him to perform. What will happen when the country comes to the point that is beyond denial?

    It is interesting to observe the thinking of the opposition on this issue. The chairman of the Caretaker Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ahmed Makarfi, was quoted as saying: “My take is that if the president is not fully fit to stay in office, it is better that he tell Nigerians, so that the vice president will continue to be Acting President, exercising the powers of acting president. For a number of reasons, the PDP wishes the president well, for stability of this country, political stability, and the fact that we want to defeat a sitting president. We don’t want any confusion politically in this country. “

    This is agenda-setting thinking. Why must Buhari remain in office if his health does not permit it? To suggest that there will be “confusion politically” if Buhari is not well enough to continue in office is to insist that he must remain in office even if his health condition does not allow it.

    Living in denial happens; so does dying in denial.  A denial is a denial, and a denialist is a denialist. It remains to be seen whether denialism can resolve Buhari’s undeniable health condition and its undeniable implications.

    It is a critical juncture in the country’s progression, and the country’s progress may suffer retrogression just because of the president’s ill health and the denialism of the president and his defenders. .

  • The Nexus

    The Nexus

    Like a streak of light, alpha Governor Akinwunmi Ambode illumined the Nigerian economy at the opening of the ultra-modern headquarters of The Providus Bank in Lagos recently. He saw the chaos in the foreign exchange impact on interest rates. He did not like it. He called the Federal Government and the CBN to harmonise them. Barely a week later, former central bank governor Chukwuma Soludo articulated the same sentiment.

    Governor Ambode was speaking as the man at the crest the creative hub of Africa’s fifth-largest economy. He mooted the idea as a nexus between investment and prosperity. The giddy up-and-down of the current exchange rates makes for an unstable market and it spills onto investment market where all labour is hired and profit minted.

    He also said this as a dreamer. The governor sits in the middle of transformational ideas like the Lagos Smart City projects, fourth mainland bridge, Oshodi transport interchange, Badagry Deep Sea Port, Lekki Free Trade Zone among others.

    He showed this verve at the weekend at the Guild of Editors convention when he said, “recession is not a crime,” rather it is a wake-up call to reset the economy’s buttons. Infrastructure is the main key. That is what he is doing with massive infrastructure work, one of the signal landmark is the Abule-Egba bridge that will open in a few weeks and turn a riot and rut of traffic into thoroughfare.

    He needs the dollars and rates to coalesce in a stable atmosphere, not only for his projects but also for the suite of big investors who partner Lagos for a raft of ambitious projects. Where most states struggle to pay salaries, Lagos is humming as a major buoy of the Nigerian economy. All stops in its way should step away.